The Nation Newspaper

Category: Dele Agekameh

  • A nation on tenterhooks

    r – at least, in this part of the world. There seems to be trouble brewing in Nigeria right now and the response so far has been inadequate, to say the least.

    Nigeria is a typical example of a country in distress. The citizens have witnessed religious zealots metamorphosed into fierce insurgents and career terrorists. We have seen how communal clashes can graduate into realms just short of xenophobia, and we have witnessed local and imported criminals hold communities to ransom. The fabric of the nation appears to be at risk of coming apart due to a failure to de-escalate ongoing threats or prevent the growth of new ones.

    When distrust and intolerance are at a record high and criminals are being classified by ethnicity, it is not surprising that the country has become a ripe ground for opportunists with sinister agendas. Critical steps need to be taken now before the situation gets out of control. At the moment, the security situation in the Southwest mirrors, very well, the danger to nationhood that the entire country faces.

    The Southwest is gripped by an influx of undesirables thought to have come from the ranks of the bandits terrorising the Northwest and alleged bad elements posing as cattle-herdsmen. Although these undesirable persons may be additions to criminals already in operation in the region, the reality or possibility of non-locals tearing through the region has roused so much anger in the people and their leaders. As has become apparent, the anger is not so much at the criminality, but at the assumed or actual ethnicity of the said criminals. This is quite instructive.

    The seemingly misdirected anger in the Southwest is replicated across Nigeria. It is further influenced by the saturation of social media, and even traditional media platforms, with theories of ethnic domination and grand agendas of ethnic subjugation. If the facts do not appear to support the theories, it would have been a smaller problem. But everyday, new revelations and occurrences feed the monstrous rumours and stoke the fire of ethnic bias among Nigerians.

    Even through the lies and half-truths, the manipulations and misinformation that have taken over media platforms, one thing is certain – there is danger. The precise nature of the danger may not be clear, but the government and people of Nigeria need to sit up to their responsibilities. The rising insecurity has brought back familiar arguments about the structure of the country and how power should be shared. Even at that, some are of the opinion that restructuring may not be enough to stem the possible erosion of our national life.

    Besides the concern over the situation in the Southwest, a clash of interests is also playing out on the national stage between ethnic groups. The recognised leadership of major ethnic groupings and regions in Nigeria are trying to stand up to their responsibilities as guardians of their people. In so doing, fingers are being pointed, consciously or unconsciously, in many directions. We may be heading back to dark times in the nations history; dark times in the past when Igbos, Yorubas, Hausas, Fulanis and others were asked to return to their ancestral homes because of rising or planned violence against them in “foreign” parts of the country.

    The idea of restricted access within the country, which is what we may be coming to, is alien to federalism and the concept of nationhood. It is also adverse to basic decency within a country. Insecurity is creating division and clannish predisposition in the regions of the country.  For instance, Afenifere, the pan-Yoruba group, concluded a security summit for the Southwest region in June. The Southeast, Niger Delta, Arewa Consultative Forum and the middle-belt have also been in regional talks about the issue of security. Security is a national concern, and when regions are forced to find regional solutions to a common problem, it does not encourage nation-building.

    One can hardly fault the Southwest leaders, or any others, for taking these steps, having, themselves, been victims of attacks or lost family to the marauding criminals that are currently choking Nigerians. Rotimi Akeredolu, Governor of Ondo State, claimed to have had his convoy attacked and may have been kidnapped or worse, but for his security detail. Olufunke Olakunri, daughter of Pa Reuben Fasoranti, leader of Afenifere, was a very recent victim of the bad state of security in the Southwest. It cannot hit closer to home than that for both of them. To even think that the perpetrators are non-locals must be maddening.

    Just the other day, Kayode Ajulo, another figure from the Southwest took to social media to reveal the presence of Fulani vigilantes in operation deep within Ondo State. The state government neither knew of their operation nor did notable people in the communities where they operate, but the police was said to have been aware and possibly endorsed it. Although it could be a noble gesture based on the same concept of nationhood and ethnic co-habitation that this column wishes to promote, the lack of procedure and failure to carry along local authorities and public figures is what makes it dangerous. It is no wonder that the regions are clamming up. But come to think of it: how can those accused of fomenting trouble in the Southwest turn around to say they are providing security?

    The more national issues are left to regional authorities to address, the weaker the union of ethnicities that we call Nigeria. Even the much sought after state/community policing structure, will be dependent on coordination and partnership on a national level for it to be effective. But the signals one is getting from regional responses so far is that it is every man for himself or to thy tent oh Israel.  Many traditional rulers in the country have voiced concerns to the government. But they now go, on behalf of their regions, and not as a block of national elders and leaders. This was not always the case.

    Perhaps, it was concern over the damage to our nationhood that the state of insecurity is causing that prompted former Head of State, General Abdulsalami Abubakar, to call a peace summit to be hosted in Minna, in his home state of Niger. The summit would have proceeded as planned on Monday, but some regional leaders pulled out at the last minute. The bone of contention was the inclusion of representatives of the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria as part of the stakeholders.

    Many in the south of Nigeria have connected the violence by alleged herdsmen to Miyetti Allah. That fact, including the classification of the group as a mere trade group by southern leaders and the middle-belt forum, was enough to raise dissatisfaction with the summit.  While there is a point to that stance by the regional bodies, there may be a missed opportunity to explore, as widely as possible, solutions to the problem of insecurity, even with accused perpetrators or alleged financiers of the perpetrators.

    The present subject of insecurity and its connection with ethnicity is a poisoned chalice. Beginning dialogue on the subject will unearth deeper national and ethnic issues, while ignoring the subject will most assuredly lead to doom. It is left for President Muhammadu Buhari’s government to encourage regional leaders to put on the cap of national leaders and work together towards a national, rather, than regional solution. It is the only way out of the quagmire of insecurity.

  • The Shiite Frankenstein

    In horticulture, a bud is removed or trimmed from a plant to prevent a fruit or flower from forming. The term, “to nip in the bud” derives from this practice. Using the idiomatic sense of that phrase, one can say that Nigeria has failed to nip many security threats in the bud in the last decade. In many cases, governmental negligence and mismanagement of threats in the early stages have been prominent on the list of contributory factors. The negligence and mismanagement has aided the birth of many “Frankensteins”. Now, with the current menace of the Shiites, perhaps, another one may be in the making.

    After repeated clashes with security operatives, Ibrahim El-Zakzaky’s Shiite sect, on Tuesday, July 9, stormed the National Assembly complex and attempted a forced entry. In the melee that followed, a number of policemen were injured, including two who were left in critical condition. Some reports claim that at least two of the sect members also lost their lives in the incident. It was not the first burst-up between the Shiites and government agents, and, from the looks of it, it may not be the last.

    The dance (python or crocodile) of the Shiites with government agents began in 2015 when the sect interrupted the convoy of Lt. Gen. Tukur Buratai, the army chief, whilst allegedly blocking a public highway illegally during a procession. The showdown that ensued later led to the alleged deaths of hundreds of the sect members in an army offensive against them. Although that army operation was widely criticised as high-handed and vindictive, it is the continued detention of El-Zakzaky, the leader of the sect, who has been held by the federal government since that operation that is the chief source of rancour between the government and the sect members.

    Protests, peaceful and otherwise, have been held in different Nigerian cities since 2015. Sect members and state agents have lost their lives in some of these protests. Although the casualty list is greatly heaped on the side of the Shiites, the sometimes violent protests have not been without loss on all sides, and that includes on the side of ordinary neutral Nigerians going about their daily lives. It is thought by many, that a quick solution would be the release of El-Zakzaky. The sect leader has had multiple court orders issued for his release from state detention, but none have been honoured by the government.

    The argument of the government in favour of El-Zakzaky’s continued detention is based on grounds of national security. That position is reaffirmed by statements credited to President Muhammadu Buhari, where he suggested that issues of national security take precedence over public perception of the rule of law. The president has been criticised for those comments and the government has been criticised for its refusal to obey the court orders, but the antics of the Shiites in some of these protests is edging close to radicalism. In the end, the government may either be justified in its seeming defiance of the rule of law in this case or it may, again, be responsible for the full radicalisation of a group already teetering towards radicalism.

    This situation calls for caution and deep thought by the government, the sect members and members of the public. We now live in a world where the path to radicalism, whilst still shocking in its incidence, has become much easier to follow from a neutral viewpoint. There are fewer questions about how an otherwise peaceful grocer in East London would pack up his business to join Islamic State in Syria. The systemic villainisation of a group through mismanagement of conflict between the state and that group can have multiple unwanted outcomes, as has been seen and demonstrated in many parts of the world.

    In the case of the Shiites, their history of hostility towards non-sect members, even other Muslims with different ideologies, coupled with their disregard of constituted authority, especially secular authority, had already tagged them as “trouble-makers” in societal context. That may be explained as mere religious over-zealousness, but, conversely, that is also the starting point of religious radicalism. Although, while there are many religious zealots of all faiths in Nigeria, not many have had hundreds of their members killed by agents of the state, in any circumstance. Not many, also, have had their spiritual leaders held behind bars by the state for years.

    It is at this point that the divergence of opinion on this matter lies. Are the Shiites fighting a just cause for the upholding of the rule of law and the deaths of their family and friends or are they trouble-makers, with no respect for constituted authority and other members of our society? If none of their protests have been violent or hostile, and their history devoid of hostility in any form, this would have been an easy question. Perhaps, also, if the army had not killed members of the sect, there would be no question at all. What is certain is that, with the current sequence of events, the government may be creating another Frankenstein monster.

    Recall that the widespread violence and complete radicalisation of Boko Haram began after the government went after the leader of the sect, publicly humiliated him and carried out his extra-judicial execution. While we thought those days of gung-ho governance was over, the same playbook has been deployed against the Shiites, who are clearly well funded, with the way they organise supporters and reportedly give out stipends during their protests. If the insinuations that their benefactor is a foreign government with an interest in the propagation of Shiite ideology in the country, then the situation can turn very ugly, very quickly, irrespective of El-Zakzaky’s freedom status.

    In the meantime, the government has people to protect and the peace of the country to maintain. How the question of national security and rule of law plays out may become irrelevant if the face-off with the group is allowed to drag-on, therefore attracting the wrong kind of interest from internal and external players with ulterior motives. It may also become irrelevant if the health-challenged El-Zakzaky were to lose his life while still in detention. That may be why, according to government sources, millions are expended on the upkeep of the Shiite leader in custody.

    Whichever way the government spins it, all measures it is currently taking on the Shiites’ matter are unsustainable, and with each passing day, the possibility of full blown violence by the Shiite sect is greater. Once the wrong people are allowed influence over that group, the creation of the Frankenstein would be complete and there will be no going back. The government must think El-Zakzaky’s influence on his Shiite sect is toxic enough to threaten national security, understandably so, but his absence creates a vacuum that can be filled by a much worse character. That has always been the trajectory of radical groups.

    For the government, it must explore avenues of defusing the tension between the sect and agents of the state by finding leaders from within their ranks it can negotiate with and hold responsible if need be. The group, as of this time, cannot be thought of as terrorists or, strictly speaking, extremists, and the government must relate with them as such. Doing this will involve answering questions about El-Zakzaky, which should not be a problem if there is evidence to back any suspicions. Otherwise, the rule of law has to be allowed to prevail in his matter.

    For the sect members, they must remember that the world will only judge them for their actions now, no matter what wrong may have been done them in the past. It is a slippery slope from mindless followership into violent radicalism once the ingredient of a hostile relationship with the state is established. The government has some nipping in the bud to do, but the Shiites too may have to summon the courage to nip their own radicalisation in the bud. If all parties fail, it will be one Frankenstein too many and the society will be worse for it.

  • Mayne David-West @ 70

    There are few men in science like Mayne David-West. Loving him isn’t much of a choice. It is something that comes naturally, given how he has carried himself through the years. Although his trajectory could be likened to that of a rock star, David-West galvanises his universe with his gift of genius, moving in spaces that test his mettle as a prolific engineer. Having made enviable leaps in the field of engineering, with over 200 remarkable engineering projects to his credit, he has used engineering as a medium to express himself.

    David-West brings creativity and art to engineering designs, giving them not just functions but form, like the proverbial renaissance engineer or virtuoso artist, if you like. When I ran into him in Port Harcourt a little over 11 years ago, it did not take long for me to know him as a straightforward, no-nonsense man. That afternoon, we were previewing the latest addition to his successful engineering career – a 706km long East-West coastal road (Calabar-Lagos) highway design for which his company had just finished the alignments. Since that meeting, our friendship has blossomed till date.

    David-West is easily an immensely accomplished and brilliant individual. He is self-effacing, courteous, selfless and kind to a fault. Added to these are his great sense of humour and penchant for philanthropy. In short, his life is a fitting study of how to live a good life. There is no average-ness to his genius; David-West by his works, challenges the notion that the sky poses a limit to even the most astounding intellect as he dares to best himself in every fresh endeavour. It is no surprise, therefore, that he has certain fascinating landmark design projects to his credit.

    The great feats of engineering that David-West is responsible for include the Abidjan – Lagos Corridor Super Highway (Lot 2), the construction, supervision and design review of 850m Box Girder Bridge over River Forcados at Patani in Delta State, for the Federal Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs. He was also the brain behind the cable-stayed bridge over Forcados River Crossing, “Wondrous Forcados.” The overall length of the Forcados is 3.48km, comprising a Cable-stayed bridge with a clear main span of 0.350km and side span of 0.215km connected to 1.35km long approaches. This project was described internationally as one of the most ambitious and sophisticated highway engineering designs ever undertaken in the world.

    Similarly, he designed a suspension bridge over Bonny River Crossing, christened “Water Diamond of Grand Bonny.” The suspension bridge has a main clear span of 1.5km and side spans of 0.65km each with 1.5km long approach concrete viaducts on either side. It is the fifth longest span in the world for a suspension bridge but the longest of its type on the African continent.

    Blessed with astounding genius, David-West balances out his remarkable work ethic and achievements with a warm persona. Every shade of David-West’s persona, from his enchanting masculinity to his subtle assertiveness, conveys an inscrutable allure. The man is a fire starter; a glamorous equivalent of a modern hero: posh, inspiring and intelligent. A renowned icon of engineering David-West is a star, a pioneer and workhorse with monumental focus. These towering traits have led in no small measure to his speedy rise up the ladder of science and acclaim. His meteoric rise, according to a lot of his friends and business associates, is actually worthy of his exertions and diligence. It is only fair then that he is celebrated on the strength of his exploits as he clocked the remarkable age of 70 last Saturday, July 13.

    At work and leisure, David-West’s humaneness to peers and underlings is infectious; a warm, regal, confident man with reassuring calm, he brings out the best in his closest co-workers and associates. David-West speaks his mind without sacrificing honesty or empathy. That takes a lot of courage and discipline. There is no gainsaying that he would make good impact if he ever dabbled into politics. Though he loathes the political arena, he nonetheless deploys his brilliance and influence as an engineering genius to improve the world around him. He is also very easy to relate with on personal terms, for instance, he encourages young people to complete their education past high school and inspires all to interrogate their fears and surpass greatness.

    On the strength of his humanity and exploits, David-West has received several awards and honours. Among them are the NICE Distinguished Award for Commitment to Professional Excellence in Civil Engineering Practice in Nigeria in 2011; NICE Meritorious Service Award For Contributions to the Advancement of Civil Engineering Profession in Nigeria in 2010; NIHE Merit Award in Recognition of Meritorious and Committed Service for Successful Achievement in Engineering Practice and Sponsoring of NIHE, Port Harcourt Chapter Investiture/Inauguration in 2014. He was also appointed Patron, Nigerian Institution of Highway Engineers (NIHE), Port Harcourt Chapter in 2014.

    Born on July 13, 1949 to the noble, erudite and amiable David-West family of Buguma, Rivers State, he had a good early childhood that was focused. As a child of good pedigree, his approach to life was robust and responsive. He graduated with honours in Civil Engineering from Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria in 1977 and discharged his National Youth Service under the Ondo State Housing Corporation, Akure, Ondo State. He later joined the services of Etteh, Aro and Partners in 1978. There, he served faithfully as Pupil Engineer, rising to the peak of his career as partner in 1986, having been appointed Resident Engineer/Manager earlier, to lead the Port Harcourt Branch of the firm in 1980.

    David-West is an active practitioner of Civil Engineering, a Fellow of the Academy of Engineering, Fellow of the Nigerian Society of Engineers (FNSE), Fellow of the Nigerian Institution of Structural Engineers (FNIStructE), Fellow of the Nigerian Institution of Civil Engineers (FNICE), Fellow of the Nigerian Institute of Highway Engineers (FNIHE), Member of the International Association of Bridge and Structural Engineers (MIABSE) and Member of the International Association of Hydraulic Engineering and Research (MIAHR). He is on the Register of Council for the Regulation of Engineering (COREN).

    Among the several awards received are “NICE Award of Professional Excellence in recognition of exceptional accomplishments as a Civil Engineer, 2015” and “NICE Distinguished Award for Commitment to Professional Excellence in Civil Engineering Practice in Nigeria, 2011”.

    In 1987, Mayne became a Principal of Pearl Consultants, an offshoot of Etteh Aro & Partners. As he celebrates his 70th birthday, however, it is noteworthy that the pedestal of his engineering practice was built by Rev. (Engr). E. I. Etteh and late Engr. Lawrence Arokodare. There is no way you engage him in any discussion that he does not make uncountable references to these great men who have played very significant and remarkable roles in what he is today. Even though Arokodare died many years ago, Rev. Etteh, now 82 years old, is still waxing strong.

    David-West is married to the amiable and equally erudite Juliet Ogedi David-West nee Nzeribe. Their over 40 years old union is blessed with four children: Sylvia, Juliet, Tavis and Brian. Let me end this tribute by proposing 70 garlands to a virtuoso scientist, a man of astounding exploits and humanness.

  • The Ruga conundrum

    There has been a deluge of issues and controversies in the Nigerian polity in the course of the past few years. Asides from the very real and present danger that Boko Haram poses to the country everyday, equally grave security concerns have been at the head of many of the controversies.

    Particularly, the matter of exacerbating violence in the communal clashes between nomadic herdsmen and rural communities across the country has been a subject of perpetual concern and debates. It is creating resentment and other negative sentiments between ethnic groups in Nigeria.

    Based on this background, it is worrisome to see the policy misdirection that characterised the now suspended Ruga initiative of the federal government. The issues arising from the attempted implementation of the initiative are numerous. First is the poor communication. From the government gazetting of lands in all 36 states of the federation for the initiative, to the said approval of funds for same, the public seems to have been caught by surprise. Word only got out after contract award letters went public at the same time as some state governors cried foul over usurpation of their power by the federal government.  The confusion lingers, even after the suspension of the initiative.

    Then there is the issue about the relationship of the Ruga initiative with the National Livestock Transformation Plan, NLTP. The NLTP, according to government sources, is a result of wide consultations and collaboration with communities, state governments and representatives of cattle herders since as far back as 2017, culminating in the National Economic Council, NEC, adopting the plan in January. The NEC comprises of all state governors and is chaired by the vice president. The NEC-approved NLTP is a broad programme that involves conflict resolution, humanitarian relief for victims of communal clashing and elaborate schemes to transform the practices in the livestock industry to reduce friction and conflict. Part of that programme includes an option for ranching.

    For reasons still unclear to the public, the Federal Executive Committee, FEC, is said to have approved funding for the ruga initiative, which supposedly involves allocation of land for settlements for cattle herders and other animal farmers. The initiative is also said, by government sources, to include parallel programmes for education and other measures to increase productivity in the livestock industry. The initiative bears remarkable similarities with the part of the NLTP that deals with ranching. However, Yemi Osinbajo, the vice president and spearhead of the NLTP, has made a statement dissociating the ruga initiative from the NLTP. The FEC comprises of President Muhammadu Buhari’s cabinet ministers, the Vice-President and the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, SGF, with the president himself as the chair.

    Before we talk about the crux of the public dissatisfaction with the Ruga initiative, it may be important to note the policy shortcomings of the move. As an initiative arising from the presidency, it is remarkably suspect that a carbon copy of parts of a separate programme was launched, almost out of thin air. What’s more, the claims by the spokesmen of Miyetti Allah, the herdsmen association, that the initiative was being driven by the vice-president, (since debunked by VP Osinbajo), is testament to the fact that the group has knowledge of the NLTP and must have misconstrued, or been led to believe, that Ruga is an implementation of that section of NLTP. The question then is, was there a deliberate effort to misrepresent the Ruga initiative? If so, who is responsible? And why?

    In the reckoning of most of the members of the public, especially from the southern parts of Nigeria, including many of the southern governors, the answers to these questions are clear. It supposedly falls in line with the alleged “Fulani/muslim agenda”. With notable public figures like Wole Soyinka, Nobel Laureate, former President Olusegun Obasanjo and others towing the same line, the public has run with that narrative. When one marries the impact of a misapplied ruga policy with the already raging inferno of ethno-religious sentimentalism, the result is the wild speculation of an invasion in the south and ultimatums made by some representatives of northern herders.

    None of our elected or appointed officials needs a history lesson – none are young enough, by law or reality, to need one. With the knowledge or consciousness of history, no official would have been expected to embark on Ruga, or relevant parts of the NLTP for that matter, in the manner that was done these past few weeks. No matter how sound the policy, there are external or related issues that need to be addressed before such a move can be made. The architects of the Ruga implementation must not have taken the public pulse about the donation or appropriation of land for ranching or settlements. If they did, they must have miscalculated or misunderstood the readings.

    Also worrisome, is the propensity of President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration to fall into obvious pitfalls around the issue of a “Fulani/Muslim agenda”. Even if the allegations are total rubbish, it is enough that large sections of the members of the public are concerned enough to be discussing it and/or acting against it. Poor management of public sentiments in this matter could later justify the fears of the public figures that have been advising caution.

    In a country with a long memory, as far as ethnic/religious bias is concerned, valid fears are being raised about possible government-backed mass resettlement of herders from all over the country and beyond, in places where their numbers have been minimal. True, we are all Nigerians and free to reside where we choose in our country. But in the context of the very recent conflicts and violence between herders and host communities and the government admission of compromised entry points and infiltration of herders from beyond our borders, the fears are justified.

    There is also a fear, based on some historical precedents, that creating settlements that would most likely be dominated by the ethnic group that are traditional herdsmen could lead to an eroding of local cultures in the host communities in the long run. The eventual emergence of emirates in parts of Kwara State is a ready example of this, with other examples and attempts of the same model in many other places. Such an occurence may be a natural, innocent, eventuality and not part of an elaborate plot to erode local cultures; but then again, it could be.

    Without proper dialogue, institutional measures to address concerns and safeguards to the culture and way of life of host communities, people will continue to assume the worst and kick against any insinuation of government coordinated settlements for herders, be it through Ruga or the NLTP. Issuing award letters for Ruga contracts in Benue, for example, without carrying the governor along or consulting with the local people, can be likened to the government pouring fuel to the fire it is trying to put out.

    Also, in a public administration point of view, the Ruga/NLTP confusion exposes, yet again, the dysfunction in communication, motives and coordination within the presidency. The vice-president is a member of the FEC. Was he absent when a parallel policy to his NLTP was being approved and given implementation green light? Even if so, why were the issues not ironed out when he was made aware? He must have become aware of Ruga before the general public. These questions, yet unanswered, do not help to put to bed the more serious concerns that the public has about the Ruga initiative, especially in the middle belt and in the south of Nigeria.

    Whichever way one views the issue of ranching or settlements, as a policy direction or as a conspiracy, one is bound to identify problems with its reception in host communities in the context of the violence that triggered the idea in the first place. The government needs to be able to assume all the different views, no matter how outlandish, for any lasting solutions to be found to this issue. The first attempt at implementing Ruga does not suggest that it does. May God save Nigeria!

  • Transition as looting window

    Again, it is that time when stories of mind-boggling looting spree dominate the air-waves. Call it the season of looting if you want, because transition season is usually looting season in Nigeria. Back in 2015, President Muhammadu Buhari and Yemi Osibanjo, the vice-president, began their tenure by operating from Defence House in Abuja, while Aso Rock, the Presidential Villa, was under ‘renovation’ for their arrival. With a full three months between the announcement of election results and the actual handover date, one would expect that there is enough time for such preparations. But the vandalism that took place was so massive that things needed to be properly put in place.

    In truth, the ‘preparation’ for incoming administrations in government houses at federal and state level is an almost clean sweep of government property by the outgoing horde – from cars and furniture to pots, pans and stationaries. The worst part of the systemic transition-time looting is that, almost every administration begins with massive expenditure on looted items, most likely at inflated values, and the practice has largely come to be accepted as the norm in the country. It is, in fact, a corrupt practice that has no place in a government that is accountable for its spending and expenditure, even to the minutest details on its budget. And it seems we are yet to have such a government.

    In 2015, in Rivers State, in one of the few cases where feigned political outrage follows the clean sweep of a government house, Governor Nyesom Wike had embarked on an elaborate tour. In the full glare of cameras, he exposed the looting and vandalism allegedly perpetrated by aides of Rotimi Amaechi, his predecessor. That outrage was borne by political rivalry and nothing else because it has become the norm in Nigeria, rather than a one-off event in Rivers State.

    In the series of transitions after the 2019 elections, Governor Emeka Ihedioha of Imo State also embarked on the same tour of shame, perhaps, to spite his political foe, Rochas Okorocha, now ex-governor of the state. Recall that his predecessor, now a senator, was staunchly opposed to his emergence as governor. In some cases, where past administrations may have left articles intact, some have even alleged that new governments or their agents intentionally pillage the property and equipment found, making way for the bogus bills for new materials that must begin the administration, by ‘norm’.

    Beyond materials and articles of government, large fund transfers have been known to disappear days or weeks before a transition. In the past, new governments routinely cried about empty treasuries left for them by their predecessors. This was before the stricter financial monitoring measures that have been instituted by the anti-graft agencies and new policies like the Bank Verification Numbers, BVN, for all bank accounts. Still, such things happen and mostly go unpunished.

    The practice is so rife that some ex-governors, like Peter Obi of Anambra, made much light of the ‘large amounts’ left in state coffers after their administration. If those funds were used transparently to the identifiable good of their states, no-one would begrudge an outgoing government any low balances in the state treasury. Almost as sinister as the looting of the treasury and government property is the politicisation of supposed financial accountability.

    However, the transition-time corruption does not end at looting of government property and funds. Last minute promotions, redistribution and postings at all levels of government are another avenue. It could even be the more dangerous kind, because of the long-term effects of these last minute acts.

    In Ogun State, after the last elections, Dapo Abiodun, the new governor, complained about his predecessor’s last minute appointments and promotions of hundreds of government staff in the state. Ibikunle Amosun, the immediate past governor in the state, now a senator, is known to have done all within his power to stop Abiodun’s election. If Abiodun now suspects that his predecessor is laying traps and deliberately complicating his government, he cannot be faulted.

    Yet, at the root of the transition-time bazaar is a high propensity for abuse of authority by public officials, poor moral compass and a disregard for the voting public. Ignorance of the true nature of corruption and a culture of unjustified entitlement also enables the pillaging and misuse of power during the last moments of every administration. Even if the leading figures of an administration are unaware and un-involved, the rottenness is deeply rooted in public service, so that the underlings of a popular leader, including the cooks, drivers and higher-up aides are ready for the windfall of a change in power even before election day comes.

    Transitions can be a tricky matter anywhere in the world. But the nature of our system of government and the weakness of public sector ethics ensures that the promise of immoral benefits far outweighs the fear of legal repercussion or the weight of moral obligation. In 2001, Bob Barr, then a Republican Representative from Georgia, submitted a request to the General Accounting Office, GAO, of the United States Congress to investigate allegations of vandalism and theft at the White House during the presidential transition from Democrat Bill Clinton to Republican George W. Bush.

    The vandalism and alleged theft in the US case were mostly political statements made by outgoing White House staffers, and the GAO placed the cost at up to $14,000 at the time. This is child’s play in transitions in Nigeria today. The pillaging is no political statement, but a calculated act of theft pre-conceived almost immediately a new administration arrives. The US system, which Nigeria is modelled after, enables this to happen because of the long transitional period. Britain’s parliamentary system is near seamless and outgoing prime ministers, for instance, have a maximum of 48 hours to leave Downing Street in most cases, under close scrutiny.

    As Nigerians, we are already well aware of the high propensity for corrupt practices in our society, but may be oblivious to the actual incidents of corruption that are before our eyes every day. When a window of corruption opens up in the course of duty or other activities, our sense of morality seems to conveniently go on holiday, allowing almost unconscious acts of corruption to take place. In essence, many of us have become blind to corruption; and this may be why our society is swimming in it.

    From under-the-table payment for government services and other ingenious forms of stealing, people are institutionalising corruption in our society every day. This sense of entitlement to illegal royalties on public property and utility is enabled by government officials and members of the public. Now, the custodians of public property have developed a sense of actual ownership to public articles. Thus, when the tenure of an entire government or government functionary comes to an end, the sense of ownership is so strong that they, and/or their staff, leave with the public articles in their control.

    There is an urgent need for re-orientation of civil servants and other public servants on the nature and ownership of public property. Our ex-ministers, ex-governors and other functionaries need to know that official cars and the like remain property of the government. They bear the responsibility of educating their staffers on the duty to preserve the property while in office and properly handover in the event of their leaving office.

    Every transitional period in government should be spent auditing and accounting for materials and funds within the control of public officers, in preparation for handover, rather than on ways through which they can be pillaged. Extra laws need not be created for this. Only enforcement by relevant authorities needs to be encouraged. Conversion of property is already a crime in our laws.

    Nigerians are tired of seeing expenditure for the same item every year and more exorbitant bills for those same items during government transitions. Public office is not an eat-all-you-can buffet. It is a position of trust, with every item kept in trust for the next holders of the office, on behalf of the public. These new administrations nationwide should be properly guided on this.

  • Election 2019: Smoke and mirrors

    The European Union Election Observation Mission, EU EOM, has just released its final report on Nigeria’s 2019 elections. The report has sparked a new wave of criticism against the 2019 elections conducted earlier in the year. Ever since the conclusion of the elections, accusations and counter accusations have been traded among political parties and other major players in the election.

    Criticism has also been directed at the election umpire, the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC. Outside the blame game, the EU EOM report is really an indictment on the entire country, and that includes the officials, politicians, political parties and ordinary Nigerians.

    The re-ignited election controversy has also touched on issues surrounding the existence of a data server run by INEC during the elections. The People’s Democratic Party, PDP, and its candidate at the elections, Atiku Abubakar, have since filed an action in court challenging the victory of the incumbent and winner of the election, President Muhammadu Buhari.  An important part of the case of Atiku and PDP are the alleged servers that supposedly carry information proving that Atiku, indeed, won the election based on data received from the card readers employed during the election.

    Perhaps, to remove itself from the server controversy, the EU EOM, through its representative, has declared that it is not aware of any server.  This neither confirms the server’s existence nor denies it. The declaration by the external observers may be detrimental to Atiku’s case. But whatever the case may be, the server issue is sucking the energy out of the type of electoral debate we should be having right now. A good place to glean the issues we need to resolve is in the EU EOM report and its 30 recommendations. The server controversy may be restricted to who won or lost between Atiku and Buhari, but the issues highlighted in the report and many of the recommendations, if instituted, can help the country avoid controversies of this type in future elections.

    However, the positives in the report by the EU mission include the observation that parties and candidates were able to campaign and gather freely to do so, thereby contributing to the competitiveness of the election. According to the report, freedom of movement and expression were largely respected in the run up to the election. The report also had it that civil society organisations were also allowed the freedom to contribute to the success of the exercise. One particular observation about INEC was that although it worked in a difficult environment, it was able to make some improvements, such as the simplification of voting procedures.

    Asides the few positive observations that were made, the general import of the report was less than complimentary. The report concluded that there is a need for fundamental electoral reform in the country. Based on its observations, the observers found systemic failings that led to severe operational and transparency shortcomings, electoral security problems and low turnout. The information communication for the election was also faulted. Particularly, state-run radio stations were found to have primarily served the interest of the incumbents in most states.

    Most troubling, as we all saw during the election, were the pockets of violence that occurred in some areas. Also connected to the violence was the intimidation and harassment of journalists, voters and even some observers in certain areas. Security agencies were particularly fingered in the harassment and intimidation that occurred during the election, in line with the complaints of many voters after the election. The report stated that the role of the security agencies became more contentious as the process progressed, with emphasis on the intimidation of INEC officials in 20 states across the country.

    The report contained veiled criticism for the judiciary because of conflicting and late rulings, and for the president on the controversial suspension of the Chief Justice of Nigeria very close to the elections. Politicians and political parties were similarly criticized for failing to rein-in irate supporters in the electoral skirmishes that sometimes led to violence. Even though INEC invited the EU mission to come to observe the elections, many of the problems were traceable to lapses in its own operations.

    The fear is that that the controversy generated by the report is smouldering in the wrong direction. Already, much attention is being given to the server issue, when the security agencies, courts and prosecutors were indicted in the report. It is not that the server matter is unimportant in the general picture of things, but while it is still a matter of litigation, there is little to be gained in the fixation on that subject. Addressing the wide range of issues confronting the country’s electoral process could be a better use of our time. By discussing those issues, people can force government to begin to respond, instead of throwing accusations about who said what and when for the next two years.

    Expectedly, people in government are “thanking” the EU EOM for putting the server matter to rest. That premature celebration smacks of ignorance and lack of understanding of the principles of law or the seriousness of the allegations made by Atiku and Co. Most of all, it is a point of view that betrays complete misunderstanding of what role external observers play in elections. The report is a learning opportunity that can be beneficial if the recommendations are taken seriously and serious steps put in place to implement them. After all, the observers did not fail to note that, with the exception of a few, recommendations from its 2015 report had largely not been adopted.

    One issue that falls right at the door of President Buhari is the matter of weak electoral laws. Recall that an amendment to the electoral law was pending before the president for his assent before the elections took place.  Many think that passing that bill into law would have minimized the abuse of the process that occurred, including the current controversy about server or no server. Although the president may have had his reasons for refusing to sign the bill, many Nigerians are not entirely sure that those reasons are just. That distrust is symptomatic of the systemic failings observed by the EU observers.

    It is time we take a critical look at our electoral report card and make the necessary changes to ensure that we are on the right track for 2023. We should not deceive ourselves. These problems are there and visible right now. We should not wait to hear the announcement of postponement of elections again in 2023. We have displayed a troubling lack of preparation in majority of the elections that have ever been conducted in this country. Therefore, it is a matter of urgency, for INEC and all that will be involved in the next elections to begin making preparations now by doing the needful.

    In truth, we should not wait for observers from Europe to tell us that our house is not in order. But now that they have, it is smart to take a good look at the observations and recommendations with a view to drawing a plan to adopt or modify some of them to suit our needs. The government in power continually downplays the role of the violence, intimidation and irregularities in the last election. The opposition too magically finds fault only in places where they lost elections, while people cry blue murder concerning results, depending on whether their candidate of choice won or lost. It is all beginning to look like an exercise in smoke and mirrors. We need to do better.

  • This ‘next level’

    What next? This is a curious thought that may have popped into the mind of Nigerians after the 2019 elections and the unceremonious inauguration on May 29. Whether as supporters of the present government and ruling party or members and supporters of the opposition, the question will remain lingering in the mind of Nigerians for at least the next few months. Many expect President Buhari’s administration to keep people guessing for sometime, especially going by events at this stage in the last dispensation.

    Nigerians got a first taste of things to come in the political arena on the eve of democracy day, when the new leadership of the Senate arrived at Aso Rock for a courtesy visit. It appeared to be more of a visit to pay obeisance to the President, especially as Ovie Omo-Agege, the new deputy Senate president, literally resorted to “break-dancing” by bending a knee to greet President Muhammadu Buhari as the latter received him, with Ahmed Lawan, the new Senate president. Promises of swift passage of budgets have set the tone for an improved executive – legislature relationship in the 9th assembly. However, members of the opposition are already calling it a potential “rubber stamp” legislature. This remains to be seen.

    The following day, on the newly designated democracy day, June 12, the nation finally heard the president speak about the direction of his administration in this new dispensation. The president’s speech was dotted by the customary citation of achievements that political leaders the world over are proud to remind the electorate about. Although there was some acknowledgement of the room for improvement, some may say that the dire situation in many areas may have been understated, albeit, in true political tradition, especially for incumbents. The highlight of the speech may have been the renaming of the National Stadium in Abuja after M.K.O Abiola, the original hero of June 12, 1993.

    No inaugural address can completely cover all areas of interest to the teeming population of this country, or any other country in the world, but the president’s speech as a returning incumbent is a step down from the rousing speech he gave in 2015. That speech was full of righteous venom and contained an unapologetic and realistic appraisal of the current situation in the country at the time. It was brutally honest, while not being unduly critical. Last Wednesday, the President may have been hindered by the need to show progress while displaying a consciousness of present needs. In the end, the preservation of image won against brutal honesty and the result was the watery delivery that did little to satiate the heightened sense of foreboding in many sections of society.

    It is not that the president has not delivered on many promises made in his first inaugural speech. In 2015, President Buhari spoke about unemployment and widespread poverty and programmes that will be introduced to check them. Today, a series of social intervention programmes have been instituted, with beneficiaries in different sections of society. This exists alongside the agricultural revolution that the government is championing. We know about his anti-corruption crusade. Although controversial at times, it is just what he promised to do. He was also clear about his respect for the distinction between tiers of government, and a recent move through a presidential panel is aimed at highlighting that distinction in addressing the most pressing concern – that of insecurity.

    In the area of insecurity, the President has left Nigerians with mixed feelings. In 2015, president Buhari said that “Boko Haram is not the only security issue bedeviling our country. The spate of kidnappings, armed robberies, herdsmen/farmers clashes, cattle rustlings all help to add to the general air of insecurity in our land”. If his handlers copied and pasted this into his speech this term, no one would raise an eye brow. And that is despite the fact that his administration indeed brought the fight to Boko Haram and reclaimed lost territory early in his administration. And he has largely managed to contain and restrict the terrorists. He is also credited with the return of many of the Chibok girls, as promised, including the Dapchi girls that were seized on his watch. But there is the very big issue of Leah Sharibu, the elusive Abubakar Shekau and the new stem of banditry in the insecurity mix.

    The president also said in 2015 that the rising state of insecurity was aided by “official bungling, negligence, complacency or collusion”. Again, if this were copied into his speech this term, very few would protest. He also spoke, in 2015, about small fires leading to larger fires when talking about the mishandling of the then little Boko Haram sect with the extra-judicial killing of Mohammed Yusuf, the founder of the group. Today, the Shiite leader, Ibrahim El Zakzaky has been in detention indefinitely for months and his followers are a constant nuisance in Kaduna and Abuja. The president spoke about protecting citizens from human rights abuses in 2015, but now we have an out-of-control SARS, a Gestapo-like Department of State Services, DSS, and a sometimes high-handed military.

    Power generation, which was a subject of some lament by the President in 2015, has gone the same way as the fight against Boko Haram. Early gains, which included the increase in generating capacity and in supply, are now reversed with supply currently hovering around the same level it was in 2015, even with the privatisation in that sector. The leaps and bounds of the Buhari administration in some areas have been followed by dips and drops in other areas. In moving forward, the country and this administration must realise that we can only be as strong as our weakest link. We must not get lost in the euphoria of success in one area and bleed to death from an untended wound.

    Therefore, we must identify the weakest link in every area of society and actively work to correct the uneven progress we are experiencing. This includes in the area of governance, with appointments and agencies. Some federal (and state) appointees have done better than others who may have even had lesser challenges to face. Some agencies have also under-achieved or caused more negative exposure/results than they recorded positive ones. The  president promised last Wednesday to correct the lapses made through the human factor in governance. A (timely) review of appointments will be a good place to start, so that the administration can hit the ground running.

    The president is again tasked with leading the somewhat sleeping giant of Africa back onto the road of success. As this country has proven, through its myriad of spiritual and tribal leaders, bringing people to their knees is common. Raising people up, out of poverty, out of stagnation and out of oppressive leadership, that is the true hallmark of the most renowned leaders the world has seen. If the Buhari administration can lift up Nigerians, like the 100 million it promises to raise out of poverty, then the next level will be fulfilled. Like the President said, if India, China and Indonesia can do it, with their populations, so “we can”.

    President Buhari ended his speech in 2019 with poetry by Shakespeare: “There is a tide in the affairs of men, which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune; Omitted, all the voyage of their life, is bound in shallows and miseries”. No doubt, at the time of that speech, the President believed the country to be, or soon to be, at that pivotal point suggested by Shakespeare in the poem. In view of developments since then, one wonders whether the country has ridden that figurative tide or missed it. Has it even come yet? If Nigerians are unable to answer one way or another, it may be a reflection on the administration that began by quoting this text. Hopefully, we have not missed the tide.

  • Stoking the embers of discord

    If there is anything dominating major discussions in Nigeria today, it is the widespread insecurity. And there is little need for more warnings in the face of obvious and constant threats that are faced every day in all parts of the country. But the real danger, and one for which we must warn and be warned, may lie in the bye-products of the widespread insecurity. Insecurity makes people withdraw into their cocoons – which in Nigeria, unfortunately, is more likely to be one’s ethnic or religious community, and sometimes, even social class. Right now, these groups are binding tighter together in reaction to insecurity, and it is encouraging division, rather than the more necessary national unity that we need at this time. Thus, it is a time for caution.

    While the apparatus of state has been deployed, without much success, in fighting the pervasive crime and violence that have almost enveloped the country, trust Nigerians, they have been seeking solace and a sense of security in their own ways. The truth is – people are starting to drift more towards the assumed safety of their tribal and religious communities. The direct consequence of this is that some form of ethno-religious tension is gradually building up around the country. What, with accusations flying about and old, negative stereotypes stirring to life in discussions. The government needs to get its act together fast and take responsibility.

    The manifestation of ethno-religious sentimentalism has been fiercest on social media. The social media ‘panic network’ has led to the intentional or unintentional spread of divisive messages. These messages and broadcasts have once again raised the spectre of ugly rumours like the alleged “fulanisation/islamisation agenda” that has grown fresh teeth through recent utterances made by Olusegun Obasanjo, former president. Since leaving office, Obasanjo has been known to be critical about successive administrations, including those he is credited for “installing” in power. It does not matter whether he is dubbed a mere rabble rouser or a reasoned voice in the current situation. For sure, his words are being taken very seriously by people already desperate for explanations and solutions to the myriad of security problems bedevilling the nation.

    On the one hand, many steps that have been taken by the government in the past few years have allowed these rumours to fester, and some may say, justifies the rumours. On the other hand, it can be considered indelicate for a statesman of former President Obasanjo’s stature to wilfully make inflammatory statements of that nature, given the current situation of the country. However, Obasanjo is not alone. Theophilus Danjuma, the billionaire retired general, had made similar comments in the past. That was also greeted with uproar from certain quarters. Obasanjo and Danjuma’s comments may be dripping with tribal venom and ethnic sentimentalism, but they are not altogether crazy words.

    One thing is that the people in the corridors of power need to see the bigger picture of what is really going on, before we are all consumed in it. The set-up of the country at this time favours divisive speeches. Even Wole Soyinka, the renowned Nobel laureate has come out to say that this is not a time to be too dismissive or even abrasive. When two retired generals are towing similar lines and ordinarily reasoned voices are asking the country to pay attention, it means that something is amiss. The danger, however, is that far from the selfish interest of the so-called bandits, terrorists and other criminally inclined tormentors that Nigerians have to endure in these times, it may be the panic set in motion by unbridled ethnic sentimentalism that will be the country’s undoing.

    Today, one is seeing more content on social media with names of historical figures like Usman Dan Fodio, the 19th century Fulani Muslim cleric and revolutionary, Queen Moremi and Aare Ona Kakanfo Afonja, freedom fighter and warrior, both of Yoruba folklore. The aim of the messages is for nothing but to stir tribal sentiments against an alleged “fulanisation” agenda in Nigeria. The leaders of the southwest are already echoing some of the tribal fears and concerns contained within the messages, while the accused on the other side (the fulanis in this case) are forced to defend the accusations. It is instructive that the president’s perceived pattern of appointments, the criminality of some alleged herdsmen of no verifiable identity and the misguided comments of spokespersons for Miyetti Allah, the cattle herder’s association, are enough to raise resentment and suspicions against a whole ethnic group.

    From Sokoto to Borno, Niger to Adamawa, Oyo to Ebonyi, on expressways across the country and in rural communities everywhere, people are falling victim to common criminals who have no ideology or creed, driven solely by selfish interest and governmental neglect. But the real issues are being relegated to the background. While the government may be accused of being docile towards its duties, the picture of a grand agenda by an ethnic faction to orchestrate a nationwide campaign of death to bring others to their knees before a “superior race” sounds incredibly farcical in the 21st century. We all need to be vigilant, but we have to be wary of divisive narratives, lest we go fighting imaginary enemies while we inadvertently re-enact the Rwandan genocide out of panic.

    For victims of kidnappings, especially in the southwest, who have returned to tell tales of Fulani captors in the forests of the region, one cannot fault the evidence of their eyes and ears. But one can fault the preconceived notions, the consumed and assumed stereotypes and likely ignorance that can influence those tales. The country is in a fight with bandits and their benefactors or partners, and if ethnic conflicts play into their agenda, we should not help feed it. Even if the captors in the recent kidnappings across the southwest are from a certain ethnic group, the uproar should be about the crime first. But these days, many are already waiting, and maybe even hoping, to hear that the captors are from a certain ethnic group in the country.

    The mode of operation of known terrorists and criminals operating in the north is clear. For instance, Boko Haram and other terrorist groups, who are themselves no more than bandits, abduct young men who are kept and brainwashed as foot soldiers for their murderous cause. Others are children of women slaves who have been raped repeatedly. Those children are born with no other knowledge of the world than what is taught by their ‘fathers’. In Africa, this is a common way of recruiting into criminal or immoral groups, because adults could be more rational and logical, even in criminality. The forest-dwelling bandits are much the same, and it is practically impossible to monitor these groups.

    The problem on our hands is that of criminality gone out of control. It is now leading into areas that have devastated other countries in history. A presidential panel just released recommendations for state and local government police but there is a sense that these times may be dangerous times to put that particular plan into motion. This is because the wrong sentiments are currently at play in the entire country. It will be unfortunate if it turns out to be a failed experiment after tribal leaders and others have abused such a right in the panic to fight assumed enemies.

    The failure of government is the major culprit in the ongoing distrust and mistrust that has gripped the country. Insecurity persists because criminal groups are allowed to survive and evolve. To separate criminality from the individual and rest it on a whole ethnic group is a recipe for genocide and Nigerians should know better.  The country is going through trying times, but we cannot give in to the machinations of criminals and become what we are attempting to preach against. We ought to be fighting crime and incompetent leadership, and not alienating each other on the altar of tribalism.

  • Message for the President

    Exactly one week ago, President Muhammadu Buhari was sworn into office for his second term as a democratically elected leader of Nigeria. The expected inaugural address was limited to a brief expression of gratitude by the president. People close to the presidency later revealed that the president has suspended his address until June 12, which his administration has proclaimed as the new democracy day in the country. Ahead of that expected big speech, there are a few areas of interest that Nigerians are particularly interested in, areas where the people need to hear the president give positive and clear plans of action.

    In its first term, President Buhari’s administration launched a series of social investment programmes to alleviate the crippling effects of poverty and growing unemployment in the country. These programmes include the N-Power programme for unemployed youths, the Home-Grown School Feeding programme, the Government Enterprise and Empowerment Programme, GEEP, under which the popular TraderMoni falls, and the Conditional Cash Transfer scheme. These schemes are similar to social programmes in the developed world where good record keeping and technological infrastructure allows for adequate monitoring and profiling of beneficiaries, disbursements and impact. Although the Buhari administration is quick to put forward the establishment of these schemes as an achievement, there is little or no acknowledgment of the shortfalls.

    In the final weeks and months of the first term, questions were raised about the usage of the N500 billion fund earmarked by the government to bankroll the social investment programmes. Other questions arose about the integrity of the beneficiaries and monitoring of the disbursements. Although there is undoubted evidence of some impact on the target demographic in Nigeria, there is a general sense that more can be done. To achieve higher impact, the government must acknowledge the faults in each of these programmes and come up with a plan to improve and scale up the reach and impact. Frankness about these issues, rather than a reiteration of the perceived success of the programmes, will go a long way to show an intention to improve in the second term.

    Unemployment and high poverty rate are symptoms of a poor economy, irrespective of shiny statistics that record marginal growth on paper. For instance, the critics of the government are quick to point out that the price of petrol, has doubled since the Buhari administration took power four years ago, despite still paying trillions of naira in susbsidy, just like the previous administration. Although external factors like the global drop in the price of crude around the time of the inception of the administration may have contributed, the gains in that area since the $28 per barrel low in January 2016, has not reflected on the pump price in Nigeria, which the average Nigerian is primarily affected by and concerned with. OPEC oil prices currently averages about $70 per barrel. A weaker naira and unrealistic oil price benchmark for budgeting purposes are also areas of criticism for the Buhari administration.

    Beyond the shaky investor confidence and growing poverty line, the most telling consequence of the general state of the country is the rise in insecurity. Insecurity has been on a steady rise in the last four years of the Buhari administration and many now think that it is at the most critical point in decades. The expectations of the toughness of the president’s leadership style has not been met in the area of insecurity, and early gains, especially in the northeast, have been squandered and overshadowed by the harrowing tales of victims across the country.

    Presently, in the northeast, Abubakar Shekau’s Boko Haram sect and the Islamic State in the West African Province (ISWAP), both of which follow Islamic state, IS, ideology (despite IS’ disavowal of the former) are complemented by Ansaru, a terrorist organization loyal to Al-Qaeda, in tearing through the northeastern part of the country. And this is inspite of the fact that Al-Qaeda and IS have been seriously decimated in their respective places of origin. The situation presents a disturbing picture of the terror threat in Nigeria and how vulnerable the country is to these threats.

    Then there is the banditry in the northwest that is a direct result of the tolerance and poor management of a seemingly ‘local’ problem that has now gripped the entire northwest. This is already spreading nationwide through the corridors of an underground market in gold mining that has somehow eluded the government for decades. The terrorist organisations are suspected to have joined the ‘banditry’ and the implications are terrifying for the entire country. Killings and kidnappings occur nationwide. The trend has been for the government to underplay security threats, responding more to partisan and other petty issues that do not figure in the bigger picture.

    In the middle of the growing violence, accusations of selective treatment and handling of threats across the country are being levied against the government. The critics of the government are quick to cite the routing and crackdown on the Independent Peoples of Biafra, IPOB, and the running out of town of its leader, Nnamdi Kanu, as an example. The treatment of the Shiites and their leader, Sheik El Zakzaky, is also raised in the same light. The critics say that the fervour applied by security agencies against the considerably less violent IPOB and Shiites does not match the commitment in the serious fronts against the terrorists in the northeast. The accusations also assume ethnic dimensions, especially after an alleged offer of N100 billion to cattle herdsmen, who mostly share ethnic and business affinity with the president. The herdsmen are believed to have instigated killings in the communal clashes that plagued the country in recent years.

    The gravity of the plethora of security and economic issues must be acknowledged in all government communication, including possible speeches by the president. Nigerians do not want to hear a recanting of things that have been done, but are more interested in new measures and planned or on-going improvements on past measures. The thought of a next level of the status-quo, especially in the area of insecurity, is a frightening one indeed. The government needs to be on the same page with Nigerians, by acknowledging their fears and uncertainties instead of assuming a defensive and sometimes confrontational tone in official communications.

    The social investment programmes of the government must be improved with relevant technology and database systems for identification and social profiling of beneficiaries to ensure the survival and integrity of the programmes. The BVN initiative and National Identity card drive is already halfway in that direction. The government must also admit that a fresh approach is needed in tackling insecurity, and all cards must be on the table, including the subject of state police and fresh appointments into key positions in the short term. It appears that the major problem in the widespread security threats has been government attempt to defend a losing position rather than defend the country.

    In this next term, the body language of the Buhari administration must change. That is, if it is to avoid completely alienating the people. Nigerians do not have to speculate about the reasoning behind certain government actions or inaction, as it is this space left for speculations that is fueling the ethno/religious tensions and misinformation that have taken over social media and other sources of information in recent times. Therefore, the government must be open, accountable and receptive to criticism, and there is no better way to signify this commitment than in the appointments made for this new dispensation.

    The belief in Nigeria, based on decades of enduring greedy politicians, is that the second term of an elected president or governor is a time to pillage and profit, without the pressure of a re-election contest hanging over the office holder. The president has an opportunity in the first days of this dispensation to direct the narrative of his final years in power into areas that suggest a genuine intention to do right by the people. One hopes that there will be a focus on sincerity and bridge-building in his second term, so Nigerians can truly feel that he belongs to us all.

  • Dapo… go for gold

    How time flies. I enrolled as a student at the Federal School of Arts and Science, Ondo, Ondo state, for my A levels programme in 1977. In September 1978, new students(freshers) came in, and one of them was Dapo Abiodun. The elder Abiodun, his father, was then a senior lecturer at the Adeyemi College of Education, also in Ondo. I remember when Dapo would go home from school on weekends and return with his father’s neat, gold-plated Toyota Crown car to organise his many friends on campus, including Muyiwa Omole, Wale Anidugbe, Femi Olutoye, Bankky and others for parties in town. In those days, there were numerous parties in town, beginning from Thursday till Sunday, almost every week. Dapo and l have kept in contact till date.

    Today, Dapo has transited from being a successful oil magnate to becoming the Executive Governor of his state of origin – Ogun state.  This is a state that can boast of many shinning stars in the country.  As he takes the oath of office this morning, May 29, 2019 – a day that holds even more significance for him because it is his birthday – many things will be ruminating through Dapo’s mind. First, he has made it to the top, no doubt.  Secondly, from today, he will be the cynosure of all eyes both within and outside the country. Thirdly, he is presented with a rare but golden opportunity to write his name in letters of gold on the concrete of time. Whichever way, the choice is his.

    The political pedigree of Abiodun was confirmed in his governorship election victory in March, where he prevailed despite the machinations of Ibikunle Amosun, his longtime friend turned adversary. It was a real Kilimanjaro climb, for those in the know about Ogun politics, and it speaks to his fortitude. Amosun had declared himself god of Ogun politics and had sought to deceive Abiodun out of holding any position in the state.  But Abiodun’s dexterity won him the support of Ogun state political heavyweights like Yemi Osibajo, the Vice-President, Chief Kessington Adebutu, business mogul and former governor, Aremo Segun Osoba and others who helped dislodge the recalcitrant Amosun.

    In the celebration of Abiodun’s victory at the election, and in the courts, based on a frivolous suit about his qualifications, there is need to refocus on what matters most – the development of Ogun state and empowerment of its indigenes and inhabitants. Already, he has made promises in crucial areas like education, where he has vowed to make primary and junior secondary school tuition-free throughout Ogun state, among other things. His appointments into his transition committee have also traversed party lines, and it shows a different approach from the favouritism that has been on display in the state.

    Before his victory, Abiodun vowed to run a “mass-centric” model of governance in Ogun state, which focuses on ordinary people of the state and direct impact on their livelihood, in place of needless white elephant projects and governmental showmanship. The lofty plans and promises of his incoming government places Abiodun in a bind of great expectation, which must be tempered by competence if history is to positively judge his administration. His bold declarations are things that are ordinarily avoided by politicians. It is already giving him distinction as a man on a mission, and he only now has to match his words and plans with competent action.

    Ogun state has long been in the shadow of Lagos state. Some say that there is no point for comparison of Ogun state with Lagos state, with its long history and geographical importance to the country’s trade and commerce. The point may be true, but it is also true that Ogun state stands to gain the most, of all the other states, from the busy and thriving commerce in Lagos. With a good strategy and focusing on development in the border towns with Lagos and increased partnership with the illustrious neighbours, Ogun state stands to gain so much, in terms of employment and investment that may be saturated in Lagos. With parts of Lagos and Ogun already indistinguishable in reality, the goal should be to capitalize and tap from the huge opportunities available to both states.

    Abiodun has spoken repeatedly about the importance of investing in human capital. It is an investment area where the country is currently lacking. The is so much pressure to lay much needed infrastructure, but many infrastructural projects have been dragging down public purse for many years, well past their estimated completion dates and many times over the budget. Human capital is an investment that guarantees returns if handled properly, even contributing to the demands for infrastructure in the long run.

    The new governor believes that people are capable of phenomenal things if an enabling environment is provided, and he appears to be willing to focus on harnessing the potential inherent in the people to take Ogun forward. In that respect, education, health and creation of employment are key. Since the tech industry is growing and in demand globally, creation of tech hubs and incubators in partnership with the large number of educational institutions in the state may be one way forward.

    Harnessing human capital potential also includes guaranteeing security for the people of Ogun state. The laws and political structuring of the country at the moment currently makes it difficult for state governors to tackle security problems within their states, as the apparatus for security is centralized. However, a dedicated leader can find innovative ways to secure the state through involvement and engagement of people at community level, where in-grown solutions can be conceived and proferred, with recommendations made to federal agencies. The current bandit problem in the country leaves all states exposed, and Ogun state has witnessed activity from the bandits in the past.

    Irrespective of the apparent hostility of the outgoing government, it is important for Abiodun to rise above the cold reception to the transition in the greater interest of the state. He has said in the past that his government will improve and continue on-going projects of his predecessor, because he recognizes the value of continuity. Therefore, political squabbles should not be carried into the implementation and delivery of basic amenities. Amosun has recently embarked on a series of project commissioning in the last days of his administration, including hundreds of last minute appointments and promotions that could be problematic for the new government. Even though many are of the opinion that the intention is to create pitfalls for the coming administration, Abiodun is advised to be graceful and to remember his focus of human capital development in addressing any concerns.

    Many, including this column, can attest to the new governor’s competence as a successful entrepreneur and public administrator, but taking the wheels of a state with so much promise is a different ball game entirely. So far, Abiodun has shown himself worthy of the challenge. Born on democracy day, in the year of Nigeria’s independence, Abiodun seems to be destined for leadership in this country, and those marked by fate usually live on in history, for good or for bad.

    Speaking at a religious gathering in London shortly after his victory, Abiodun opened up about his favourite Bible passage, Mark 11:23. The passage talks about overcoming great odds, through faith. Having overcome turbulent and tempestuous times in his life, the governor must now find his faith to overcome the challenges facing Ogun state. The governor laboured tirelessly for the success he achieved. In spite of daunting challenges on his way, he surmounted all obstacles – natural and man-made – to clinch victory. Now is the time for him to work for his people.

    Dapo Abiodun’s destiny as a leader of Ogun State is now in his own hands. His place in history is confirmed. The only question is: What legacy will he leave behind in Ogun? The history sheets are now open before him to fill with his works and actions. So, God willing, he should go for gold by surpassing the records of his predecessors.