Category: Commentaries

  • A call for new culture of handling emergencies

    A call for new culture of handling emergencies

    Sir: The news of the accident involving boxing champion, Anthony Joshua, has sparked conversations beyond concern for his wellbeing.  What stood out for many observers was not just the incident itself, but the apparent lack of an immediate, coordinated emergency response. Throughout the rescue efforts, there was no visible ambulance on standby, no swift medical intervention in the crucial first moments. Only patrol vehicle of government agencies was visible in the videos that were in circulation.

    Certainly, Nigeria does not have the worst statistics in terms of road crash fatalities. Accidents, just like medical emergencies, do not discriminate, it could happen to a celebrity or a civilian. In any emergency, the difference between life and death is how quickly and correctly people respond. While Joshua did not appear to have sustained any external wound or bleeding, the way he was handled reveals lack of basic understanding of first aid for victims in emergencies.

    In Nigeria today, there is a disturbing gap in emergency awareness. It is common for bystanders to panic, crowd the scene, record videos, or sometimes, people wait helplessly for “professionals,” not knowing what to do or who to call. It is a known fact that the first five to 10 minutes after an accident, which is often referred to as the golden minutes, are critical. Simple actions such as calling emergency numbers promptly, clearing the area, checking responsiveness, or providing basic first aid can significantly improve survival outcomes.

    The Anthony Joshua incident underscores a systemic issue about our country, one that requires a national emergency: emergency preparedness is still treated with kids’ gloves. In this age, it is sad that we still treat emergencies as optional knowledge, rather than a civic responsibility. Every citizen should understand how to relate with emergency victims, be it in a car crash, fire incident, building collapse, etc. Such training would enable citizens to provide basic and appropriate support to victims before the arrival of emergency services.

    Emergency response education, including first aid and Cardiopulmonary Resuscitation (CPR) should not be an exclusive of healthcare workers. Schools (from primary to tertiary), workplaces, religious centres, gyms, event venues, and even transport unions should be enlightened on basic emergency training routine.

    This is not a new conversation. After all, emergencies are a part of everyday living. Often times, accidents bring out the humanity in us. While people naturally want to help disaster victims, miscreants have also used such incidents to steal any valuables they can find at the scene. Some people will just ignore and walk away, often because of previous or known experience with the police after offering assistance to accident victims. This is not too strange in a society where there is a sharp divide in the quality of life. Unfortunately, there is a growing number of persons who have been damaged by the society. To such, abnormality is the norm, and they see no wrong in it.

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    The role of government agencies cannot be overemphasised, with the National Orientation Agency (NOA) taking a lead role. Emergency numbers must be widely publicised, response systems strengthened, and ambulances strategically positioned, especially at public events and high-risk locations. Some states have this in place, but their efficiency is very much in doubt. Such will need to be resuscitated; after all, only the living can care for emergencies. Clear protocols save time, and time saves lives.

    If someone of Anthony Joshua’s status can find himself vulnerable in an emergency, tomorrow, it may be a well-known politician, entertainer, or just any of us. The real lesson here is unequivocal: we must educate ourselves to act, not just watch, when emergencies occur.

    It is high time that government at all levels make response to accidents and emergencies a core focus of governance. Not a few Nigerians in diaspora have expressed shock at the manner the casualties of the accident were cared for at the scene. Such scene will repel investors and tourists who may be considering Nigeria as their next destination. Both federal and state governments should make deliberate efforts to invest in improving speed and quality of response. This is because when seconds matter, ignorance is a risk none of us can afford, and we will not want to regret.

    •Yinka Adeosun Akure, Ondo State.

  • A case for the creation of Ibadan State

    A case for the creation of Ibadan State

    Sir: During the recent coronation of His Royal Majesty, Oba Rasheed Adewolu Ladoja as the 44th Olubadan of Ibadan, the royal father openly requested that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to kindly ensure that Ibadan State is created. The president did not make any reference to this request during his speech at the ceremony. That notwithstanding, it later came as a pleasant surprise when it was revealed that the Bill for the Creation of Ibadan State has undergone the second reading at the House of Representatives. What a welcome development!

    I want to observe that the need to create Ibadan State can hardly be overemphasized, particularly, in the interest of justice and fair-play. There is a fact that is hardly recognized whenever the creation of Ibadan State is being discussed. It is, therefore, pertinent to remind all of us that Ibadan had, all along, been singled out for neglect since the creation of new states.

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    There was a time that Nigeria comprised of three regions – North, East and West. Later Bendel State was created out of the then Western Region as a political gang up and an attempt to spite the region and by extension the Yoruba nation. Significantly, out of the four regional capitals of the North, East, West and then Bendel, only Ibadan is yet to be created as a state. Kaduna, the north regional capital, Enugu, the east regional capital and Benin, Bendel State capital are now states on their own. So, the disturbing question is that why has Ibadan been neglected for so long? After all, what is good for the goose is good for the gander.

    Incidentally, out of all four cities which were regional capitals, Ibadan has the largest population and is very and if not the most, viable. It is a surprise that the Yoruba people, as a group, had not emphasized this crass injustice. All said and done, the time to create Ibadan State is long overdue and should be done NOW. It is only fair and proper to honour the memory of the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the “Best President Nigeria never had” and one of the “troika” founding fathers of Nigeria by creating Ibadan State soonest which was the capital city of the most progressive and trail – blazer region in Nigeria before Independence. In fact, if new states are to be created, Ibadan State should be the first, possibly alone and singled out before others are considered. Fair is just fair!

    •‘Femi Osunro, Ibadan, Oyo State.

  • Another face of armed robbery

    Another face of armed robbery

    It’s bad enough that police extortion of innocent citizens is no news in the country; however, the experience of a Lagos-based plumber, Nifemi Oyerinde, who fell victim to gun-wielding extortionist officers, takes the issue to a disturbing new level.

    Oyerinde narrated his ordeal: “I was on an Uber ride when they stopped the vehicle while the driver was turning onto CMD Road by Otedola Bridge. They told me to come down and took me to where their vehicle was parked. They opened my bag and checked everything. There was nothing inside apart from my clothes, charger and perfume.

    “They collected my phone and asked me to call someone to verify that I’m a plumber.”

    He soon realised that identity verification was merely a pretext; the officers were intent on extortion, and his actual identity was irrelevant. According to Oyerinde, the person he called – his boss – confirmed his profession to the officers, stating he is a plumber and “not into fraud.”

    That wasn’t enough to secure his release, as the officers had other plans.  “They said I should bring N1m or they would take me to the station,” Oyerinde said. It is a common threat used by rogue officers; the “station” is wielded as a weapon for blackmail rather than a place of justice, implying a more permanent and dangerous detention.

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    He described a grim scene of bargaining for his liberty: “I told them I don’t have such money. They later reduced the amount to N300,000 and eventually demanded N70,000 after prolonged negotiations.”

     It was finally time to pay for his freedom. “After I transferred the N70,000 from my second phone – because of the gun they were holding – they gave me back my phone and even followed me to the car before letting me go,” he recalled.

    There was a clear threat of violence, underscoring that he didn’t pay because he was guilty, but because he was effectively at gunpoint.

    Notably, the Lagos State Coordinator of the Take It Back Movement, Taofeek Adekunle, issued a statement condemning the officers. He demanded their immediate identification, a refund of the extorted N70,000, and the prosecution of all those responsible.

    Interestingly, the state command spokesperson, Abimbola Adebisi, confirmed she was aware of the incident, stating: “The Complaint Response Unit is handling the matter.”

    The police must respond without delay; gunpoint extortion by police officers is, in reality, nothing less than armed robbery.

  • Elumelu’s giant stride

    Elumelu’s giant stride

    • By Dan Aibangbe

    Sir: Tony Elumelu’s influence on the African business landscape is now undeniable, carrying a prestige comparable to global icons like Louis Vuitton, Gucci, or Nike in the fashion world. His track record is so formidable that it would likely impress even a figure of legend like King Midas. Ultimately, Elumelu’s ascent proves that in the competitive world of commerce, fortune favours the bold, and true success always leaves a visible trail.

    As the curtain rose on 2026, the Nigerian business landscape was electrified by a landmark acquisition. Heirs Energies, the investment vehicle of Tony Elumelu, successfully acquired a controlling 20% stake in Seplat Energy—Nigeria’s premier indigenous International Oil Company. The deal, valued at $500 million, saw Elumelu’s firm take over the shares previously held by the French company Maurel & Prom. It is a definitive “power move” to start the new year, signalling a bold new era for indigenous participation in the energy sector.

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    While the general public may view this deal as extraordinary, industry insiders see it as a predictable milestone. The transaction signals the maturity of African financial institutions, fuelled by Afrieximbank and led by a champion of Pan-Africanism. This move is a logical progression of Heirs Energies’ strategy following its successful acquisition of OML 17. It reinforces the company’s clear ambition to become one of the fastest-growing indigenous players in Nigeria’s upstream oil sector.

    Elumelu’s entry into Seplat Energy marks a pivotal moment for Nigeria’s oil and gas. A true industry frontrunner, Seplat remains an investor favourite, distinguished by its prestigious dual listing in Lagos and London.

    As the founder and chairman of Heirs Holdings, Elumelu has built a diversified empire with significant stakes in financial services (UBA), power and hospitality (Transcorp), real estate (Afriland Properties), and healthcare (Avon Medical).

    The landmark investment in Seplat Energy,  comes at a critical time for the industry. While the launch of the Abuja-based Africa Energy Bank has faced delays, Elumelu’s move ensures that momentum in the sector remains high.

    Elumelu is expected to bring a new level of rigor to Seplat. Having stabilized its internal corporate governance, Seplat is now primed for the “Elumelu Effect.” Known for his discipline and his ability to inspire teams to match his own passion, Elumelu’s presence is expected to catalyse financial and operational excellence within Seplat.

    Elumelu’s entry into Seplat is more than just a business transaction; it is the manifestation of the Petroleum Industry Act’s (PIA) highest aspirations. As he navigates the complex waters of the energy sector, there is high hope for future synergy between upstream assets and downstream refining.

    •Dan Aibangbe,

    Lagos.

  • As certificates are no longer enough

    As certificates are no longer enough

    • By Ganiu Bamgbose

    Sir: In a recent Facebook post, a former Finance Minister Kemi Adeosun, mentioned that she needed two persons to work with her on a project. After making a list of the hard and soft skills needed to do the job, she declared that anyone who has got any qualification between OND and PhD was qualified to apply for the job. She added that the degrees of applicants did not matter so much for the job.

    In Nigeria, the 20th century was greatly characterised by “what is your qualification?”, which resulted in glorification of certification in the Nigerian workplace. This largely promoted an educational orientation where people began to chase the score whether or not there was something in the skull. It launched us into the age where degree became a craze whether or not the holder has got intellectual pedigree. Distinction became a competition among people who were hardly sure about their life direction. The number of first-class graduates became a selling point for universities during convocation, and the credibility of secondary schools and A Level centres  became the number of A’s in their students’ WAEC results and the 300ish scores in UTME.

    Permanent changes in behavioural pattern which should be the ultimate evidence of learning did not matter anymore. It became a case of “show me your score and I shall tell you the type of student that you are”.

    Having been a lover and proponent of functional education all my life, my conviction for the need to prioritise performance over certificate got strengthened when I sought a job as an editor in a publishing firm in Ibadan during my doctoral programme at the University of Ibadan. A friend had told me of an opening at a publishing house in Bodija, Ibadan, and I got a chance to take the editor’s test in this company owned by an American woman who was also the lead editor. She marked my test and told me to resume the following week.

    After some months, I curiously asked why she did not ask to see my certificates and in her words she said “Your certificates are none of my business. I look for people who can do my work and I employ them once I find out they are capable.”

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    I have since this time seen the need for competence over qualification, and performance over certification. It is not my intention to downplay the need for schooling or formal education. I simply want to posit that school should foreground its core essence which is the advancement of beneficial and practical knowledge, not merely degrees and titles which make everyone wants to add “Dr” to their name and list honours like menu list.

    Going forward, school and education must help people think critically. Any form of education that does not train the mind to be inquisitive, contemplative and evaluative cannot be said to be functional. Second, school and education must prepare anyone to act creatively. The final stage of learning is application so whatever form of knowledge that does not grow people’s ability to create things that can be used in the real world even while still in school is insignificant. Third, school and education must prepare people to survive in a rapidly changing world. This means that we must grow beyond culinary education which dishes out mundane and pedestrian curricula. Educational contents must be designed in terms of what they translate to in society and what they help the possessors do in the real world.

    It is my hope that this piece speaks to the mind of young Nigerians to prioritise knowledge, skills, attitudes and values which qualify them to be problem solvers, over the mere pursuance of grade and certificates.

    •Ganiu Bamgbose, PhD,

     Lagos State University, Ojo.

  • Assets forfeiture: Let’s stop the theft, not chase it

    Assets forfeiture: Let’s stop the theft, not chase it

    • By Obadiya John

    Sir: In the bustling courtrooms of Abuja, Lagos, and beyond, a familiar ritual plays out: high-profile asset forfeitures, multi-billion naira recoveries, and protracted legal battles against former public officials. To the average citizen, these headlines—often involving hundreds of duplexes, luxury vehicles, and billions in repatriated cash—feel like a victory.

    However, as the figures grow larger, a haunting question remains: Why is the tap of corruption still running so freely? While our anti-graft agencies, the EFCC and ICPC, deserve credit for clawing back stolen wealth, the sheer volume of these recoveries is not a badge of honour; it is a diagnostic report of a failing system. We are celebrating the return of the water while the house is still flooding.

    In recent years, the scale of asset recovery has reached historic levels. The figures are, by any objective measure, staggering. In 2024 alone, the federal government disclosed a combined recovery of over N277 billion and $105 million in cash and assets. By 2025, the ICPC realized N1.86 billion from the auction of 23 forfeited assets—the highest in its history.

    The EFCC has been even more aggressive. Between late 2023 and September 2025, the commission recovered over N566 billion, $411 million, and 1,502 properties. One of the most staggering examples remains the final forfeiture of 753 duplexes in Lokogoma, Abuja. While these figures enjoy strong political endorsement—including the president’s vow that “every stolen asset will be recovered”—they tell a story of massive theft that was allowed to happen in the first place. Forfeiture, in this context, is a damage-control exercise rather than a deterrent strategy.

    The irony of Nigeria’s corruption crisis is that we do not lack the legal tools to prevent looting. Our law books are filled with preventive measures designed to “stop the thief at the door.” The Public Procurement Act (2007) was established to ensure transparency and competition in government contracts; the Fiscal Responsibility Act (2007) aims to prevent reckless spending outside the budget; the Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act requires public officers to declare assets to prevent “unjust enrichment”; and the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act (2022) provides a framework to stop illicit funds before they leave the country.

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    So, what happened? The answer lies in institutional capture and legal formalism. Nigeria has the “form” of the law but lacks the “spirit” of enforcement. Many of these preventive laws are treated as mere administrative hurdles. When internal oversight units, such as Anti-Corruption and Transparency Units (ACTUs), are underfunded or intimidated by their superiors, the law becomes a dead letter.

    There is a dangerous tendency to view asset recovery as a source of national pride. But we must ask: Is it “pride” to catch a man who has already spent years impoverishing a community?

    Recovery is a slow, expensive, and often inefficient process. Research suggests the efficiency rate for recovering traced proceeds can be as low as 45% due to long legal battles and the depreciation of seized assets like vehicles and buildings. More importantly, by the time money is recovered, the damage—unbuilt hospitals, broken schools, and lost lives—is already done.

    A pilot who prevents a crash is more successful than a search-and-rescue team that finds the black box after a tragedy. Nigeria is currently focusing on the black box.

    To move beyond being a nation that simply “reacts well to theft,” Nigeria must shift from a “policeman-chasing-thief” model to a “system-securing-vault” model. This requires three critical reforms: Automating government payments and procurement to remove the “human interface” where bribes and negotiations typically occur; Moving beyond a mere policy to a formal law that provides concrete protection and rewards for those who report looting before the funds are diverted; and ensuring that internal auditors and procurement officers have security of tenure so they cannot be fired or transferred by the same politicians they are meant to monitor.

    Forfeiture and recovery are necessary, but they are woefully insufficient as standalone strategies. We must recognize that when catching crooks becomes the sole goal, the system still fails; true victory lies not in the arrest, but in the impossibility of the theft. Celebrating recovery is not enough; we need prevention to ensure that public wealth remains where it belongs: in the service of the people.

    •Obadiya John,

    obadiyajohn@yahoo.com

  • Repurposing Nigeria’s Abandoned Oil and Gas Assets for Energy Storage: A Geoscientist’s Perspective

    Repurposing Nigeria’s Abandoned Oil and Gas Assets for Energy Storage: A Geoscientist’s Perspective

    Nigeria’s oil and gas sector has generated vast subsurface infrastructure over several decades—hundreds of wells and reservoirs that once powered economic growth but are now depleted, idle, or abandoned. Deborah argues that while these assets are often framed solely as environmental liabilities, recent developments in Nigeria’s energy landscape suggest they may instead represent an underutilized strategic opportunity.

    She notes that recent reports show Nigeria’s crude oil production continues to fluctuate despite renewed upstream investments, while initiatives such as the Nigerian Gas Flare Commercialisation Programme (NGFCP) are beginning to convert previously wasted gas into usable energy. Together, these trends highlight a structural challenge: capturing gas is only part of the solution. Without reliable storage capacity, gas supply and gas demand remain misaligned, limiting the long-term impact of flare reduction and gas commercialization efforts.

    Deborah Agbamu is a Nigerian-born geoscientist with an undergraduate degree from the University of Lagos. She subsequently earned a Master’s degree in Geology from Kansas State University in the United States and is currently a researcher at Baylor University in Texas, USA. Drawing on this background, she spent over four years working in Nigeria’s oil and gas industry, where she contributed to seismic interpretation, petrophysical evaluation, volumetric analysis, and subsurface risk assessment for exploration and field development projects. This combination of hands-on industry experience and exposure, as well as advanced academic research shapes her perspective on how Nigeria can responsibly and safely re-use its subsurface assets.

    In her graduate research in the United States, Deborah focuses in part on modeling gas flow in both conventional and tight reservoirs. A central component of this research is the study of gas relative permeability, which governs how gases move through porous rocks and directly controls containment, efficiency, and long-term performance in underground storage systems. While global attention today is increasingly directed toward carbon capture and storage (CCUS) and hydrogen storage as part of emissions reduction and energy transition strategies, she emphasizes that natural gas storage remains a mature and well-established technology that has been safely implemented for decades in depleted oil and gas reservoirs worldwide.

    From her assessment, Nigeria possesses hundreds of mature and depleted fields with existing wells, seismic data, and historical production records. These reservoirs have already demonstrated their ability to trap hydrocarbons over geological time and could potentially be repurposed for underground energy storage—whether for natural gas captured through flare reduction programs or, in the future, hydrogen. Such storage would allow Nigeria to smooth supply fluctuations, support power generation and industrial use, and maximize the value of gas that would otherwise be wasted.

    However, she cautions that repurposing subsurface assets without rigorous geoscientific evaluation carries serious risks. Poorly characterized reservoirs may leak, compromise groundwater, or experience geomechanical failure. This is where advanced subsurface modeling becomes indispensable. By integrating seismic interpretation, petrophysical data, structural analysis, and fluid-flow simulation, geoscientists and engineers can evaluate storage integrity, quantify uncertainty, and identify risks before projects move from concept to execution.

    Beyond energy security, Deborah highlights that the benefits extend further. Properly designed storage projects can reduce methane emissions, lower long-term remediation costs, and extend the economic life of existing infrastructure. They also create opportunities for Nigerian geoscientists and engineers to apply advanced analytical skills locally, strengthening national technical capacity and reducing reliance on imported expertise.

    Nigeria’s energy transition, she concludes, does not require abandoning its subsurface legacy. It requires rethinking it. With deliberate investment in data quality, modeling, and geoscientific expertise, abandoned oil and gas assets can become part of a safer, more resilient, and forward-looking energy system—one that aligns environmental responsibility with practical energy needs.

  • What FCT elections reveal about Nigeria’s democracy

    What FCT elections reveal about Nigeria’s democracy

    Sir: When the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) released the final list of candidates for the 2026 Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Area Council elections, it did more than kick-start another local poll. It quietly exposed a deeper and more uncomfortable truth about Nigeria’s democracy: while young people and women are encouraged to participate, they are rarely allowed to lead.

    Across the six area councils — Abaji, AMAC, Bwari, Gwagwalada, Kuje and Kwali; hundreds of candidates are contesting for chairmanships, vice-chairmanships and councillors seats. On the surface, this looks like a vibrant democratic exercise. But a closer look at the data tells a different story.

    In three of the councils; Bwari, Gwagwalada and Kwali; not a single woman is running for chairman. Across the FCT, women make up a small fraction of candidates for the two most powerful positions in local government: chairman and vice-chairman. Where women do appear, they are overwhelmingly listed as deputies, not principals.

    Young people face a similar pattern. They make up a large share of councillorship candidates across the FCT, often more than half in some councils. Yet at the executive level, they almost disappear. In Gwagwalada, for instance, less than one in 10 candidates for chairman or vice-chairman is a young person.

    This is not because young people or women are unwilling to contest. They are running. They are organising. They are mobilising voters. What they are not getting is access to the tickets that matter.

    Local governments are not ceremonial institutions. They are responsible for primary healthcare, basic education, sanitation, markets, transport and community infrastructure. These are the services that affect people’s daily lives. When women and young people are excluded from the leadership of these councils, the decisions taken rarely reflect the realities of the majority.

    The usual explanation for this imbalance is that Nigeria is still grappling with cultural barriers and limited political awareness. But the 2026 FCT data points to a more concrete problem: political parties.

    There is nothing in Nigeria’s laws that prevent women from running for chairman or young people from leading councils. The barriers are inside the parties’ high nomination fees, opaque primaries, entrenched godfather networks and leadership structures that reward loyalty over competence. Parties routinely field women and young people where they are unlikely to win, while reserving the most competitive and powerful positions for established insiders.

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    The result is a two-tier system. At the bottom are youth and women, visible in ward-level contests and campaign rallies. At the top are a small group of older politicians who continue to control access to power.

    This is not just a question of fairness. It is a question of governance. Councils that do not reflect the communities they serve are less likely to design policies that work. Excluding women and young people from leadership weakens accountability and limits innovation in a country that desperately needs both.

    The FCT is Nigeria’s capital. If inclusion cannot be achieved here, it is unlikely to happen elsewhere. That makes these elections a test case for the country’s democratic future.

    Political parties, electoral authorities, civil society and lawmakers must stop treating inclusion as a slogan. It must become a rule. Quotas for women and young people on executive tickets, caps on nomination fees, and transparent primaries are not radical ideas. They are the minimum standards for a modern democracy.

    The 2026 FCT elections have shown that participation is not the problem. Young people and women are already in the arena. The problem is that Nigeria’s political system still decides, long before election day, who is allowed to win.

    Until that changes, the promise of democracy will remain unfulfilled; not just in Abuja, but across the country.

    • Olasupo Abideen Opeyemi,<abideenolasupo@gmail.com>

  • Southeast, 2027 and politics of strategic alignment

    Southeast, 2027 and politics of strategic alignment

    Sir: Recently, the Southeast stakeholders’ meeting of the All Progressives Congress was held in Enugu State. At that gathering, the clear message that stood out was the urgent need for unity across the southern political corridor to consolidate the gains of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration and secure victory for the APC in 2027.

    It is a position that deserves sober reflection, not emotional dismissal. In politics, sentiment is a luxury while strategy is a necessity. And for the Southeast, the time has come to invest our votes where they can yield tangible political returns.

    For decades, we have demonstrated remarkable loyalty to political causes and parties, often without commensurate rewards. Since 1999, the Southeast largely aligned with the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), even when that party controlled the centre for 16 uninterrupted years. Yet, beyond symbolic appointments and occasional infrastructure mentions, the Southeast remained politically peripheral, electorally useful but strategically expendable.

    The hard question we must now ask is: what enduring political or developmental gains did that long-standing alignment truly deliver to the Southeast?

    Politics, everywhere in the world, is transactional. Regions that negotiate from positions of relevance and leverage reap the benefits of power. Those who consistently vote against the centre, or scatter their influence across losing platforms, consign themselves to the margins. Nigeria is no exception.

    This is why the call from the Enugu meeting should be understood as political realism. Aligning with the party at the centre is an act of foresight.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration has embarked on far-reaching reforms, some painful, others inevitable. Whether one agrees with all of them or not, one fact is this: this government will shape Nigeria’s economic (and political) direction for the foreseeable future. The Southeast cannot afford to be spectators in decisions that will define Nigeria’s future.

    The argument that we should continue to vote symbolically in protest may be emotionally satisfying, but it is strategically hollow. Elections are not moral victories; they are pathways to power. And power is what translates political participation into tangible outcomes. It is what it is!

    It is also time we put to rest the romantic notion of “voting our own” as a sufficient political strategy. Yes, Peter Obi’s performance in the 2023 presidential election was impressive and, to people like me, surprising. However, elections are won not by momentum alone.

    Truth be told, there is currently no viable pathway to an Obi presidency in 2027, even with his alignment with the ADC- a home to a mix of aggrieved politicians, including former APC “power brokers”. An alignment that also exposes a deeper contradiction because if the path forward still requires alliances with the same political class Obi’s movement defined itself against, then the narrative of a clean break from “old order” becomes harder to sustain. Or was it all a ruse?

    More importantly, there is the fundamental challenge of the absence of nationwide electoral viability. It is what it is!

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    The alternative often implied within this coalition is a return to a familiar northern presidential option. But does this choice truly serve southern or south-eastern interests? After eight years of President Muhammadu Buhari, a Fulani northerner, the informal but widely respected understanding within Nigeria’s power rotation framework is that power should remain in the South.

    To jettison that understanding now would not only deepen national distrust, it would also weaken the South’s collective bargaining power in the long run. Aligning behind another northern ticket so soon would amount to political self-sabotage.

    The Southeast must therefore think beyond protest votes and sentimental attachments. The real question is not which party makes us feel morally comfortable, but which alignment places us closer to decision-making power, federal presence, and developmental negotiation.

    Political relevance is not awarded; it is negotiated. It is what it is!

    This does not mean blind loyalty to the APC, nor does it suggest abandoning legitimate grievances. Rather, it calls for pragmatic engagement. Entering the room where decisions are made, influencing policy from within, and positioning the Southeast as a critical stakeholder rather than a perpetual opposition enclave.

    As 2027 approaches, the Southeast must choose between symbolism and strategy, between emotional consistency and political consequence. Votes are currency in a democracy. It is time we spent ours wisely.

    The future will not reward sentiment. It will reward calculation and strategic alignment.

    Lastly, an Igbo presidency will not emerge from isolation or perpetual opposition. It will come from relevance, trust, and negotiated inclusion within Nigeria’s power architecture.

    •Chiechefulam Ikebuiro, Chiechefulamikebuiro@gmail.com

  • Faith, fear, and the future of learning

    Faith, fear, and the future of learning

    Sir: In November 2025, gunmen stormed St. Mary’s Catholic School in Papiri, Niger State, abducting more than 300 students and staff from their dormitories and forcing them into the bush. Ultimately, all were either released or escaped. However, the incident revealed a painful truth: education cannot flourish where safety is at risk.

    Many Nigerians remember university student Deborah Yakubu, who was killed after an accusation of blasphemy. Videos of her death circulated widely. What shocked many of us was not only the brutality but also the confidence of those involved. People recorded themselves. Some celebrated. The message was clear: you can be targeted in broad daylight, and the system may respond slowly, selectively, or not at all. Part of the problem is legal and political. In some states, blasphemy-related laws are treated as if they justify violence. Even where the law does not authorize vigilantism, weak enforcement allows it to flourish. Rumors spread faster than investigations.

    That reality seeps into classrooms. When a student learns that her faith must be hidden to avoid trouble, she does not learn freely. When a teacher worries that a lesson, a comment, or even a misinterpreted message could trigger a false accusation, he teaches cautiously. Fear changes what can be said, what can be asked, and what can be imagined.

    Nigeria can choose a different path, one that protects Muslims, Christians, and everyone else. Reforming laws that enable mob justice is not an attack on Islam or on religion. It is a defense of the rule of law. If speech is to be punished, it must be handled by courts, with due process, not by crowds with stones, machetes, or fire.

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    We also need to treat attacks on schools as a national emergency. That means protecting boarding schools and vulnerable campuses with practical measures, not just condolences. It means rapid response capacity, credible intelligence, and consequences for those who plan and finance kidnappings. It means transparent reporting so families are not left in the dark for weeks, trading rumors when they deserve facts.

    The educational consequences are already severe. In many communities, parents are withdrawing children, especially girls, from boarding schools. Teachers are relocating or leaving the profession. Learning time is lost due to closures and fear. And once a child drops out, the path back is narrow. Insecurity is quietly widening inequality because wealthier families can move, pay for private security, or send children abroad. Poor families cannot.

    Nigeria is a deeply religious country, and faith can be a healing force. However, faith cannot replace the law. No society can educate its children while accepting a culture where abduction is profitable and accusations can be deadly.

    •Olukayode Apata,Texas, United States.University.