The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • Ending PVC disenfranchisement

    Ending PVC disenfranchisement

    Sir: Despite all the catchy jingles and social media buzz by the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, during election seasons urging citizens to “go out and vote,” the ugly truth is that millions of citizens who tried to heed that call were actively locked out; not by apathy, but by design. Their PVCs, the golden tickets to democratic participation were trapped in bureaucratic limbo, never printed or simply made impossible to collect. Mine could not be accounted for. I had requested for a transfer and it has taken three election cycles and now going on the fourth and nobody can tell me where exactly where my card is! 

    This experience is far from unique. Across Nigeria, millions of citizens have their votes trapped in storage, locked away in gloomy and drab rooms in INEC offices spread across the country; some stuffed in ‘Ghana Must Go’ bags. The logistical and bureaucratic inertia that defines PVC distribution and collection has become a silent, insidious form of institutional disenfranchisement.

    While millions of voters are at risk of this disempowerment, certain groups face disproportionate barriers viz:

    Persons with disabilities (PWDs) who more often than not struggle to make long-distance trips to INEC offices, only to be turned away or told to return later. Women, particularly those in caregiving roles or informal trade, are forced to choose between securing a means of survival for their families or embarking on such long and uncertain journeys certain queues. For subsistence / petty traders, and small to medium small business operators, a day away from the market or business is could mean a day without income. Hawkers, laborers, casual workers – simply cannot afford the luxury of repeated trips, unpredictable delays, or bureaucratic hostility.

    Young and first-time voters: often the most disillusioned, are quick to withdraw when faced with such administrative barriers. Many may never return.

    People in high-intensity and very demanding jobs with little or no wiggle room for bureaucratic uncertainties.

    This exclusion is not merely procedural. It is structural and systemic; and it undermines the very essence of our democracy. And this is speaking to the challenges in the urban centres. It is then left to the imagination of the reader the challenges to be surmounted in the rural areas and Internally Displaced Settlements. This crisis is not without solutions. INEC can fix this, and it doesn’t require a constitutional amendment or electoral overhaul. It simply requires empathy, innovation, and political will.

    What exactly does INEC do all year round? Why does it wait until a few months before elections to activate the typical Nigerian Fire Brigade–style voter registration and PVC distribution system which it tags “Continuous Voter Registration” with millions forced into a chaotic rush for access to what should be their fundamental democratic right?

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    PVC collection and Continuous Voter Registration in Nigeria should not be seasonal. It should be routine. Just as banks now print ATM cards instantly and update them on-site, INEC should modernize its systems. INEC in collaboration with NIPOST achieve remarkable things if they explore institutional partnership, cooperation and collaboration.

    According to INEC’s own data, over 6.7 million PVCs were uncollected as of the 2023 general elections. That is equivalent to the voting population of several West African countries lying dormant in INEC’s storerooms. In Lagos alone, over 900,000 cards were uncollected. These are not just plastic cards. These are potential votes. These are voices in storage.

    It’s time we stopped normalizing this. Access to the Permanent Voter Card should be just as routine as applying for a national ID, a driver’s license or a passport. Democracy should not hinge on narrow registration windows or limited collection centers with sluggish staff and outdated systems.

    When institutions make it hard to participate, they enable distrust. And when they consistently under deliver on the most basic functions of democratic inclusion, we risk fostering a generation of disillusioned citizens; not by rhetoric, but by lived experience.

    The road to full democratic participation must be wide, smooth, and inclusive; not riddled with institutional potholes. As 2025 beckons, will INEC dare to do things differently? Will it heed this call to begin to place the people’s PVCs in their hands now?

    If democracy means anything, it must begin with ensuring that every eligible and willing citizen can hold their PVC; and use it. INEC must act. The time to unlock these votes and deliver them to the people is now.

    •Aliyu Bala Aliyu, Abuja

  • As Nigeria’s food culture finds new strength

    As Nigeria’s food culture finds new strength

    Sir: As Nigeria celebrates 65 years of independence this year, cultural advocates are turning their attention to one of the country’s richest, yet underappreciated, assets: its diverse and dynamic food culture.

    “Our food is who we are. Every spice, every ingredient tells a story of where we come from,”

    Nigeria, with its over 250 ethnic groups, boasts a culinary landscape as vast as its linguistic diversity. Each region has its own dishes, flavours, and cooking techniques, shaped by climate, tradition, and history.

    From the jollof rice wars of the southwest to the tuwo and miyan kuka of the north, food is not just eaten — it’s celebrated. The Niger Delta’s banga soup, the east’s ofe nsala, and the Middle Belt’s yam pottage are all culinary emblems of Nigeria’s pluralism.

    In many Nigerian households, food plays a central role in social rituals — from naming ceremonies and weddings to festivals and funerals. For instance, kolanut presentation in Igbo culture or the sharing of dates during Ramadan in the north are practices tied closely to food and tradition.

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    In recent years, Nigerian food has begun gaining global recognition, with chefs and influencers pushing dishes onto international menus and screens. Restaurants in London, New York, and Dubai now feature jollof rice, moi moi, and nkwobi.

    Social media has also helped, with platforms like TikTok and Instagram introducing the world to Nigerian recipes and street food culture. Young Nigerians in the diaspora are reviving native recipes with modern flair — a phenomenon some call “Afrofusion cuisine.”

    Despite its vibrancy, Nigerian food culture faces challenges. Urbanization, fast food habits, and global homogenization are pushing traditional meals out of everyday life. In many urban households, imported foods are slowly replacing staples like millet, yam, and plantain.

    In addition, younger generations are losing touch with traditional cooking methods.“It’s easier to microwave noodles than to pound yam,” said a Nigerian youth — we’re losing tradition.”

    To combat this, some schools and cultural groups are introducing culinary heritage education, where students learn to prepare native dishes as part of the curriculum.

    Efforts are ongoing to document and digitize traditional Nigerian recipes, with NGOs and researchers collaborating to archive native ingredients and methods. With influencers like Opeyemi Famakin, Nigeria’s biggest food and wine critic still educating and bringing back knowledge of meals known and forgotten alike. Or Omoyecooks, an award content creator and chef who specializes in Afrofusion cuisine by keeping the everyday meal interesting and fun to make.

    As Nigeria continues to define itself on the world stage, food remains a central part of that conversation — not just as sustenance, but as cultural identity on a plate.

    “Our food is our history, our strength, our story,”. “To preserve it is to preserve Nigeria.”

    •Fatima Abubakar, Bayero University, Kano

  • How Kaduna is building a model of inclusive governance

    How Kaduna is building a model of inclusive governance

    By Ben Kure

    Kaduna State has entered a new era of peace, progress and people-focused governance under the leadership of His Excellency Senator Uba Sani (CON). The Governor’s administration marks a sharp and welcome departure from the insecurity, divisive politics, and harsh policies of the past. For eight years, residents endured widespread kidnappings and violent attacks in communities such as Birnin Gwari, Giwa, Kauru, Kaura and Zangon Kataf, along with mass teacher sackings, steep tuition hikes, unpaid pensions, and strained relations with workers. During those years, Kaduna’s name in the news often meant tragedy.

    Governor Sani, a seasoned pro-democracy activist who stood alongside icons like Gani Fawehinmi, Dr. Beko Ransom-Kuti, and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, has restored governance rooted in compassion, dialogue and inclusion. He has reversed anti-people policies, reconnected with elders and stakeholders, and opened the doors of government to every citizen. The fear of arbitrary demolitions, job losses and policy shocks has been replaced with hope, stability and trust. Governor Sani has also restored dignity to Kaduna State’s traditional institutions, recognising their vital roles as custodians of culture and traditions and as leaders closest to the people. This renewed respect has empowered them to promote peaceful coexistence across the state.

    He has actively engaged religious leaders, urging them to pray for the people and provide moral guidance that shapes attitudes, refines the minds of young people, and fosters unity. Under his leadership, citizens are encouraged to embrace their faith and ethical values, live in love for the state and the nation, reject destructive paths, and commit to personal and collective growth. In a decisive gesture of justice and reconciliation, some traditional leaders who were wrongly and maliciously dethroned in the past have been restored to their thrones, reaffirming the government’s commitment to fairness and respect for heritage.

    Inheriting over N80 billion in domestic debt and $550 million in foreign loans, the Governor acted decisively. Kaduna is now ranked among Nigeria’s top four states in attracting foreign direct investment, thanks to strategic partnerships with global development agencies. The administration has provided free housing to victims of insurgency, commissioned 100 CNG buses offering free transport to civil servants, students and the public, and distributed over 900 truckloads of fertilizer, tractors and irrigation equipment to farmers—all at no cost.

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    Governor Sani reversed tuition hikes at Kaduna State University, saving thousands of students from dropping out. In healthcare, 255 primary health centres across all wards are being upgraded, 14 general hospitals renovated, and the long-delayed 300-bed Specialist Hospital initiated by former Governor and Vice President Architect Namadi Sambo (GCON) has been completed and commissioned. On infrastructure, more than 80 rural roads totaling 800km are under construction, with 30 already commissioned, boosting trade and access to markets. Land injustices are being corrected, and rightful owners compensated. At the state’s two-year anniversary, President Tinubu (GCFR) hailed the administration as a “government that cares,” contrasting it with what he described as a “toxic” past government. Security has greatly improved, thanks to coordinated efforts between the Governor, National Security Adviser Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, Chief of Defence Staff General Christopher G. Musa, and all security agencies.

    To address diverse needs, the administration has established the Ministry of Youth Development, revived the Ministry of Information, and created the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs. These reforms aim to better serve Kaduna’s 10 million residents and strengthen community engagement. With a continued focus on security, economic growth, infrastructure, and human development, Governor Sani’s vision is clear: a Kaduna State that will be a model for Nigeria, where business thrives, education and healthcare are accessible, and citizens live in safety and dignity.

    Through strengthened community policing and a revamped security architecture, Kaduna has witnessed a sharp decline in bandit attacks and kidnappings—restoring safety and investor confidence across the state. Governor Sani’s commitment to governance reforms has birthed a more transparent, accountable system, with power increasingly devolved to local authorities for greater grassroots impact. Strategic partnerships are breathing new life into agriculture and small-scale enterprises, while expanded skills training and youth employment programmes are equipping the next generation. Public schools and health centres—long neglected—are being transformed, alongside targeted welfare initiatives for women, children and the vulnerable. With these sweeping reforms, Kaduna is no longer defined by fear or uncertainty. It is safer, stronger and steadily rising—proof that under Governor Sani, leadership is not about promises, but performance. Kaduna State is truly in safe and secure hands.

    •Kure, MD/CEO, Kaduna State Media Corporation (KSMC), sent this piece from Kaduna

  • What Chima Amadi should know

    What Chima Amadi should know

    By Declan Emelumba

    We may never know for certain whether all is well with Mazi Chima Matthew Amadi. His case is like that of the man for whom the Devil finds work because of idle hands. Two clear years stand between us and the 2027 Imo elections, yet Amadi is already shadow-boxing, gorging on self-importance, and attempting to spar with a governor in his final constitutionally allowed term – as though heckling from the sidelines could somehow install him in Douglas House.

    In the last couple of months, Chima Amadi has been all over the place seeking attention, craving visibility, and imagining himself as the saviour of Imo State. Whatever or whoever fed him the fantasy of riding on attacks against the Imo State Government to realise his vaulting ambition of becoming governor through rabble-rousing has done him a terrible disservice.

    An unknown political quantity in the state, Amadi’s entry behaviour betrays a desperate and clumsy plot to curry public sentiment in his quest for power. In his rush to execute this plot, he has failed to be meticulous, failed to be circumspect, and above all, failed to be procedural.

    Only a political neophyte begins a political journey by doing the last things first and the first things last. In our party system, anyone desirous of elected office will naturally start by joining a political party, popularising himself within it, and galvanising the faithful to buy into his vision. Thereafter, he proceeds to contest the party primaries for the office he seeks. A general campaign follows after clinching the ticket. Yet, as we speak, Chima Amadi is not known as a member of any political party, but he has already begun a general campaign to be governor. This is pitiable, he may well end up never securing the ticket of any political party.

    So obsessed is he with ambition that it has clouded his thinking. The result is predictable: the prize he seeks will elude him. Matters are made worse by his preference for playing to the gallery instead of sticking to substance and facts.

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    He and his ilk abuse the unfettered democratic space provided by Distinguished Senator Hope Uzodimma. The governor has created an atmosphere for open political discourse in Imo State, granting everyone the freedom to speak, regardless of the rationality of their views. Unfortunately, some politicians have abused this right, crossing the line into sedition. While this administration welcomes constructive criticism, what Amadi has been engaging in is nothing short of sedition.

    For clarity, sedition is “the organised incitement of rebellion or civil disorder against authority or the state.” Another word for rebellion is insurrection. Therefore, when Amadi bandies around huge sums he claims Uzodimma has squandered, or says there is “nothing to show for it,” without proof, he crosses into seditious territory. In law, he who alleges must prove.

    At a recent seminar organised by the Catholic Men Organization (CMO) in Owerri, Amadi made damaging, baseless allegations against the Uzodimma administration. He falsely claimed that Imo State records the highest maternal mortality rate in Nigeria, 1,863 deaths per 100,000, due to poor health facilities. The truth is that the actual figure is 163 per 100,000 live births, a statistic that validates the state of our health facilities. Worse still, Amadi relied on 2018 data, predating Uzodimma’s tenure, to mislead his audience. In fact, a recent report by an international health journal clearly lists states with high maternal mortality rates, and Imo is not among them. Is it not wicked to attempt to incite the public with such falsehood?

    Amadi was equally reckless when he demanded that the government account for all monies received from the Federation Account from 2019 to date. A little effort would have shown him that Chapter 5, Part 2, Section 125, subsections 1 and 2 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) clearly spells out how public accounts are rendered. It does not require the government to account personally to Amadi or any other individual. A responsible citizen’s concern should be whether the government is complying with constitutional provisions. Clearly, Amadi is unaware of this, as his outing at Assumpta revealed his ignorance of the Nigerian Constitution. But perhaps he should do well to learn the elementary lesson of governance which is that public administration is driven by laws not whims.

    And speaking of stewardship, perhaps in Amadi’s world all the rehabilitation work on 305 health centres across the state counts for nothing unless each matches the National Hospital in Abuja. Likewise, all the recognition awards from reputable bodies, including international organisations, mean nothing unless issued by Amadi himself.

    When he claimed nothing was happening in the local governments, he had to capitulate when confronted with evidence, five kilometres of road built in each of the 27 LGAs. He would rather see such kilometres built monthly. Yet he remained silent on the uninterrupted power supply projects funded by LGAs or the fact that local government staff are being paid regularly. Naturally, if asked to prove that Uzodimma has seized LGA funds, he would have no evidence.

    Amadi’s incitement continues until the government accounts to him for every kobo generated since 2020. By arrogating to himself the  powers of the House of Assembly, he will only be satisfied when he assumes a supervisory role over the state’s finances. That is why he will not acknowledge that Uzodimma has added two new universities to the state’s lone existing one. To him, until 10,000 teachers are recruited, education is unfunded. He conveniently ignores that before Uzodimma, even lecturers were owed salaries, and that it takes substantial resources to pay the staff of three universities, one polytechnic, and one college of education while executing capital projects in the sector.

    Nor will Amadi acknowledge the billions invested in critical infrastructure across the state. When he drives through Imo, he should ask about the state of those roads before this administration. Perhaps he should ask his political associates from previous governments what Uzodimma did to make Imo roads motorable again. It is not enough to be loquacious, or even garrulous, in questioning the governor’s integrity. Like doubting Thomas, he wants to be led to each of the more than 120 completed roads before believing.

    Unfortunately for Amadi, Uzodimma will not be distracted by unsubstantiated allegations. These same tired claims of underperformance failed to stop his re-election, with Imo people returning him 100 per cent. People like Amadi could not even win their wards, let alone their LGAs, exposing their political irrelevance.

    Overwhelmed by Uzodimma’s record performance, they resort to deceit, lies, and incitement. When a man abandons the theme of a seminar to hurl mud at the government, it shows he has no ideas to sell. Amadi’s only campaign material is a virulent attack on the administration. He says he will release a manifesto in the future, I can hardly wait to see how he convinces Imo people he is not a wolf in sheep’s clothing.

    His undoing will be his fondness for throwing false allegations. It is telling that whenever there is a security breach, Amadi and his accomplice, Ikenga Ugochinyere, are first at the scene. This smacks of interference with evidence or confirming that their plans have been executed. Their haste in providing money and materials to victims of the recent Arondizuogu killings raises more questions than answers.

    But as Chief Security Officer of Imo State, Uzodimma will never shirk his responsibility to protect lives and property. He is not bound to reveal his security strategies outside the Security Council, nor does he need showmanship to prove he is doing his job. He works diligently with the federal government and security agencies to tackle crime.

    The arrest of those behind the beheading of a local government chairman, two years after the crime, proves the long arm of the law will reach criminals wherever they hide. Sponsors of such crimes are understandably jittery. Uzodimma has long said insecurity in Imo is politically motivated; unfolding events keep vindicating him.

    What Chima Amadi should know is this: those who peddle false allegations against the government will meet a disgraceful end. Those who hope to gain electoral mileage by inciting the public will face a bitter and crushing disappointment.

    Emelumba is Imo State Commissioner for Information, Public Orientation and Strategy

  • Lawmaking by bargaining

    Lawmaking by bargaining

    Lawmakers in Benue State seem never able to shed the transactional mindset, regardless of dispensation. If you want action on something by the house of assembly, you would need to oil your way to getting that action performed. Simply put: nothing goes for nothing, as they say in pedestrian discourse.

    Governor Hyacinth Alia came up against that mindset last week when the state assembly suspended screening of commissioner-nominees he sent in for its approval and resolved to decline further correspondence from the executive arm until certain demands by the lawmakers are met. At a plenary presided over by Speaker Hyacinth Aondona Dajoh, the legislators said they were not opposed to confirming the nominees per se, but that the governor must first demonstrate respect for legislative resolutions and prior agreements. That decision was taken after the member representing Gwer West state constituency, Shimavever Jiji, raised a motion of urgent public importance accusing the governor of treating the assembly with contempt, and allegedly refusing to honour its resolutions. The motion was seconded by Thomas Dugeri, who expressed concern over what he described as the governor’s continued neglect of legislative input.

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    Several lawmakers who spoke in the debate said they were not out to obstruct governance, but rather to ensure the executive arm respects the legislature and upholds the rule of law. Among demands they made was provision of official vehicles for seven assembly members yet to receive theirs. “The house resolves that the seven vehicles must be released to members before any further requests from the executive are considered,” the lawmakers decided. They also insisted on Governor Alia implementing resolutions directing the suspension of Chairman of the Benue State Universal Basic Education Board, Chairman of Otukpo Local Government Council and Executive Secretary of the Benue State Sports Lottery and Marketing Board. “The house resolves that any letter or correspondence from the governor will no longer be honoured until the mentioned persons are suspended,” Dajoh announced. Each time a resolution was read, the speaker asked, “Is that taken?” and members chorused “Yeah” in unison.

    This happened last Thursday, 8th August. But it bore resemblance to the previous Benue assembly that convened a session in the final days of former Governor Samuel Ortom’s tenure solely to pass an executive bill intended by that administration to provide bogus life pension for ex-governors and their deputies. The lawmakers had before then suspended their statutory functions because of huge salary arrears owed them by the Ortom administration; but when the administration managed to defray part of the arrears, they held the ad hoc session to pass the executive bill that Ortom couldn’t even sign into law before his time in office expired.

    Lawmaking can’t be more transactional. The Benue honourables must learn that their role in governance is constitutional and not a bargaining tool.

  • The case for Anioma State

    The case for Anioma State

    Sir: And among all the states proposed for creation, the proposed Anioma State ticks all the boxes regarding their requirements. In other words, it satisfies all the conditions or requirements. 

    For one, when created, Anioma State will be economically viable as it has many markets and industries from which it will generate revenue. And beneath its soil are abundant natural resources. In addition to its possession of natural resources, it has knowledgeable and skilled manpower that can drive its developmental initiatives. Is it not the homeland of Senator Ned Nwoko, Ifeanyi Okowa, Pat Utomi, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, and others?

    Another reason why it should be created is that it has huge population and large landmass. The proposed Anioma State will be composed of nine local government areas in the Delta North and towns in Anambra and Rivers states. The people from the areas, which will make up Anioma State, are united by their possession of common ancestry, cultural affinities, and shared historical ties.

    It is an established fact that the people of Anioma are separated from their kith and kin by arbitrary state creations executed by military hegemons, who were insensitive to the ethnic, cultural, and linguistic sensibilities of the Anioma people. That the people of Anioma share kinship and cultural cum linguistic ties with Igbo people from the hinterland is beyond question. For example, oral history has it that during the Obosi kingdom’s heady days, the people of Umuru village in Obosi, Anambra State dispersed, with many of the dispersed people settling in Ibuzo, Delta State.

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    Creating new states in Nigeria is a constitutional matter, however. The approvals of the National Assembly and state assemblies will have to be secured, added to the proposed states’ fulfilment of certain requirements needed for their creation. This is why creating new states under civilian dispensation seems to be a herculean and arduous task.

    But the injustice of the past years hinged on the separation of a people from their kith and kin should be addressed, redressed and, urgently, reversed. Creating a sixth Igbo state (Anioma State) that straddles two areas separated by River Niger is a desideratum that will serve the cause of political equity, fairness, and justice. And it will deepen our national unity and reassure the Igbo people that they are not the unwanted people in Nigeria.

    That is the course that leads to national unity, which is central to our rapid national development.

    •Chiedu Uche Okoye, Uruowulu-Obosi, Anambra State

  • Mortgage critical to housing delivery

    Mortgage critical to housing delivery

    • By ESV Adewale Michael Adedeji

    Sir: Housing sector plays a very key role in a country’s system. As a matter of fact, housing affects directly the performance of other sectors of the economy, and impact directly and positively on productivity. Housing is a basic need of man, and more than any other item, housing impacts the well-being of the citizenry. For this reason, adequate housing provision have always engaged the attention governments, either in the developed or developing climes.

    The health of the workers, his well-being, and growth are tied to decent housing. Not only that; housing is one of the indices for measuring the standard of living of people. That is why governments in the developed nations designed programmes of assistance to enhance housing provision and delivery.

    Prominent in the list of the programmes includes provision of infrastructure and finance. More emphasis is put on finance, because housing provision requires huge capital outlay, which is often beyond the capacity of the medium income/low-income groups.

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    Mortgage plays a pivotal role in the development of housing markets. It is critical to providing affordable and decent accommodation.  Governments in the countries of Europe and America have since addressed this issue, and have put in place structures which ensure efficient and sustainable credit delivery to the housing sector. There are concerns that provision of affordable housing might be a mirage in Nigeria if the mortgage industry is not strengthened to finance home ownership.

    As a matter of fact, one of the major challenges to housing provision in Nigeria is the absence of well-established and effective mortgage administration, and until this challenge is resolved, the question of housing would remain begging for answer.

    Going forward, there is the overall need to maintain the macro-economic variables via disciplined fiscal and monetary policies for stable growth and low inflation to support low interest rates. Direct interventionist policy, to promote liquidity of the mortgage industry at single digit interest rates via the Nigeria Mortgage Refinance Corporation (NMRC) and Family Home Fund (FHF) is the way to go.

    Key to that is that the private sector via mortgage banks retain the role of underwriting mortgages directly and will boost effective demand for homes, which I think is far lower than the often-touted 28 million housing shortfalls. It is important to state again that the core focus of government should be on how to control inflation in the long run, to allow for single digit interest rates, rather than just intervention policies.

    Above all, government and the private sector should jointly drive the mortgage system. 

    •ESV Adewale Michael Adedeji,

    Lagos 

  • Today is International Youth Day

    Today is International Youth Day

    • By Timilehin Olotu

    Sir: International Youth Day, observed annually on 12 August 12, celebrates the significance and potential of young people worldwide. Established by the United Nations in 1999, the day brings attention to youth-related issues and highlights their role as catalysts for global change.

    This year’s theme is “Youth Advancing Multilateral Cooperation through Technology and Partnerships”.

    Nigerian youths have shown increasing interest in democratic processes, actively participating in elections and advocating for transparency and inclusive participation. Their use of digital platforms has been vital in enhancing civic engagement. Collaborations with tech giants like Google and Meta, such as Facebook’s Nigeria Election Integrity Hub and Google’s promotion of credible election content, exemplify efforts to curb electoral misinformation and strengthen democratic participation.

    Furthermore, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP’s) Democratic Governance and Development Programme, in collaboration with the Nigerian government and INEC, have promoted youth inclusion in governance through digital voter education and leadership training. These initiatives underscore the pivotal role technology plays in empowering Nigerian youth to engage in global conversations around democracy, human rights, and civic freedom.

    Technology continues to empower young Nigerians to develop innovative solutions to local challenges while contributing to global development. Young entrepreneurs have made notable strides in sectors like fintech, healthtech, agrotech, and edtech. Start-ups such as Flutterwave, Paystack, PiggyVest and Moniepoint are transforming financial access and inclusion across Africa.

    These innovations not only solve domestic problems but also promote international partnerships. Access to global grants, incubators, and fellowships further enables Nigerian youth to contribute to pressing global issues such as climate change, digital governance, and public health.

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    To fully harness this potential, Nigeria must invest in digital infrastructure and education to equip its youth with the tools needed to compete and collaborate globally. Empowering young Nigerians in this way positions them as key players in the international development landscape.

    Nigeria’s youth population is an asset, not a burden. With strategic investment, young Nigerians can be powerful diplomatic resources and soft power ambassadors. Their participation in global youth platforms like the UN Youth Delegates Program, ECOWAS Youth Council, and the AU Youth Envoys helps amplify Nigeria’s voice in international discussions.

    Additionally, Nigerian youths have made significant contributions to the global perception through sports and creative industries. For example, the performances of the Super Eagles and Nigerian players in foreign leagues, and in particular, the wonderful performance of the Super Falcons in the recently concluded WAFCON 2025 are all testaments to the youth exploits. Afrobeats artists such as Davido, Burna Boy, Tems, and Wizkid, alongside online content creators have also projected Nigerian culture worldwide, reshaping global narratives about the country.

    To sustain this momentum, investment in education, digital literacy, and innovation is critical. Empowering youth to generate and export local solutions ensures they are not just consumers of global trends, but contributors to the digital economy and global knowledge systems. By fostering home-grown innovation, Nigeria strengthens its ability to lead and influence multilateral platforms such as the African Union and the United Nations.

    Nigerian youth are not just the leaders of tomorrow; they are the change agents of today. Their creativity, innovation, resilience, and global consciousness position them as key drivers of Nigeria’s foreign policy agenda. From shaping democratic discourse to exporting technological solutions and cultural products, they represent Nigeria’s most valuable global asset.

    As Nigeria navigates its place in the world, it must recognize that its greatest strength lies in its youth. By empowering them, Nigeria not only strengthens its domestic fabric but also asserts itself as a force for progress and cooperation on the global stage.

    •Timilehin Olotu

    Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution, Abuja

  • Increase budgetary allocation to the housing sector

    Increase budgetary allocation to the housing sector

    • By ESV Olude Moshood

    Sir: Housing is key to human existence. It is an essential part of life, with several benefits to individuals, families, and the community in that it provides comfort and healthy living, privacy and security. Housing also enhances social stability and cohesion, education and job opportunities. People with a guaranteed place to live would most likely not engage in violence and crime. That is to say, housing is required to promote both physical and psychological well-being.

    Housing is essential for economic growth, development and prosperity of a country, contributing significantly to economic growth and development, through its impact on major macroeconomic indicators such as: employment, savings, investment and productivity. People with access to secure and decent housing would most probably invest in their communities, thereby creating jobs and stimulating economic activities. Its importance to economic growth and development cannot be overstated.

    The important role of housing is further underscored by its inclusion as one of the indicators of the computation of cost-of-living index. Consequently, the cost-of-living index is a major factor or consideration for prospective domestic and foreign investors in taking decisions. The robust contribution of housing to economic growth and increased social well-being of the people, among other factors compels governments all over the world over, to give ample attention to the lingering problem of housing challenges. That is the right thing to do, in as much as housing is one of the major necessities of life.

    Nigeria has been battling with housing challenges, with housing deficit which is currently estimated at about 28 million units. Though frightening, it presents a significant opportunity for investment and transformative change. It calls for increased funding as housing provision is expensive. The real estate sector has not witnessed too much patronage from the federal government in terms of release of funds.

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    I would suggest that government take a more active part in housing by increasing budgetary allocation to the sector. Housing sector has the potential to create jobs because a large number of youths will get employed if more funds are injected into this sector.  The present administration has taken a commendable step in that direction, from N119 billion for housing in the 2024 fiscal year to N728.94 billion in 2025. Under the renewed hope agenda, N50 billion was also earmarked for construction of 40,000 housing units. This underscores the commitment of the government to addressing the challenges of housing.

    But looking at the critical needs of housing, while also ensuring the maintenance of the structures in place, I would still make a case for increased allocation to the housing sector. Nigeria’s rapidly growing urban population and the expected enormous demand for affordable housing require that more housing units be made available. Government should ensure that enabling environment, via infrastructure development to encourage investors (local and international) to consider the nation’s growing housing sector as an avenue for profitable investment.

    Another pertinent issue towards resolving housing challenge is full restoration of land ownership to the people through the provision of title documents. This would provide an opportunity for the people to raise loans for entrepreneurship purposes. Total reform of the land tenure and titling system in Nigeria is imperative to making them development friendly.

    The federal government should also collaborate with estate surveyors and valuers to enhance growth in the real estate sector of the economy through formulation of policies that would help to develop the real estate sector of the economy.

    •ESV Olude Moshood,

    Lagos

  • Tale of two reforms – Why Nigeria must not blink

    Tale of two reforms – Why Nigeria must not blink

    • By O’tega Ogra

    Economic reform is never painless. Every nation that has had to correct profound distortions has faced the same choice: take the hard medicine early, or delay and pay much more, later. In times of public frustration, it is tempting to reach for the “gentle” option, being pushed by some opposition elements. Peter Obi says, “Keep subsidies for a while.” For Atiku Abubakar, it is “Guide the currency quietly from behind the curtain.” Rotimi Amaechi and Nasir El-Rufai want to “Push the tough structural work into another year.” On the surface, it feels safer. But history is clear on where that road leads.

    When Bulgaria began its transition from communism in 1990, its leaders were afraid of the shock that rapid liberalisation might cause. They freed some prices but kept politically sensitive subsidies in place, just as Peter Obi proposes. The subsidies drained the treasury, fuelled inflation, and collapsed the currency. They maintained a soft peg for the lev without reserves to defend it, exactly as Atiku Abubakar suggests for the naira. The peg broke, reserves vanished, and hyperinflation soared above 2,000 percent. They warned against “too much at once,” echoing Rotimi Amaechi and Nasir El-Rufai, and delayed the restructuring of state enterprises. Six years later, pensions were worthless, shops were empty, and the reforms they feared were forced on them in far harsher form.

    Nigeria today is on a very different trajectory. From his first day in office, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu took on the biggest distortions head-on. The petrol subsidy, which drained over N4 trillion a year, is gone. The naira now trades at a market-driven rate, closing the damaging gap between official and parallel exchange rates. The Central Bank has returned to orthodox monetary policy, raised interest rates to fight inflation, and cleared more than $7 billion in verified FX backlogs that had become a national credibility problem. That clearance restored credibility to our financial system and prompted the International Air Transport Association to remove Nigeria from its list of countries blocking airline funds. That reversal matters because it signals to every global balance sheet that Nigeria pays its obligations again.

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    These decisions have delivered measurable wins in record time. The World Bank estimates subsidy savings of around N2 trillion in 2023 alone, with cumulative savings expected to exceed N11 trillion by 2025. This money is already being channelled into infrastructure, healthcare, and targeted social programmes across the country. Portfolio inflows in the last quarter of 2024 hit $5.6 billion, more than the total of the previous two years combined and a clear sign that rule clarity is drawing money back to local assets. Non-oil tax revenue has grown by more than 20% year-on-year.

    Price pressure remains the public’s sharpest pain, but the first signs of relief are appearing. Official data show headline inflation eased in June from May, the first back to back moderation in many months. Disinflation never arrives in a straight line. What matters is direction and credibility of policy. Both are moving the right way.

    Atiku’s “acceptable rate” is the same illusion that emptied Bulgaria’s reserves and shattered its peg. Obi’s “phased removal” is the same phased lie Bulgaria told itself until the economy collapsed. El-Rufai’s warning about “too much at once” is exactly what Bulgaria’s leaders said before the crash. Rauf Aregbesola’s “prioritise the people before the economy” mirrors Bulgaria’s fatal separation of the two, where the collapse of the economy destroyed the very livelihoods they claimed to protect – as if the economy is not the lifeline of the people. Rotimi Amaechi’s call to slow down is the same thinking that turned hardship into collapse.

    These are not alternative strategies. They are invitations to failure. They are the comfort-now, crisis-later prescriptions that have failed every country that tried them. And in every country where this happened, the politicians who sold them were gone by the time the bill arrived.

    The same politicians who had their turn in power and left Nigeria with a broken FX regime, ballooning subsidies, and a dangerous debt overhang now want to lecture about “protecting the people” by bringing back the very distortions that were killing growth. That is not protection. That is sabotage dressed as sympathy.

    We have seen this film before. In 1990 Bulgaria called it gradual reform. By 1996, pensions were worthless, shops and shelves were empty, and the same politicians who promised a soft landing had fled the wreckage. The dire situation in Bulgaria forced a desperate rescue the following year under conditions far harsher than anything they had wanted to avoid. I confidently repeat that, in Nigeria, those pushing this fantasy today will not be around to clean up the mess tomorrow. The only question is whether we have the discipline to finish the job or whether we hand the steering wheel back to the people who drove us into the ditch in the first place.

    Nigeria is not Bulgaria in 1990. We will not drift toward collapse because a few familiar names prefer popularity over responsibility. The alternative is to hold the line and let the compounding work in our favour. Clean our books and keep the auction rulebook predictable. Keep subsidy savings transparent and tied to visible projects so citizens can see where the money now goes. Keep monetary policy tight until inflation is back within a credible band and do not second guess the float with administrative fixes that markets will immediately punish.

    The IMF’s recent assessment underscored that Nigeria’s policy direction restores repayment capacity and anchors stability if pursued consistently. That is the quiet endorsement that disciplined reformers earn.

    Because this debate will not end here, it is worth meeting the counter arguments head on. Some say the pain on households is too high and too fast. The truth is the subsidy was never free. It was paid through bad roads, weak schools, failing hospitals and heavy borrowing that our children would service. Redirected savings are how you rebuild those services. Others say the float has made the naira too weak and that we should fix it at a stronger number. A number without reserves is only a promise. Markets test promises. Bulgaria failed that test in 1990 and paid for it in 1996. Nigeria should not repeat it. Another claim is that investors are not yet flooding in, so reforms are not working. They rarely flood in at the start. They watch for consistency, then move quickly. The late 2024 surge in portfolio inflows is exactly that early signal. Hold the line and the longer term money follows.

    But as Mr President has always said and I am fully aware, Nigeria’s path is not without discomfort, but it is the only one that gives us a fighting chance to rebuild. The facts of upward, positive change are not in dispute. It is already producing the first signs of stability and renewed investor interest. The trajectory, if we hold it, leads to a competitive and credible naira, a fiscally stronger state investing in power, roads, and schools instead of fuelling petrol imports, and an economy where capital flows in because the rules are predictable and the numbers add up. Growth will no longer be hostage to oil prices alone, and the non-oil revenue gains of the current and past year are the proof.

    The opposition has shown that they have chosen collapse. Some former allies have joined them. The rest of us must hold the line. History has already written the ending for the road they want. We have chosen a different ending.

    There is no painless exit from decades of distortion. The choice is as stark as it is simple. Pain now with a recovery you can see, or comfort now with a collapse you cannot control. Bulgaria 1990 is the warning. Nigeria 2023 is the opportunity. We are already making in months the progress that took years for countries in similar positions. If we keep our nerve, stay transparent, and refuse the detours that have failed elsewhere, we will not just avoid Bulgaria’s trap. We will write the modern African recovery story others will study.

    And this is the truth we must hold to. The easy road has never led any nation to greatness. What we are doing under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is hard, but it is necessary. We will be judged not by how loud the complaints were in the first year, but by the strength of our economy in the fifth and thereafter. If we see this through, the same Nigerians who today feel the sting will one day stand as proof that under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Nigeria chose courage over comfort, and that choice changed the destiny of our nation for good and forever. And if we have the discipline to finish this path, it will be the one in which Nigeria wins.

    •Ogra is he Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Digital Communications, Engagement, and Strategy