Category: Commentaries

  • Abba Yusuf, Kwankwaso and politics of mandate

    Abba Yusuf, Kwankwaso and politics of mandate

    • By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

    Sir: In Kano today, politics is no longer whispered in corridors; it is argued loudly in markets, mosques and on social media timelines. Since Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s reported decision to part ways with the NNPP, the city has become a theatre of competing loyalties, sharp sarcasm and deeper constitutional questions. Supporters have reduced complex political choices into street labels. Beneath the banter, however, lies a serious national issue: who truly owns a political mandate?

    Governor Abba Yusuf did not emerge from a vacuum. His ascent to the Kano Government House was inseparable from the Kwankwasiyya political machinery, a movement painstakingly built by Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso over two decades. From red caps to ideological messaging, the movement transcended party platforms and became a political identity. In the 2023 elections, many voters did not merely vote for a party; they voted for Kwankwasiyya as a symbol of continuity, defiance and populist appeal.

    Yet, Abba Yusuf is no ceremonial beneficiary. He contested, won, survived legal battles and now governs with all the constitutional powers vested in an elected governor. His mandate, in law, is personal. Once sworn in, no political godfather—however influential—can legally issue directives from outside the Government House. This is where the tension lies: the clash between moral ownership of political capital and constitutional authority of office.

    Kwankwaso’s influence in Kano politics is undeniable. Beyond elections, he represents a moral compass for millions who see him as a symbol of resistance against elite dominance. His supporters’ anger is therefore not merely partisan; it is emotional and ideological. To them, Abba Yusuf’s political identity was inseparable from Kwankwaso’s shadow.

    However, governance demands autonomy. A governor who appears perpetually tethered to an external authority risks administrative paralysis and legitimacy questions. Abba Yusuf’s defenders argue that Kano cannot be governed from outside its constitutional structures. They insist that the electorate voted not just for Kwankwaso’s endorsement but for Abba Yusuf’s promise to lead.

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    The real casualty in this contest, unfortunately, risks being governance itself. When political energy is consumed by loyalty tests and factional supremacy, policy focus suffers. Kano’s challenges—urban congestion, youth unemployment, education deficits and security concerns—require a governor fully immersed in administration, not constant political firefighting.

    There is also the electoral implication. While Kwankwasiyya remains a formidable grassroots force, incumbency is a powerful weapon. State resources, visibility and administrative control can reshape political narratives quickly. The assumption that loyalty automatically translates into electoral dominance may underestimate the pragmatism of Nigerian voters, especially when power dynamics shift.

    Yet, Abba Yusuf’s path is equally fraught. Detaching from a movement that delivered his victory carries political costs. Kano’s electorate is emotionally invested, and symbols matter. If his administration fails to convincingly outperform expectations, the narrative of ingratitude could harden into electoral punishment.

    Ultimately, this is not just a Kano story; it is a Nigerian one. It forces a national reflection on whether mandates belong to parties, movements, godfathers or the individuals elected by the people. The Constitution is clear, but politics rarely is.

    Perhaps the wisest outcome lies not in triumph or humiliation but in recalibration. Political movements must learn to institutionalise beyond personalities, while elected officials must acknowledge the moral debts that brought them to power. Neither absolute loyalty nor total independence offers a sustainable path.

    In Nigeria’s democracy, mandate is both a legal instrument and a moral contract. Kano’s unfolding drama reminds us that ignoring either side of that equation comes at a cost—sometimes heavier than any political suffering.

    •Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu,

    Abuja.

  • Significance of FCT Civil Service Commission in Nigeria’s administrative history

    Significance of FCT Civil Service Commission in Nigeria’s administrative history

    There is every conceivable reason to celebrate and properly situate the emergence and functional relevance of the Federal Capital Territory Civil Service Commission (FCT-CSC) in Nigeria’s administrative history, even if the significance of this is not obvious to any but an administrative historian or public administration researcher. In 2018, a legislative bill approving the establishment of the FCT-CSC was passed into law. Like the federal and state CSC, it was charged with the responsibility of the appointment, promotion, discipline and transfer of civil servants within the civil service system of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. The eventual passing of this law has been long in the making, especially since the constitutional establishment of the Federal Civil Service Commission and the State Civil Service Commission raises the crucial issue of federal inclusivity and administrative effectiveness, especially for sub-national entity. But I am jumping ahead of my narrative already!

    In 1976, an act legislating the establishment of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja was passed to law. There was also the establishment of the Federal Capital Territory Development Authority (FCTDA) to oversee the administrative necessities of not only transferring the federal capital from Lagos to Abuja, but also of administering municipal services while also articulating the Abuja master plan with the objective of infrastructural development. Within the grand national vision, Abuja, more than Lagos, is meant to realize the federal vision of a centrally located and neutral geographical zone that could symbolically speak to Nigeria’s federal aspiration. My argument in this piece is that the significance of the creation of the FCT in 1976 has finally been realized with the establishment of the FCT-CSC as the frontline and constitutionally enabled administrative gatekeeping institution that will strengthen the subnational component in the collective desire for a change management dynamic that will enable the institutional reform of the civil service system in Nigeria. Abuja is the final plank in the overall systemic strategy to articulate a reform programme that captures the entirety of the Nigerian state and its administrative objectives.

    Coming in as the newest CSC, after more than seven decades since the founding of the civil service commission in Nigeria, the FCT-CSC is not only enjoying the privileges of grand attention to the emergence of a public service within a territory enjoying a mini-state status. It is also coming at a time when there is an ongoing and renewed enthusiasm about launching and consolidating an institutional and administrative reform to backstop the dynamics of the Renewed Hope Agenda of the Tinubu administration. And under the able leadership of my colleague, Engr. Emeka Ezeh, as the Chairman, the FCT-CSC has fully capitalized on its newness to adopt and domesticate twenty-first century administrative and performance practices while also connecting with the FCSC’s strategic plan to exhibit itself as the poster CSC in the overall challenge of making Nigeria work through its civil and public service system as the institutional mechanism for grounding the performance of a developmental state in Nigeria.

    The emergence of the FCT-CSC participates in the global significance of civil service commission in administrative history. The idea of the civil service commission owes its contemporary understanding to the consistent efforts of the British government and its civil service to keep iterating reform measures that would make the system increasingly more efficient and functional. In 1854, two important administrative developments—the Report on the Indian Civil Service and the Northcote-Trevelyan Report—were the results of an intense interrogation of the civil service system, and the urgent need to safeguard it against abnormal and unprofessional recruitment practices whose terrible consequences undermined the efficiency the British government, through its civil service, to cater for the needs of her citizens.

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    The two reports outline the structure of a framework that will ensure (i) recruitment would be through an open and competitive examination that will facilitate an entry requirement that guarantees a merit system; (ii) new recruits would require a generalist education that will enable inter-departmental staff transfers; (iii) recruitment would integrate new entrants into a hierarchical structure of grades from the most mechanical to the most intellectual; and (iv) promotion and career progression would be on the basis of merit and not patronage or preferment. These four premises became the basis for the establishment of the Civil Service Commission in the United Kingdom. And they consolidated the earlier practice in the United States, through the Pendleton Act of 1883, which not only undermine the American spoil system, but the establishment of the significance of competitive examination as the criterion for ensuring entry into the civil service based on a meritocratic standard.    

    These are the global predecessors that ground the critical emergence of the FCT-CSC as a cogent dimension of the FCSC in Nigeria’s public administration. There are two fundamental reasons why the coming into reckoning of the FCT-CSC is a key feature in the annals of administrative and institutional engineering in Nigeria. First, establishing the FCT-CSC carries the overall burden of gatekeeping the professionalism and meritocracy of the civil service system in Nigeria. That objective cannot be achieved while leaving out a significant subnational part like Abuja. There are a lot of gaps and administrative impediments in MDAs that lack adequately and functional supervision from CSC that enable significant sharp practices and unprofessional relations that undermine the performance and productivity of the civil service. The political interference in the internal governance dynamics of the public service, the lack of a civil service commission, and the prebendal framework that creep into recruitment, all go to undermine the constitutional independence of the civil service. It enables certain corrupt tendencies, especially in the implementation of the federal character principle as a critical component of the diversity management praxis, that steadily chip away at the public spiritedness and the meritocratic basis of performance management in the civil service. Merit is often thrown away on the altar of political and administrative patronage.   

    The second reason for the significance of the establishment and operational functionality of the FCT-CSC is that it removes the gross injustice and arbitrariness of limiting the career management options of the civil servants who are really committed to their vocation. The zenith of the civil service profession is the position of either a permanent secretary or the head of service. Unfortunately, and for the last several decades, civil servants in the FCT have had to retire without the option of getting to the zenith of their career. Indeed, and within this unjust administrative and institutional practice, becoming a permanent secretary to the FCT has remained one of the juiciest posting in the Federal Civil Service; a posting that steps on the aspirations of those who have the capacities to become permanent secretaries or head of service in their own right. One can then begin to see how removing the FCT from the ambit of administrative and governance framework that conditions the understanding of a civil service system in the Commonwealth especially can limit the overall understanding of even the very aspiration for institutional reform in Nigeria. And so, with deep appreciation to the institutional thinking of the indefatigable Minister Nyesom Wike, the 2018 Act establishing the FCT-CSC, which has been aging due to lack of political will to jumpstart its implementation, has finally been resolved. The FCT-CSC has now fully connected with the FCSC and its strategic implementation plan to reposition the civil service system in Nigeria as a genuinely noble vocation that will serve as the administrative mechanism for performance managing the Renewed Hope Agenda of the Tinubu administration.

    In specific terms, the two-fold objective of the FCSC in achieving the above goal is, on the one hand, to gatekeep the public administration profession through a strict oversight on and implementation of a standardized merit system.

    This starts from the recruitment and entry modalities and down to the entirety of the diversity management framework, including the federal character principle. On the other hand, the FCSC is keen on transforming the CSCs into expert hubs that reflect a reformed public administration governance and human resource management professionalism that is crucially the backbone of the aspiration of the Nigerian state to become fully developmental. Overall, the FCSC aims to implement a strategy that calls on the collective cooperation of all stakeholders to restore competency-based human resource management in the Nigerian civil service and the public sector by extension.

    By fully aligning with the FCSC’s strategic implementation plan, in a similar way that states, like Abia, are enthusiastically already doing, we hope that in the years ahead—while the Renewed Hope Agenda keeps unraveling productively—we will be able to put the FCSC strategic plan in full implementation.

    The FCSC strategic plan is founded on four fundamental and correlated goals: (a) merit-based appointment that sees to institutionalize transparent, technology-driven recruitment aligned with federal character and meritocracy; (b) performance-driven promotion that will enable the system to link career progression with competence, measurable outputs, and accountability through modern performance management systems; (c) ethical transparency as the basis for strengthening fairness, firmness, and efficiency implementing disciplinary and ethical safeguards; and (d) institutional capacity development that instigate the civil service system to modernize governance, ICT, infrastructure, financial management, and staff welfare, as means of benchmarking globally acceptable HR practices.

    To arrive at a sense of direction that the FCSC needs to take in order to be able to adequately translate these pillars of institutional reform into implementational success, we deemed it fit, as a first order of business, to carry out some basic housekeeping diagnosis, including a PPESTLE—physical infrastructure, political, economic, social, technological, legal and environmental factors—and SWOT—strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats—analyses to determine the capacity and capability of the FCSC to initiate the strategic plan. This was also followed (a) desk reviews on civil/public service commissions in different jurisdictions, and (b) wide consultations with stakeholders to understand their needs and expectations from the Commission. And as a second step, the FCSC has commenced putting in place reform imperatives around which her capability can emerge:

    1.           Appointment of a certified human resource expert professionals to head the secretariats of the service commissions across the federation at earliest time possible.

    2.           Deployment of an initial cohort of certified and retrained HR professionals, drawn from serving federal officers in the administrative officer pool, as pioneer core staff to serve in the FCSC for an initial minimum of five years in the first instance.

    3.           Fresh recruitment and solicitation of a critical mass of expert HR professionals under special arrangement to set up a new professionalized FCSC secretariat.

    4.           Renovate and totally overhaul the deplorable FCSC complex into an enhanced working environment for staff to provide enhanced working environment for staffn

    5.           Modernization of service commissions core operations and processes through computerization and digitization

    6.           Institution of monitoring, evaluation and reporting systems that allow Commissions’ proper oversight over the power delegated to the MDAs

    7.           Strengthening policy and research hubs within the Service Commissions to facilitate town and gown synergy that leverages research and intellectual capacities of public administration and policy scholars and practitioners for knowledge management and problem solving

    8.           Strengthening the Commission’s ongoing collaborative and partnership efforts with states’ CSC, regional and global communities of practice and service

    It is within the context of all these unfolding developments around the FCSC’s strategic and implementation plan that the significance of the FCT-CSC becomes all the more important. The FCSC in a word has another strategic partner that could strengthen her resolve in enhancing the professionalism and performance capability of the civil service to leap-jump the Renewed Hope Agenda into democratic reckoning.

    • Olaopa Chairman Federal Civil Service Commission & Professor of Public Administration Abuja

  • From gun-blazing to partners: Appraising Tinubu’s diplomatic masterclass

    From gun-blazing to partners: Appraising Tinubu’s diplomatic masterclass

    By Dada Olusegun

    In the volatile theatre of international relations, where a single tweet or a misplaced word can trigger a diplomatic meltdown, the hallmark of authentic leadership is the ability to maintain composure under fire. Recently, Nigeria found itself at the centre of such a storm.

    Following intense pressure, United States President Donald Trump designated Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) in November 2025. This designation, rooted in allegations of “Christian persecution,” was accompanied by a characteristically blunt threat: to enter Nigeria “guns-a-blazing” to resolve the security crisis.

    For many, this was a moment for panic. And for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, however, it was an opportunity for a diplomatic masterclass—a strategic pivot that transformed a threat of violation into a triumph of partnership.

    The Calm Amidst the Storm

    The timing of the US designation was particularly “bleep,” coming on the heels of the tragic Kwara church attack in mid-November 2025. During a live-streamed worship session at a Christ Apostolic Church branch in Eruku, terrorists abducted dozens of worshippers, providing fuel for a narrative that Nigeria was undergoing religious cleansing.

    While critics clamoured for a combative response to Washington’s accusations, President Tinubu chose the path of intellectual honesty and fact-based engagement. He recognised that while attacks in Christian-dominated areas like Yelwata and Jos are devastating, they are often the result of complex factors like resource competition, ethnic friction, and farmer-herder clashes rather than state-sanctioned religious cleansing. Crucially, the administration pointed to the equal, if not greater, suffering in Muslim-dominated enclaves in Zamfara, Borno, and Katsina, where terrorism knows no faith.

    The Ribadu Mission: Dismantling Misconceptions

    Instead of engaging in a public war of words, Tinubu deployed his National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, to Washington. This move was a calculated “chess move” in diplomacy.

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    Ribadu’s mandate was clear: dismantle the misconceptions brick by brick. By meeting with the US Secretary of War and members of Congress, the Nigerian delegation presented the reality of the government’s efforts, including:

     * Record-Breaking Security Spending: N3.85 trillion in 2024 and an unprecedented N4.9 trillion in the 2025 budget.

     * Improved Coordination: The centralisation of intelligence under the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA).

     * Sovereign Transparency: Inviting US delegations for fact-finding missions to see the ground reality beyond the headlines.

    From Threats to Tactical Success

    The results of this “cool-headed” approach were swift and significant. The “guns-blazing” rhetoric was replaced by the first-ever joint intelligence-led operation between the US and Nigeria. In late December 2025, US-led intelligence and air support resulted in the successful bombing of terrorist enclaves in Sokoto state, neutralising hundreds of Lakurawa terrorists. This group had been terrorising the North West.

    This collaboration did not stop at kinetic operations. By Tuesday, January 13, 2026, the United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) confirmed the delivery of critical military supplies to Abuja.

    Furthermore, the US has moved to fast-track the sale of advanced military aircraft to Nigeria, a move that would have been unthinkable just months prior during the height of the CPC tensions.

    A Master Strategist at the Helm

    President Tinubu has demonstrated that he is a leader who knows when to be firm and when to be flexible. By refusing to be baited into a defensive crouch, he forced the “almighty” USA to move from a position of judgment to one of active participation.

    The transition from being a target of US threats to being a “critical security partner” is no accident;

    Dada is Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Digital Media

  • When failure refuses to win: What Koleosho teaches us about success

    When failure refuses to win: What Koleosho teaches us about success

    By Arabinrin Aderonke

    In today’s world, failure is rarely allowed breathing space. Once the numbers dip, the verdict is swift: cancel, mock, move on. Careers are pronounced dead not by time, but by trending charts and online commentary.

    Ibrahim Yekini, popularly known as Itele, knows this reality too well.

    When Kesari hit the screens, it failed to meet expectations. The box office numbers were weak. Viewer reactions were unforgiving. Almost instantly, ridicule followed. In a digital culture that treats poor performance as permanent incompetence, many believed the story had ended.

    It had not.

    Rather than retreat, Itele chose persistence, a decision that runs against modern logic. In an industry now governed by analytics and algorithms, failure is often seen not as a lesson, but as disqualification.

    Yet he pressed on.

    Despite the data, despite public dissatisfaction, despite the noise, he returned with Koleosho, a film that arrived quietly, without hype or inflated expectations. I hardly watch television except when absolutely necessary, but I was introduced to the movie by my spouse. What was expected to be simple comedy and everyday storytelling turned into something far more significant.

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    Koleosho is now doing remarkable numbers globally, breaking records for homemade Nigerian movies on YouTube. The same digital space that once amplified ridicule is now broadcasting success.

    The irony is instructive.

    In a society increasingly obsessed with instant validation, we have forgotten that progress is often untidy.

    We worship data but misunderstand its limits. Numbers measure outcomes, not potential. They capture moments, not destinies.

    What Kesari represented was not failure of ability, but a stage in growth. What Koleosho represents is the reward of endurance.

    This comeback is not merely about entertainment. It speaks to a broader Nigerian reality where entrepreneurs fold businesses after one loss, professionals abandon dreams after one rejection, and creators silence themselves after one bad review.

    Yet, history, personal and national rarely belongs to those who quit early. Itele’s resurgence reminds us that resilience remains one of the most underrated currencies of success. Not every stumble is a signal to stop. Sometimes, it is evidence that refinement is underway. Failure, when confronted honestly, becomes education. Persistence turns it into advantage.

    The lesson from Koleosho is simple but profound: yesterday’s disappointment does not have the authority to cancel tomorrow’s breakthrough.

    In a time when society rushes to label, dismiss and move on, this story insists on patience with ourselves and with others.

    Because sometimes, what looks like the end is merely the interval before a stronger second act.

    And for those bold enough to return after failing publicly, the sky is not just the limit, it is the starting point.

    Arabinrin Aderonke Atoyebi is an award-winning investigative journalist, policy analyst, and Finalist, 2016 CNN Africa Journalist Award. She writes from Abuja.

  • He was the best of New Nigerian’s “Young Turks”

    He was the best of New Nigerian’s “Young Turks”

    By Mohammed Haruna

    Alhaji Yakubu Mohammed, a co-founder of Newswatch who died in the early hours of Wednesday January 14 aged 75, and myself were friends and professional colleagues of over 50 years. This goes back to our days of reporting and writing for the defunct New Nigerian as undergraduates, he from the University of Lagos {UNILAG) and I from Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), Zaria.

    Both of us joined the newspaper, once regarded as the most literate, authoritative and independent in the country, as full time staff in 1976 after our National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) year in 1975. He had served with the newspaper as a youth corper at its headquarters in Kaduna on its own request, and I at a Catholic secondary school in Ozuobulu, near Nnewi, in Anambra State.

    I had wanted to serve at the newspaper’s Lagos office but the late Malam Turi Muhammadu, then the Editor and mentor to both Yakubu and myself, told me he was sorry he couldn’t oblige me because NYSC gave the newspaper only one slot. And, given the fact that even as an amateur reporter as a student of Mass Communication Yakubu had beaten other national, many of them older, newspapers to big stories like the forged certificates admission racket at UNILAG in 1974, he was the obvious choice.

    I couldn’t quarrel with the newspaper’s decision, but belonging to the same Nupe ethnic group and coming from the same Bida town in Niger State with Malam Turi, I had thought he would made a case for me with the NYSC to be posted to the newspaper’s Lagos office. Instead, he urged me to accept my posting.

    Malam Turi’s decision spoke volumes about the New Nigerian as a newspaper which put great store on merit and professionalism, values that reflected in the quality of its journalism and the rigour and pungency of its editorials and articles in those good old days.

    Apart from Yakubu and myself, three other graduates joined its editorial department in the same year, namely, Mvendaga Jibo, currently a professor of Journalism at Benue State University, Sule Iyaji and Rufa’i Ibrahim, both of them late. Actually, Mvendaga who, along with Rufa’i, had graduated in Political Science from the University of Ibadan in 1974, had joined the newspaper the year before us. But then shortly after his appointment he left to pursue a Masters in the UK on a Commonwealth Scholarship before returning in 1976 to rejoin the newspaper.

    Before Mvendaga, Sully Abu had been recruited in late 1972 after his Higher School Certificate from Federal Government College, Sokoto, where he was editor-in-chief of its Press Club. He then rejoined as full time staff in 1978 after his graduation from the University of Ibadan and youth service.  

    A year or so later, we were joined by Clem Baiye (who, like me, had also reported and written for the newspaper as a student in ABU) and Musa Shafi’i. Musa came in from Bayero University, Kano.

    As Yakubu said in his recollection of his days at the New Nigerian in his memoir, Beyond Expectations, Malam Turi fondly labelled the eight of us “Young Turks” on account of the rigorous way we always engaged him, and the management in general, on the content of the newspaper in and out of editorial meetings.

    Together the eight of us got on very well with each other like a house on fire, as the English would say. Sadly, this happy relationship did not last for long. First, Jibo who had been appointed Political Editor on his return from the UK, disagreed on policy with the management over an issue and was asked to resign, which he did. Rufa’i joined him in solidarity and both left to join the Daily Times. Next, Sully left to become the spokesman of the late Alhaji Abubakar Rimi, the radical civilian governor of Kano State under the leftish Peoples Redemption Party (PRP).

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    After that, Iyaji left to work for Peugeot Automobile Company of Nigeria in Kaduna as its spokesman. That left Yakubu, Clem, Musa and myself out of the eight “Young Turks”, with Yakubu as the first among equals in the team, as the newspaper’s second Associate Editor in Lagos. The first was the late Chief Mike Pearse.

    We remained a happy and cohesive bunch until the return of civilian rule in October 1979 which came with a change in the leadership of the newspaper when Malam Turi, who had succeeded Malam Mamman Daura as Managing Director, was replaced by the late Alhaji Tukur Othman, himself a veteran of the newspaper.

    Sadly, matters started to take a turn for the worse under Alhaji Tukur. When the new civilian authorities in Lagos started meddling in the running of the newspaper, he, unlike his predecessors, did little to pushback. On the contrary, he aided and abetted their meddlesomeness.

    Yakubu became the first victim of this interference. His story of how he was almost literally pushed out in 1980 from a newspaper he had grown to love so much, is one of the highlights of his memoire which he presented to the public in Lagos – his second home after his hometown of Ologba in Dekina Local Government of Kogi State – barely two months ago on November 4.

    Much as I had wanted to, I could not attend the presentation because of an exigency of work at INEC. But we kept in touch during and after the preparations for the presentation. On one occasion shortly after the presentation, he suggested that the two of us sit down to write the full story of New Nigerian as soon as my second tenure as a National Commissioner at INEC ended in February next year. Our common mentor, Malam Turi, had written an authoritative story of its first twenty years.

    If, as I said above, Yakubu was the first victim of the Federal authorities’ meddlesomeness in the management of the New Nigerian, I almost became the second – but, in part, for one fortuitous encounter in the early eighties Yakubu had with then military President Ibrahim Babangida at the Victoria Island, Lagos, residence of a friend they shared.

    Before that fateful encounter, I had acted as the Editor of the newspaper for eleven months following the suspension of the substantive Editor, Malam Ibrahim Suleiman, as a result of a hot verbal altercation he had on the premises of the company with the late former Governor of the old North-West State, retired Commissioner of Police Usman Farouk. The altercation was over the Police commissioner’s campaign for the creation of Gombe State out of the old Bauchi State. While Malam Ibrahim was from Bauchi, Alhaji Usman was from Gombe. 

    Whereas Malam Ibrahim was not reinstated, I was never confirmed. Instead, the late Dan Agbese, who was then acting as the Secretary to the Government of Benue State and who was already a highly respected veteran journalist and had indeed worked for New Nigerian before pursuing a first degree in Journalism at UNILAG, was appointed as the Editor and I was made his Deputy. It was as Deputy Editor that, for some inexplicable reason, the management suddenly deployed me to the Marketing Department.

    Before my deployment, I had been admitted by the Graduate School of Journalism of Columbia University, New York, for a Master’s degree and the company had accepted to sponsor me for the course. Again, for some inexplicable reason, it suddenly withdrew its sponsorship. Worse, it said if I insisted on going ahead, I would have to resign, as the course had no relevance to my new job.

    Eventually the company relented on this insistence. Even then it was clear for all to see that something mischievous and malicious was afoot.

    It seems President Babangida had an inkling of my travails because, according to Yakubu, he asked after me during their said encounter. As he told it in his memoire, Babangida had jokingly asked him how he could tell between Yakubu and myself, both of us being rather smallish in stature and having a similarity of sorts in our names.

    My most distinguishing feature, Yakubu said he replied Babangida, was that I wore a “trendy” eyeglass and he did not wear any at that time. Babangida then asked him if he knew what was happening to me at the New Nigerian. It was then that he gave him details of my travails and Babangida told him to ask me to call him.

    Of course, I called him shortly after that. Consequently, I was able to pursue my Masters programme in comfort. And less than two years after the end of the programme in May 1984 and following my resumption of work, the man appointed me as the Managing Director of the newspaper. Needless to say, I can never forget Yakubu’s hand in this fulfilment of the dream of my career.

    As the Hausas would say, “Hassada ga mairabo taki”, roughly meaning “Envy is the fertilizer of another man’s success.” Either those apparently envious of Yakubu’s progress at the New Nigerian never heard of this proverb or they never believed in it. Either way, his unhappy departure from the newspaper landed him on a more personally and professionally rewarding job as the Deputy Editor of the since defunct National Concord at the personal invitation of its publisher, the late Chief MKO Abiola. At that time the late Dr. Doyin Abiola (nee Aboaba) had joined Concord from Daily Times where she was Features Editor, to become the first woman to edit a national newspaper. In time Doyin moved up to become the newspaper’s Managing Director/Editor-in-Chief and Yakubu became the Editor.

    Towards the end of his four years with Concord, it and its Sunday stablemate then edited by Dele Giwa, who, like Doyin, had already made a name for himself as an editor and columnist at Daily Times, overtook Daily Times as the widest circulating newspaper in the country, with over 410,000 copies sold per edition. Not only that, the stable was doing so well financially that it became the cash cow of the publisher’s group of companies.

    Not surprisingly, envy eventually reared its ugly head again, but this time not just against Yakubu, but also against Dele and Ray Ekpu who had also joined the Concord stable from Daily Times as Chairman of its editorial board. Soon enough the publisher succumbed to the gossips from those who regarded the three top stars of his stable as “stranger elements” because they, unlike the Chief, were not Yorubas and were therefore presumably not sufficiently loyal.

    Eventually he queried all three over an unsigned allegation that they were stealing his money and generally living it up at the company’s expense. The allegation seemed to have been based on an IOU of five thousand Naira the three had taken to check into an hotel to jointly transcribe the exclusive first interview General Muhammadu Buhari gave any newspaper following his coup against the Second Republic under President Shehu Shagari on the last day of December 1983. 

    The publisher seemed to have found their replies to his query satisfactory because not only did he not sack them, he apologized to them and acknowledged that they were men of the highest integrity.

    However, no sooner had the dust over the false accusation settle, Chief Abiola, for apparently no reason, singled out Dele for a sack. It was a weekend and he gave him until the following Monday to resign or get fired. Yakubu, who was on holidays abroad at the time, advised Dele not to resign over a fortuitous phone call he had made to his colleague. This, he said, was because he didn’t see how any publisher would be able to explain to the world why an editor that was doing so well would be fired.

    Dele heeded Yakubu’s advice and called his publisher’s bluff. In the end he was only demoted sideways to serve as a member of the Editorial Board under his friend, Ray.

    By now it was obvious to the three that their days in Concord were numbered. Yakubu then decided to revisit the idea that was first sold to him in 1982 by his wealthy Lagos based maternal uncle, Alhaji Ibrahim Bilyaminu Yusufu, to start the first weekly newsmagazine in Nigeria in the mold of the American Time or Newsweek. 

    All three resigned on the same day in February 1984 and decided to establish Newswatch. In this they were joined by Dan Agbese who had accepted their invitation at a time he too saw that his tenure as Editor of New Nigerian was becoming tenuous. And, typical of Yakubu as someone one of who’s defining virtues was modesty, he took the backseat and allowed the three who were his seniors by age and profession to lead in running the company, even though the initiative was his and he also did much of the running around to get the funding.

    The rest, as they say, is now History; for over 27 years after it first hit the streets in 1984, the newsmagazine, as I said in my obituary to it in my syndicated column of September 19, 2012, following its controversial and fatal acquisition by the equally controversial businessman, Mr. Jimoh Ibrahim (now a Senator), became “the reference point of good professional journalism in Nigeria, perhaps even on the continent and beyond.” For, not only did it win many prestigious awards, locally and abroad. It also inspired, and outlasted many other newsmagazines, including my own Citizen.

    Yakubu left his big footprints not only in Nigerian Journalism. He did so well beyond the profession. Among other things, he served meritoriously as Pro-Chancellor and Chairman of the Council of Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, and the Federal University, Birnin Kebbi.

    Even more importantly, he had, long before then, leveraged on his personal connections with military President Babangida to help bring about the creation of Kogi State where his Igala ethnic group was the majority. This was in August 1991.

    Ironically, the one signal failure he suffered in life was when he tried twice, and failed twice, to contest for the Governorship of his State, first in 2007 and then in 2015.

    But anyone who knew the man would not be surprised at his failure in politics. To quote Professor Olatunji Dare’s Forward to his memoire, Yakubu simply “was not cut out for the dirty tricks, the betrayals and the sordid deals that are the elements of the game.”

    As you can guess, his death in the early hours of January 14, barely two months after the presentation of his memoire, came to me as a big shock. As soon I arrived Lagos on January 8 for an INEC retreat and workshop, I called him to let him know I would be visiting him over the weekend so that he can take me to Dan Agbese’s home in FESTAC Village to visit his widow, Rose. He didn’t pick or return my call, which was a bit of a surprise. I then followed up with a text.

    However, in the morning of January 10, he replied asking me to confirm if my visit to see Rose was still on. I replied in the affirmative but said I wouldn’t need to go with him anymore since I had called Rose for her address. He then called later in the evening but I couldn’t pick because we were in session at the retreat. I texted him accordingly and told him I’ll call back as soon as the session was over. I did call back but again he didn’t pick.

    On Sunday morning he sent me a text to say I needed not bother to visit him after seeing Rose because he had been hospitalized and added that “We shall arrange to see later but Alhamdulillah it is not alarming.”

    In the evening of that same day, I sent him a text to say I couldn’t visit Rose that day because I was down with malaria over the weekend but would still do so the following Monday. I then asked him if I could still visit him after seeing Rose.

    Sadly, his reply at 7:04 pm that Sunday night turned out to be the last contact we would make. “Please,” he said, “take it easy. By the time you cover Festac you will discover there is no time left. But let us keep our fingers crossed. I did not imagine I would spend a fourth night in the clinic.”

    Man, as the saying goes, only proposes, but it is only God that disposes as He wills. Yakubu proposed that we kept our figures crossed in the hope that he would recover from his illness. But three days later God decided otherwise.

    May Allah grant him Aljanna Firdaus and give the friends and relations alike he has left behind the strength to bear his great loss. Amen.

    • Mohammed Haruna is National Commissioner, INEC, Abuja.

  • Fela vs.Wizkid FC: Generational greatness and ethics of comparison

    Fela vs.Wizkid FC: Generational greatness and ethics of comparison

    Every generation possesses an inalienable right to define its own heroes. While history records figures whose greatness transcends time and epochs, it is neither natural nor just to deny succeeding generations the freedom to recognise excellence within their own cultural moment. Greatness is not a finite resource, and it is not inherited by negation. Each individual must be allowed to pursue significance independent of the shadows cast by predecessors. People sometimes fail to realise how transitions between generations can be rough. Social transitions can sometimes be filled with tension and misunderstanding. Paradoxically, many figures now revered as icons were, in their own time, misunderstood, resisted or outright disdained.

    If this paradox were not true, one must ask why figures such as Gani Fawehinmi appear greater in death than they ever were in life. In memory, he is celebrated as the Senior Advocate of the Masses, a tireless defender of the oppressed and an uncompromising voice against military dictatorship. Despite these, when he sought political power through the same masses whose cause he championed, their support was conspicuously scarce. He contested elections. He presented himself for leadership. And the inevitable question arises: how many people truly voted for him?

    This contradiction exposes an uncomfortable truth about society’s relationship with heroism. We often admire courage at a safe distance but hesitate to shoulder the cost of standing with it in real time. We canonise what we once resisted. We sanctify in retrospect what we could not accommodate in the present. It is only after their departure that society fully grasps the magnitude of the vacuum they leave behind.

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    A further complication arises from our obsession with comparison. We habitually ask: Who is greater? Messi or Ronaldo? Wole Soyinka or Chinua Achebe? Alabi Pasuma or Saheed Osupa? Jay-Jay Okocha or Kanu Nwankwo? Dangote or Otedola? King Sunny Ade or Ebenezer Obey? Obafemi Awolowo or Nnamdi Azikiwe?

    These questions, while popular, are shallow. They collapse distinct contexts and purposes of excellence into a false hierarchy. One is compelled to ask: toward what end are these comparisons made? What truth do they ultimately reveal, beyond inflaming sentiment and rivalry?

    Fela Anikulapo Kuti was undeniably great. That fact is not open to dispute. His artistic genius and political courage remain potent nearly three decades after he died. His continued relevance is itself evidence of the depth of his legacy. But greatness is not diminished because another generation finds resonance in a different figure. Also, celebrating contemporary excellence does not amount to erasing historical significance.

    Can anyone today claim to surpass Fela? Such a claim is premature, or perhaps incoherent. Legacy is not adjudicated in real time. It matures through decades of cultural endurance and critical reassessment. If we are to speak honestly, the only fair arbiter of such questions is time itself. Let us allow the present generation to live, create and define meaning on its own terms, and reserve final judgments for history.

    To ask who is greater is often to misunderstand what greatness truly is. In the end, reverence for the past and recognition of the present need not be mutually exclusive. A society secure in its values can honour its legends without weaponising them against the aspirations of those who come after. 

    •Matthew Alugbin, PhD,  Edo State University,  Iyamho.

  • As Emir Sanusi returns to school

    As Emir Sanusi returns to school

    The recent return of Muhammadu Sanusi II, PhD, the Emir of Kano, to academic lectures at Northwest University, Kano, where he is enrolled as a 200-level undergraduate law student, invites a thoughtful and timely reflection on the true meaning of education. His decision to resume formal study in both Common and Sharia Law, vividly demonstrates the enduring reality that learning is neither limited by age nor constrained by social status or previous accomplishments. Education remains a lifelong endeavour, sustained by intellectual curiosity, personal growth, and a deep commitment to the advancement of society.

    By choosing to pursue an LL.B degree at this stage of his life, he reinforces an essential truth: intellectual development does not conclude with the attainment of titles or high office. Rather, it is strengthened through humility, continuous learning, and renewed engagement with evolving bodies of knowledge.

    History is replete with examples of distinguished individuals who, even after reaching the summit of their careers, returned to academic and intellectual exploration in order to broaden their perspectives. Such figures illustrate that continued education is not a mark of inadequacy, but a deliberate pursuit of relevance, renewal, and deeper understanding in a constantly changing world.

    In the United States, Dr Francis Collins, a renowned physician and geneticist and former Director of the National Institutes of Health, exemplifies this principle. Having obtained both a Doctor of Medicine and a Doctor of Philosophy, Collins resisted complacency and instead devoted himself to research at the intersection of genomics and human health. His leadership of the Human Genome Project demonstrates how intellectual adaptability and sustained learning can produce transformative scientific breakthroughs.

    Similarly, Dr Mae Jemison, the first African American woman to travel into space, presents a compelling model of interdisciplinary education. Originally trained as a medical doctor, she later acquired advanced qualifications in engineering and, following her career with the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, immersed herself in diverse fields including dance, culture, and sustainable development. Her intellectual journey affirms that education is not a rigid or linear process, but a broad and integrative pursuit capable of addressing complex global challenges.

    The United Kingdom also offers instructive examples. Professor Stephen Hawking, widely regarded as one of the most brilliant theoretical physicists of the modern era, consistently extended his intellectual engagement beyond formal qualifications. Although his doctorate was in cosmology, his later work explored philosophy, ethics, and the wider implications of scientific discovery for humanity, thereby enriching public understanding of science and its societal significance.

    In a similar vein, Dr Richard Dawkins, after completing a PhD in zoology, expanded his scholarly influence into literature, philosophy, and public education. His work demonstrates that intellectual vitality flourishes when scholarship transcends narrow disciplinary boundaries and engages society in critical reflection. Together, these British examples underscore the enduring value of sustained intellectual curiosity beyond specialised academic training.

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    Africa, too, has produced inspiring figures. Professor Wangari Maathai of Kenya, the first African woman to receive the Nobel Peace Prize, initially earned a doctorate in veterinary anatomy. Her intellectual pursuits later expanded into environmental science, civic education, and grassroots activism, enabling her to translate academic insight into lasting social and ecological transformation across the continent.

    In Nigeria, Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, trained in economics and regional planning, continually expanded her expertise in international development and global finance.

    Ultimately, Sanusi’s return to undergraduate study encourages society to reconsider narrow assumptions about education, age, and status. His decision aligns with a global tradition of accomplished individuals who regard learning as a continuous responsibility rather than a completed phase of life. Far from constituting a distraction, his enrolment should be celebrated as a powerful testament to humility, discipline, and the enduring value of knowledge.

    In an era where titles are often mistaken for wisdom and authority is conflated with learning, Sanusi’s example offers a quiet yet persuasive lesson. Genuine intellectual distinction lies not in past achievements or inherited positions, but in the willingness to continue learning, to share intellectual spaces with others as equals, and to pursue knowledge for its own sake and for the betterment of society.

    •Abdulrashid Sani Gimi, PhD, Kaduna State.

  • Taxation and the question of trust

    Taxation and the question of trust

    Sir: Nigeria’s dwindling education fortunes mean that many Nigerians don’t even understand taxation and aren’t equipped with the basic knowledge to understand an arcane subject that usually mesmerizes even astute professionals. Sometime last year, the federal government, with the National Assembly pushed through the tax laws. The laws led by the Nigeria Tax Act 2025(NTA) which aimed at reforming Nigeria’s tax architecture, broadening the tax base, achieving tax inclusivity, and laying the groundwork for extensive economic development through robust taxation, were immediately met with resistance and recriminations.

    As Nigerians struggled to comprehend the proposed laws, there were accusations and counter-accusations about what the laws were meant to achieve. In the end, however, after wider consultations, the laws were passed, effectively changing Nigeria’s tax landscape.  The laws that came into effect on January 1, promise to transform the fortunes of Nigeria’s taxation with the understated effects of transforming the lives of Nigerians. But the whispers and outright whiplash that continue to greet the laws tell a familiar and potentially portentous parable.

    Simply put, Nigerians are no tax enthusiasts. As with the ingrained condition that shapes their approach towards many other issues, Nigerians need convincing and even compulsion when it comes to paying their taxes. To be clear, this is not a compliance problem as much as it is a conviction conundrum. Nigerians simply do not trust that the taxes they pay will be deployed for their benefits. More tellingly, Nigerians do not trust the government.

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    Decades of systemic corruption have laid waste to any trust Nigerians have in those who collect and account for their taxes. It is a commonly held view among many Nigerians that whatever money they remit to the government by way of taxes has a way of ending up in private pockets. Whether this view is right or wrong is not significant as much as its effect on how people perceive the government.

    In a country where infrastructure has suffered years of neglect, with security and the economy taking equally jarring hits, it is difficult to make sense of Nigeria’s crippling underdevelopment and grinding poverty in light of the vast amount of resources that have accrued to successive governments.

    Therefore, when those who occupy Nigeria’s corridors of power sit to devise means of dealing with the mass murmur of discontent concerning the new tax laws, they should also target improving the image of the government. Efficiency can go a long way in achieving this.

    •Ike Willie-Nwobu,Ikewilly9@gmail.com

  • When hospitals kill

    When hospitals kill

    Hospitals ordinarily are places people go to get healed when ill, or to sustain good health. Meaning they are conventionally life-savers, not death purveyors. When, however, patients who otherwise might have lived get hastened unto their death through hospital treatment, it is an alarming role reversal that should be called out.

    A 30-year-old Lagos father cried out for justice lately after accusing a primary healthcare centre in the state of causing the deaths of his nine-month-old twin boys whom he took there for routine immunisation. The father, Samuel Alozie, known as Promise Samuel on TikTok, alleged that the twin boys, Testimony and Timothy, died same day after being administered immunisation at Ajangbadi primary health centre in Ojo council area.

    In a social media post, Alozie said he took the children for immunisation on December 24, 2005, and they died on Christmas Day. According to him, the immunisation made the boys very weak and high temperatured, for which reason he gave them paracetamol as advised by the nurse. “My wife and I, after we left the health centre, went home and gave the two of them paracetamol, which didn’t solve anything. We even bathed them. My wife bathed them in cold water,” he recalled.

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    The distraught father also alleged that the nurse on duty had given the children some oral medication without his consent. He dismissed explanation by the health facility that food bacteria was responsible for the kids’ death, saying: “The nurse said it was food bacteria that killed my children… Food that I’ve been giving them from one month to nine months, and it didn’t kill them?” Alozie accused the health centre of administering expired or fake vaccines or an overdose on the twins, and called out government as liable. He noted that while an autopsy had been conducted, he has reservations about the possible outcome: “The reason I’m scared is that I don’t know if government will give me justice because this is government-to-government. The primary health centre is government’s, and the people running the case are government people.” He sought help from human rights lawyers to get justice.

    Alozie’s story broke against the backdrop of the death of one of the twin boys of ace writer, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, in a private Lagos hospital. Adichie accused the hospital of negligence and vowed to seek justice. The Lagos State government weighed in and promised “thorough, independent and transparent” probe of circumstances surrounding the death, saying any individual or institution found culpable of negligence, professional misconduct or regulatory violations would face the full wrath of the law. Meanwhile, the Lagos State Ministry of Health and the Primary Health Care Board had yet to issue any official statement about the Alozie twins’ death or findings of the autopsy conducted on them.

    Could this be because Alozie isn’t famous? Sauce for goose should be sauce for gander.

  • Yet another abduction of worshippers

    Yet another abduction of worshippers

    Sir: The abduction of 177 worshippers on Sunday from ECWA Church and Cherubim and Seraphim Churches 1 and 2 in Kurmin Wali community, Kajuru Local Government Area of Kaduna State, has once again forced the nation to confront a disturbing and persistent question: what exactly is the motive behind these repeated attacks on innocent citizens at places meant for peace, refuge and worship?

    Initially, the incident was flatly denied by security agencies, a response that has sadly become familiar in similar cases. However, the truth eventually emerged, confirming the fears of families and communities who already knew that something had gone terribly wrong. Such denials only deepen public distrust and reinforce the perception that authorities are either overwhelmed or unwilling to confront reality head-on.

    This incident is one abduction too many. The government must find a concrete and effective way to put an end to these senseless crimes that have turned daily life into a gamble with death or captivity. Statements of condemnation are no longer sufficient; what is required is decisive action, accountability and results that citizens can see and feel.

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    One must ask, honestly and painfully, when did Nigeria reach this point? When did the security of lives and property become so uncertain that attending church or travelling on the road now carries the risk of kidnapping? A nation that cannot protect its citizens in their most vulnerable moments is one standing on dangerously weak foundations.

    The country recently rejoiced when victims of the Kwara church abduction were released. Yet that relief was short-lived, as no arrests were made and no clear consequences followed. This failure to bring perpetrators to justice may well have emboldened criminals, sending the message that mass abduction carries little risk beyond negotiation.

    These criminal networks have also been strengthened by the steady flow of ransom payments. While families often have no choice but to pay to save their loved ones, the broader effect is devastating. Ransom has become a business model, funding further operations and encouraging more daring and violent attacks.

    Nigeria can no longer pretend that this crisis can be solved in isolation. It is increasingly clear that foreign assistance is needed, alongside strong and sincere collaboration with neighbouring countries to secure porous borders that allow criminals and weapons to move freely. At the same time, the practice of granting amnesty to terrorists and violent criminals by some states must be firmly discouraged, as it only legitimises crime and worsens the situation.

    This crisis is getting out of hand, and pretending otherwise is dangerous. The nation must summon the political will to confront abductions with a comprehensive, coordinated and uncompromising strategy. Anything less risks condemning citizens to a future where fear replaces faith and survival becomes the ultimate act of resistance.

    •Tochukwu Jimo Obi,

    Obosi Anambra State.