The Nation Newspaper

Category: Dele Agekameh

Nigeria’s roiling political crisis

The news in the past week was dominated by familiar tales of woe, intrigue and uncertainty. From reports of massive killings in parts of the country to plausible and implausible tales of kidnap, there was more than enough to keep one brooding over the state of the nation and the direction we are headed. The fortunate thing about the times we live in is that the record of these events will be well preserved for posterity. This fact causes one to reflect and wonder how the realities of life today will be judged by future generations.

Over the weekend, we read about another spate of killings in Zamfara State by suspected “bandits”. These killings have been going on in Zamfara for well over a year, like many other coordinated attacks on innocent people in different parts of the country that have been repeatedly carried out for many years. Whatever the official position on these killings is, the fact is that there is sustained violence in the land, for seemingly differing motives by multiple perpetrators – Boko Haram, herdsmen or simply “bandits” as has been reported in Zamfara, and many more.

When one looks back in history to the accounts of periods like the great depression, one wonders whether the people that experienced the depression that shook the 1930’s could have imagined what that tough period in their lives would come to mean in history. The great depression is considered the worst global economic downturn in history, and it spanned a period of 10 years. Undoubtedly some were more affected than others, as people went about their daily lives, read the news and made plans like at any other period. In truth, they were living through history and that stretch of their lives is now known as the great depression.

These are tough times for Nigeria, even though we are recording some positive developments as we go. One wonders whether this period of sustained violence and political disorderliness will not be marked as a negative period in our history. The affairs of today have consequences in history that the current aristocracy seem unconcerned about. The burden of leadership is not concentrated in Aso Rock alone. It lies, however unequally, on the shoulders of the leading men and women whose lives and status inspire following, and whose influence determine, to a great extent, the direction of thought and action within their societal microcosm.

The danger of the lack of leadership that seems especially pronounced in the past seven years or so is that it springs up many interests, good or bad, that naturally seek to fill the perceived void in leadership. The lack of leadership expressed here, while not very complimentary of President Muhammadu Buhari, transcends that office and extends to every thought leader and political or native authority in the country. We can blame the president all we want, but the present realities of the country are a manifestation of failure at all levels, down to the individual citizen. There is a general failure to take responsibility; only that this failure is much more pronounced at the centre of power.

One very African consequence of an unsteady or unruly hold on power is recourse to insurrection. With more than 200 insurrections occurring in Africa since 1960, there is a long history of political upheavals in the continent and about six governments have been uprooted in 31 separate attempts since 2010. Every time the subject is broached in Nigeria, it is dismissed as unlikely and completely insane in this era. However, when one looks at the security situation and the display of indiscipline by the current crop of politicians, it would be naïve to wave off the possibility of large scale insurrection in the country.

Whether Nigerians realize it or not, we have been edging dangerously close to that for a very long time. Our politics is still largely influenced by ‘strong men’ in agbada who have undauntedly empowered and embedded the military into our internal security apparatus more than they have developed internal security forces. If we examine the causes of uprising in Africa in the past eight years, the picture may be clearer on how close we may have come to a return, however briefly, to the days of rule by men in camouflage.

Beset by constant violence and uncertainty, Nigerians live in crippling fear and dismay. We watch as our political leaders and representatives struggle for their own ends while the common man is left to his own devices. The pangs of hunger tears people apart from the inside when they are not being dismembered by terrorists within our midst. The suffering is palpable, especially outside metropolitan areas. It is this same neglect for people’s pain and calls for political and social reforms that led to popular uprising in Egypt in 2011, not to mention many other cases like that in recent times in Africa.

Our dangerous dance with indiscipline and lack of leadership may need to be viewed through a more realistic lens. We are not immune to insurrections, no matter the assurances constantly given by top security chiefs who are known to be of one mind with money grubbing politicians, and whose appointments and promotions are largely political. History has shown that middle-ranked officers and those in the lower ranks are usually more removed from political entanglements. They are more in tune with the people, whose only entanglement with power is in their emotions, with feelings of dismay and discontent with the status quo.

A situation where the legislature actively works at cross purposes with the executive in a system that allows political vendetta to overshadow the functionality of government is a situation prone to intervention. The leadership of the country is wanting at the executive level and dubious at best in the legislature, with the judiciary traditionally bound by the constraints of legal neutrality or personal interest, or both. It is this crisis of leadership that manifests itself in wanton bloodbaths and indiscipline within all classes of society.

The young child that is mowed down by suspected herdsmen in Benue or “bandits” in Zamfara is as much a victim of bad leadership as the civil servant or pensioner in Ekiti or Abuja who cannot make ends meet because he is owed money by the government. There is a direct link between the lack suffered at the grassroots and the lack of leadership at the top. The chain of causation is never broken from the time a bad decision is taken or an omission is made at the top until the pain of suffering tears through the end victim at the lowest rung of society.

For all the talk of change and hope, we are seeing the same tactics employed by the same people in government. The static state of decay in Nigerian politics suffocates Nigerians and this extended period of decay seems to be unending. We are repeatedly mocked by our political leaders through their outrageous acts and insensitivity, while our institutions have also been turned into outlets for debauchery. The irony of the life of a Nigerian voter is that he is a participant in his own oppression by making bad decisions induced by empty promises or handouts.

Hopefully, honest men with integrity can save us from this destructive course before less palatable alternatives are conceived. There are many avenues through which our feeble democracy can unravel and it will take more than lip service for real change to begin to manifest. Our nomadic political cycle is not helping matters if we are to be honest with ourselves, and one hopes that the political cattle holding the government hostage and their herdsmen could be herded into retirement pretty soon.

August 1, 2018
Rudderless politics in Nigeria

The chains of religious and ethnic bias, poor voter education and a weak party system has made the political landscape in Nigeria a circus, even in these times. There is a poor understanding of political structures by the electorates and politicians alike, leading to bad decision-making at the polls and equally bad governance by elected officials. Success at elections in the country is rooted in base electioneering and moral compromises that begin to manifest early on in every election season.

A wave of crossovers from one political party to the other is currently playing out all over the country and meetings have been held in anticipation of more moves in the very near future. The two major political parties in Nigeria have long been seen as two sides of the same coin, but the flagrancy of so-called “defections” and the fluidity of allegiances have made the distinction between the parties merely academic. Just before the 2015 elections, there were many defections from the then ruling People’s Democratic Party, PDP, to the All Progressives Congress, APC, which now holds power.

Last week, a group of APC members were reportedly in talks with PDP leadership about a possible move to the latter. Amongst the APC members were Senate President Bukola Saraki, Senator Barnabas Gemade and governors Abdulfatah Ahmed of Kwara, Samuel Ortom of Benue, and Aminu Tambuwal of Sokoto. Curiously, the set of politicians were amongst the list of defectors that joined the APC just before the 2015 elections. They belonged to a bloc within the PDP that had been called the New-PDP at the time, before their defection, and they now belong to a bloc within the APC that is called the Reformed-APC.

It all seems like business as usual in Nigerian politics, but the disruptive tendency of these politicians is a threat to the development of credible and strong political structures in the country and, ultimately, the advancement of the country from its “developing” state. It is also a disregard of their duty to the electorates, of creating real choices through the political platforms that the parties represent. It sows seeds of instability and shows intending investors that there is no ideological basis for political decision making – which makes long term business planning and projections almost impossible. Considering also that these men are widely travelled and well read, their shameless manoeuvres and attention seeking ways betray an unforgivable lack of patriotism and selfishness on their part, because they should know better.

There are theories of partisan profiling in politics, like the positioning theory, that have been applied to interactions between political associations and ideology in the developed world. The positioning theory particularly gave rise to terms such as the “right” and “left” wings of political thought and ideology, and these terms have been used to explain and understand the leanings of major political parties in any country or players within those political parties. This profiling helps in better decision making by electorates and more coherent manifestos by the political parties in developed countries.

Essentially, left wing political ideology is concerned with social equality and the neutralisation of social hierarchy, emphasising government intervention through welfarist and reformist agenda to achieve egalitarian objectives. Right wing political ideology on the other hand is more conservative in its outlook, especially about traditional social structures, emphasizing the principles of capitalism, as opposed to welfarism or socialism, and is, in essence, elitist.

Although these positions can overlap at different points, it creates a decent rubric for distinguishing political ideas and agenda. In the United Kingdom, of the two major political parties, the Conservative Party, or “Tories” as they are called, is considered more right wing while the Labour Party is more leftist in ideology and by consequence, policies. In America, the Republicans are the right wingers while the Democrats are considered to be more on the left of the political spectrum. Even with the overlaps, voters and investors in these countries have an idea of what to expect when a right wing or left wing party or candidate is in power.

Attempting to profile Nigerian political parties and politicians using the positioning theory or any other modern theory of partisan profiling will present problems. Our politicians are so devoid of vision and ideology that the political parties that they create are indistinguishable from the other. The real political ideology of Nigerian politicians and their parties is to win at all cost. This is why the major political parties may, for instance, publish leftist agendas in their manifestos on the campaign trail and enact right wing policies when elected. It is almost like attaining power for the sake of it with the only thought of perpetuating power once it is attained.

Only recently, before the last Anambra gubernatorial election did Nigerians see what ideological politics could look like, with the televised debate organized for candidates from different political parties in the state. It was a glimpse of what politics can be in Nigeria and one needs to credit the candidates for their courage to engage in the debate. Although it is difficult to say what impact it had on the final results, it is a sign of light at the end of the dark tunnel we now find ourselves in.

During the first republic, the political parties created then had vestiges of ideology that could differentiate the parties. Nnamdi Azikiwe’s National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons, NCNC, was essentially nationalist and was perhaps the truly “all Nigeria” party, and by far the most liberal in its views. Obafemi Awolowo’s Action Group, AG, was welfarist in its outlook while the Northern People’s Congress, NPC, under the leadership of Ahmadu Bello was basically elitist. Even though the AG and NCNC were more progressive, the NPC and AG still exhibited similar traits in terms of their primary protection of (different) ethnic interests.

After the first “marriage of inconvenience” in the first republic between two parties with vastly different ideologies, the NCNC and the NPC, ideological politics was on the decline through the second and third republic until the present reality of zero ideology. Ethnic and religious issues that were in the background of the ideology of the first republic have burst out into prominence in our politics. Self-serving and parochial interests now employ these issues as tools of manipulation to drive sentiments and influence outcomes.

The region of the country with what can be described as the strongest political structure is southwest, which has been operating in line with the vision of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu for many years. Although Tinubu’s Action Congress of Nigeria, ACN, has now been absorbed by APC, it does not seem like the political genius of Tinubu has developed a strong enough structure for APC to transcend the politics of filth and mismanagement that obtains at the centre.

Nigerian politics is now in the grip of self-serving political nomads with no vision, sense of direction or the moral capacity to stand for anything but themselves. Now that some of these nomads are set to migrate again, there is talk of a change of name for their next destination. A leopard cannot change its spots. The political landscape needs more ideological politics and not new names to describe old wrecks.

The starting point for a robust political presence is a clear and concise vision and discernable, unambiguous principles to guide the vision. Ideology is born when vision meets principles. Many of our politicians have no principles, or vision, or both. Political office is a matter of personal ambition to many and not about service or making positive difference, even though these are not mutually exclusive motivations.

The balance of power in Nigeria must shift away from strong and desperate men to the hands of intellectually astute and practical men and women. Nigerians must demand debates on policy and strategy from their candidates before elections. We must be satisfied that men that are going into office on our behalf understand the problems that face us all. Finally, we must understand our own problems and our own options so we can hold our representatives to account.

July 25, 2018
Ekiti: Dress rehearsal for 2019

After the dramatic run up to the Ekiti State gubernatorial elections, the attention of the whole country was set on developments in the state during the polls last Saturday. Social media was abuzz with happenings in different wards on the day, with video of events from polling units turning up on the internet within seconds. Besides the obvious drama between the contenders in the state, the interest of the general public in that election is also tied to the looming 2019 general elections and what insights Ekiti could reveal about the conduct of those elections in February 2019.

As the results were announced early on Sunday morning, the picture that emerged was that of a very closely contested election, and Kayode Fayemi of the All Progressives Congress, APC, came out tops with a total of 197,459 votes as against 178,121 votes gathered by his closest rival, Kolapo Olusola Eleka of the People’s Democratic Party, PDP. Despite the close figures, Fayemi’s victory seems quite comfortable, as he triumphed in 11 out of the 16 local governments in the state. In a way, the outcome of the election was less of a defeat to Professor Kolapo Eleka, the academic and current deputy governor of the state but more of a humbling defeat for Ayo Fayose, the incumbent governor of the state.

Throughout the campaign trail, Governor Ayo Fayose strutted around the state like he was on the ballot himself after securing the emergence of his anointed candidate and stooge, Kolapo Eleka in the primaries. His lack of subtlety and overbearing manner sidelined his candidate and effectively sent a clear message to Ekiti electorates that a vote for Eleka was a vote for Fayose. The governor’s attitude had already sent many of his ex-comrades and PDP heavyweights in Ekiti over to the opposition APC before the elections. With the added reality of unpaid government workers salaries for several months in a state that is predominantly populated by civil servants, Fayose’s best gift to Eleka would have been to maintain some distance from the candidate. The sitting governor lost in his own local government.

While Eleka and the PDP are preparing to mount a legal challenge to the elections, having rejected the results announced by the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, the rest of the country goes into reflection and in search of pointers from Ekiti to take into 2019. Without doubt, the emergence of Fayemi as governor of Ekiti State shores up the APC’s hold on the southwest which will be critical in 2019. Already, elections in Anambra and Edo states before the election in Ekiti had shown that the APC is unwilling to compromise in the south, which is vital to APC’s hold on power. As it is now, the federal strength that was enough to wrestle power from a sitting governor on Saturday will be a big factor in 2019.

It is also necessary to gauge the performance of INEC and the mentality of the major political parties in the Ekiti gubernatorial election. The election started peacefully, but recorded a number of cases of attempted ballot snatching, card reader malfunction and other such skirmishes in some polling units along the way, which are not unfamiliar patterns in elections in Nigeria. Particularly rife were the allegations about the two major political parties engaging in voter inducement through distribution of cash at polling units for which some arrests were made. Whether this was a result of the politics of “stomach infrastructure” that seems to be a factor in Ekiti politics or a reflection of the game plan of the political parties in the current election season, one cannot tell, but the gloves seem to be off for 2019 and it may come down to what voters are willing to accept or tolerate during the general elections.

President Buhari was on ground in Ekiti to support the APC candidate alongside Adams Oshiomhole, the new APC national chairman and others in a campaign rally that portrayed confidence in an otherwise ‘hostile territory’. Federal might, as they say, carried the day and the win will give the party even more confidence, with the president accepting a greater assurance in his own candidacy. The victory also proved that the ruling party can gather its ranks together, because there was a conundrum initially when 33 aspirants emerged for the gubernatorial primaries of the party. It seems that the potential problems created by that development were addressed internally before the election.

Also in issue in the election was the high security presence, which included the police, military and other paramilitary agencies. This becomes an issue only in light of past precedents that saw the use of security agents to marshal electoral misconduct, as was the case in the alleged manipulation of votes in the same Ekiti State where a tape emerged, purportedly of Ayo Fayose admitting to using the army to disrupt voting, to PDP’s advantage. Although 2019 is a general election and will be conducted nationwide, there needs to be special attention to the posting of security agents, especially to areas that are considered as key battle states where vote manipulation is likely to occur. The lean security resources of the country may mean that security agents will be unevenly distributed for reasons other than security exigency.

The Ekiti election is also a confirmation of what has been known in Nigeria for a number of years now – that we are an essentially two-party state. It will surprise many to know that there were over 30 political parties contesting the elections in Ekiti State. Only two of those parties were relevant to the outcome of the election. Nearly 400,000 votes were cast in total during the election and the 30-odd political parties outside of the APC and PDP gathered less than 10,000 of the total votes.

Many of the other parties are suspected fronts for politicians in the bigger parties or fronts for the parties themselves, while many others are rudderless creations by probably well-meaning Nigerians with little clue about navigating Nigerian politics. Fela Durotoye, who nurses presidential ambitions and is expected to contest the elections in 2019 is from Ekiti State. He is rumoured to have been abroad while elections were being held in his state. It is exactly this kind of lack of tact or capacity that ensures that PDP and APC will remain the only options for the considerable future.

The mini-revolution that occurred in Nigerian politics through social media in 2015 may have set a new precedent in Nigerian electioneering. There were videos purportedly supporting the alleged voter inducement in Ekiti that emerged on the internet. This is a positive outcome but with the potential for manipulation itself. ‘Fake news’ has corrupted the instrumentality of social media in ensuring public awareness and stimulating public consciousness. Cyberspace will be a battle ground for the major political parties in 2019 as voters will keenly monitor the process through this channel. It will be advisable, though, to do so with a cautious eye to forestall inadvertent advancement of propaganda.

Fayose’s display during the final PDP campaign rally was a big talking point before the election. We may not have seen the last of that kind of desperation by a politician in this election season. The ridiculous charade was likely calculated to form the basis of a plea for asylum into a foreign country to evade anti-graft agencies here in Nigeria. Still, the fact is that politicians are now well abreast of the impact of the media, including social media, in spreading their chosen narrative. One expects careful posturing and over-the-top antics like Fayose’s in the coming general elections.

In the end, the election last Saturday in Ekiti was a proxy war between the federal power of incumbency and state power of incumbency, and the weaker power seems to have lost out. It will be interesting to see how this dynamic plays out in 2019 in light of the planned reshuffle of the sequence of elections by the national lawmakers.

July 18, 2018
The force of consequences

On Monday, July 2, about seven policemen were gunned down during a routine stop and search operation around Galadimawa area in Abuja. The tragic deaths of the officers added to the many gruesome killings of policemen in Nigeria. Although there is news of the arrest of suspects in connection with the incident, one fears that we may never know the truth of that unfortunate episode.

Joining any security outfit, whether public or private, comes with a consciousness of the possibility of real danger. In fact, it signifies a readiness to put one’s life on the line for the protection of others. This is why, in a normal setting, the men of any security service all over the world have always been revered as heroes. The seven officers that lost their lives that day, and the many more policemen that have met their end in untimely manner at the hands of evil doers will live forever in our minds as heroes, absolved of all shortcomings that they might have had in their lifetime.

Whether it is as a result of the pressures of working very close to danger in a country with many security challenges, or because of the unsettling desperation of having to take such a job, it is true that many policemen have put themselves and the police force in disrepute and earned the scorn of members of the public. The bad behaviour of some policemen affects people’s capacity for sympathy at a time like this; but the dead officers from last week and many like them deserve the benefit of the very justifiable doubt of their integrity, if for nothing else than to protect our own humanity.

In many ways, some of these errant police officers are victims of the system they belong to. The orientation they are exposed to in the Nigeria Police Force might have turned some into seedy and untrustworthy men, with very low morals. In a system where superiors expect returns from illicit activities and services are by default sold to the highest bidder, including known criminals, there is little hope for any good image or acceptance by the public. Others are attracted to the system for precisely these failings. The force, through its own squalid reputation, attracts criminal types who are more than willing to perpetrate their devious schemes under the protection of the uniform.

The overall objective of the force is possibly warped as well. When the British began establishing a colony in the territories now known as Nigeria in the early 1800s, they came with cunning, wit and the force of arms. After establishing a colony, some of the indigenous peoples were incorporated into the Colonial Police Force that included regional, independent constabularies that later evolved to become the Nigeria Police Force. The essential objective of the force was to protect the British, who held power and control of resources, and not really to “maintain peace and order”.

Today, the colonial masters and British merchants who were the elite of the colonial era have been substituted by politicians and billionaires of today who control power and resources of the state. Thus, the colonial mentality remains and the statistics prove it. In February, Rasheed Akintunde, an Assistant Inspector General (AIG) of police revealed that about 80% of the police force is deployed in the protection of ‘prominent people’, leaving only about 20% of the force performing core police duties. He was later backed up by Mike Okiro, chairman of the Police Service Commission who disclosed that over 150,000 men were attached to VIPs on guard duty.

Also, according to data obtained from the Office of the Accountant General of the Federation, out of about 371,800 police personnel on government payroll, around 80,000 were uncovered to be ‘ghost officers’. When one does the math and marries these figures, whichever way one looks at it, the fact remains that there are more police men guarding VIPs than there are protecting the lives and property of everyday Nigerians.

Okiro also spoke about the under-funding and understaffing of the police force. Perhaps this may explain why the police is indistinguishable from a fund raising organization, where money comes in from paid contracts with large companies and multinationals and high net worth individuals. This is not to mention returns from those ‘chequepoints’ and other dividends of extortion through ‘free bail’ and the like. The criminal activity of men of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad, SARS, which sometimes involves outright theft and intimidation, also falls in this category. A lot of these funds disappear like most ill-gotten gains.

From all indications, the poor performance of the police at its core duty is dangerous to the lives of its own men. The VIP police detail are dressed in full gear with sophisticated weapons and sharp, sleek vehicles while the men, like the Galadimawa seven, conducting stop and search on major roads are sitting ducks in their slim gear and civil war era AK-47s. A police force that cannot protect its own men can scarcely protect about 180 million people at half strength.

Meanwhile, even from the stock of officers performing core police duties, a good number are more of a danger to society than most of the criminals that terrorise the populace. The death of the female youth corps member not too long ago is a reminder of the double jeopardy that faces Nigerians at the hands of the police and criminals.

If the centre cannot maintain a hold of the security apparatus of the police, it is only sensible that the calls for state policing should be taken more seriously than it has. Its benefits include a more localized personnel base which will naturally involve more pressure for the welfare of the officers within a state, as they would be indigenes of their duty posts. Local knowledge will also enhance intelligence networks and cooperation of the public. It is funny that the local constabularies in the colonial times were localized as far as the local government level and it bore more fruit in higher security than there has been since the force has been nationalized.

Although the Saraki-led senate is considering a bill to allow state police, it remains a testy issue as it is linked, rightly or wrongly to the calls for restructuring. As such, it is bound to meet a lot of resistance from those who do not wish to see a restructuring of our essentially centralised system of government. However, if things continue the way they have been, then there is going to be a serious debate about state policing sooner rather than later.

It is admittedly a huge challenge to police a population the size of Nigeria’s. There will be gaps and lapses within the fold even at an optimal security state. The important thing for Nigerians is for there to be some assurance of the quality and dedication of the men of the police to their oath to defend and serve. It is in the best interest of the police to court public approval and this is exactly the area in which the Nigerian Police fails the most.

The reluctance at the top for decisive action is crippling the system further and the view of the police as instruments of state control rather than the protection of lives and property will always end in disaster for the common man. The police is too belaboured with protecting people that can afford to insulate themselves from the terrible realities ordinary Nigerians face. When their priorities are not set right, common people and the officers themselves are further exposed to these realities and we all share the consequences.

It is no more palatable for us to see seven police officers lose their lives than it is for us to see a young girl cut down in her prime by a police officer. Our human sympathy is not yet lost, even under the fear of oppression that has become a part of our daily lives. We hope that the right decisions are taken at the very top so that we do not also lose our humanity.

July 11, 2018
The killings on the Plateau

In the recent past, Nigeria has been in international news for a bad reason – mass murder everywhere. But none could be compared to the one that happened on Saturday, June 23. That day, there was a very deliberate attack by some armed men in Barkin Ladi and surrounding areas in Plateau State. The men are believed to be herdsmen or their militant associates, and the attack went on uninterrupted for hours, with buildings razed to the ground and over 100 people killed.

The mindless bloodshed again opened the cankerworm of ethno- religious tensions that have always bubbled beneath the surface in Nigeria, especially in the very volatile Plateau State. Plateau State of Nigeria is one of the more cosmopolitan areas of the country and it was a thriving hub of commerce before the turn of the millennium. Since 2001 however, deadly clashing amongst the various communities of people in the state has made the region an undesirable destination. In 2018 alone, the countrywide herdsmen crisis has led to, at least, three major rounds of bloodbath between the settled Fulani people and indigenous farming communities in the state. Religion, ethnicity and land disputes have all played a role in the violence. The recent attacks are however not a strictly Plateau affair.

As people struggle to put a label on the violence witnessed that Saturday in Barkin Ladi and the many other mindless killings of the same pattern all over the country, the term genocide has often come up. Genocide is described as the deliberate and systemic destruction, in whole or part, of an ethnic, racial, religious or national group. At first, it seems far-fetched, considering the fact that these attacks seem intermittent and uncoordinated on the surface. But a combined analysis of the possible motives and impact of the clashes exposes a situation that could become the undoing of the country if the government continues to fold its arms.

The cattle owners group known as Miyetti Allah has been at the centre of most of the outrage about the herdsmen-related killings. The herdsmen appear to be set on a destructive course with farm owners all over the country and the group, Miyetti Allah, is naturally in the firing line for daring to be the face of the herdsmen. The group has made its own demonization even easier with its insensitivity to the loss suffered by victims within the farming communities. It also adopts an almost encouraging tone for continued killings as just retaliation for what it describes as a campaign against herdsmen and the majority Fulani owners of the cattle. A lot of shocking and divisive statements have been credited to the group, but some of the statements have proven to be false – which brings in a dangerous dimension to the mayhem.

As for the mostly Muslim Fulani ethnic group in the country, the statements and body language of some pan-Fulani groups are not unlike that of Miyetti Allah. Although some Fulani intellectuals have dismissed Miyetti Allah as unrepresentative of the Fulani people as a whole, there are suspicions that the group is backed and bankrolled by top Fulani figures and ‘elders’. The Sultan of Sokoto and the Galadima of Adamawa are said to be the most influential leaders amongst the Fulani people in Nigeria and it is unclear what their disposition towards the utterances of the group are. For many, the herdsmen and their militant associates, Fulani people and northern Muslims in general, are all parts of a whole, and they are seen as an existential threat to the rest of the country; and therein lies the major problem that may lead to genocide.

Every time there is a major incident between herdsmen and farmers in the country, national Muslim groups like Jama’tu Nasril Islam, JNI, Muslim Rights Concern, MURIC and key northern Muslim clerics and leaders like the Emir of Kano, have made comments that could be read as being in defence of the herdsmen. In like manner, the Christian Association of Nigerian, CAN, and many southern (and mostly Christian) leaders, including groups like Afenifere, the Pan-Yoruba group, and Ohaneze Ndigbo, the umbrella Igbo group have run to the defence of the farmers.

Lost and ignored between the apparent picking of sides is the universally condemnable act of murder on both sides that does not get as much condemnation. The result is that ethno-religious tensions are stoked with each incident and what may have ordinarily really been “communal clashing” has long spiraled into a far more dangerous fight. This is not helped by massacres at churches and on priests by alleged herdsmen in the recent past.

The security impact of this menace is far reaching, far beyond Plateau or any other affected community or state, touching on the very sovereignty of the country. There is a real possibility of foreigners at play in the crisis, true to the president’s word, as people in affected communities have reported that the gun-toting “herdsmen” sighted during these attacks do not look like the Fulani people ordinarily found in the country.

The Fulani race is spread across Africa in over 23 countries and the same violence with farmers are experienced everywhere they ply their cattle trade, even in war zones. Heavily armed herdsmen have not always been part of the picture of communal clashing in Nigeria where cutlasses and local weapons used to be employed. Therefore, there does seem to be an incursion of Fulani or other fighters into Nigeria based on the perceived threats to the Fulani nation or some other agenda.

The response of the government has been below par, almost to the point of suspicion of complicity. General Theophilus Danjuma’s damning verdict on the partiality of the army in favour of the herdsmen has not been forgotten, including rumours of complicity with Boko Haram. The current picture is that of defenceless people left to their whims by the almighty force of government. This has led to resentment of the government at every level, even in Plateau State whose governor had assented to the creation of the unpopular cattle ranches in his state. Plateau State government house was recently stoned by the people after the attacks in Barkin Ladi, in a display of this resentment for the government.

The economic impact of insecurity in farming communities is even more ominous since the country is currently building on agriculture as a substitute for the oil industry, in its attempts to diversify the economy. The herdsmen menace directly affects the ability of farmers to marshal that revolution, with fighting in all the major agricultural hubs in the middle-belt and deep in the south. At the same time as the Barkin Ladi attacks, other clashes were happening between farming communities along the border of Ebonyi and Cross Rivers State. It almost causes one to think whether all of these dastardly acts in farming communities are not being remotely engineered to destabilize the country.

Meanwhile, the weak government response is leading to the rise of many ‘citizen militias’ like has been seen in Benue and Taraba. The search for an enemy has landed them squarely at the door of Fulani Muslims majorly, but in reality, Fulani people in general. The Fulani are in turn beating the drums of war and a cycle of reprisals currently ensues in multiple locations in the country. If the current violence is allowed to fester, soon the word “genocide” will not be so far-fetched. With the resources of the Fulani race across Africa, Nigeria may soon find itself in the throes of war. The fighting will be undistinguishable in nature, as many inter-connected conflicts will be fought at the same time, whether ethnic, religious or intra-tribal (as between Fulani Christians and Muslims).

The victims of an all-out war will be southerners and middle belters in communities of interest to Fulani militants and moderate Fulanis, some of whom were terrified to leave their houses after the attacks on June 23 in Plateau. Culprits will be many and unexpected. Unfortunately, this government has been particularly weak on security and this is the time to find its strength. The initial success recorded against Boko Haram and the seeming uniting spirit that led to victory at the polls in 2015 quickly reached a plateau and now there is genocide on the plateau.

July 4, 2018
Justice at last!

The controversial immunity clause granted in section 308 of the constitution to the president and governors of every state and their deputies has always provided a false sense of security to errant chief executives in the many years of democratic rule since 1999. While in office, elected governors and presidents hide behind power and the misleading “immunity” clause to perpetrate grave acts of corruption. The law however places no time limit on the filing of a criminal charge, and as such, the corrupt acts of these leaders more often than not, come back to bite them when the toga of immunity is lost at the end of their tenure.

Where the charges finally come, the combination of money and power that have been amassed over many years by a thieving chief executive is usually enough to stave off the impending legal onslaught. Accused ex-executives use their means to frustrate the process of justice or essentially ‘buy’ freedom one way or the other. Recently however, there has been a reassurance in the process of justice and prosecution by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC. In the past month, two ex-governors have been sentenced to 14 years in prison in two different suits that dragged on for over eight years in each case.

Jolly Nyame of Taraba State was the first ex-governor to feel the full weight of justice in this calendar year, precisely on May 30. Nyame was sentenced to 14 years in prison by a Federal High Court sitting in Abuja, putting an end to an 11-year dance with justice. Nyame is a clergyman that first became governor in 1992, in the short lived democratic dispensation, before returning for two straight terms in 1999. His tenure ended with a brisk suit filed by the EFCC against him in May 2007, in a 41-count charge for misappropriation of about N1.64 billion of Taraba State funds.

The second ‘casualty of justice’ in the past month from the ex-governors club is Joshua Dariye, a serving senator and former governor of Plateau State between 1999 and 2007. Like Nyame, Dariye was hit with a 23-count charge by the EFCC shortly after his tenure in 2007 for the misappropriation of about N1.162 billion, principally from Plateau State’s ecological funds. The funds were diverted to many different locations, including more than N80 million to the People’s Democratic Party and other accounts run by Dariye. On Tuesday, June 12, Dariye was sentenced to 14 years in prison by the same Federal High Court judge.

The similarities in Dariye and Nyame’s case include protracted legal battles, albeit under different circumstances, and their relative popularity within their home states, at least at the time of their embezzlement. Both men were elected for two straight terms from 1999-2007, in addition to Nyame’s previous election in 1992 and Dariye’s current seat as a senator in the National Assembly. These are men that would ordinarily be acclaimed ‘men of the people’, who have now been reduced to criminals before the temple of justice.

Despite the fact that Dariye has been a fugitive from justice in the United Kingdom since 2004 after jumping bail over money laundering charges, he was elected into the National Assembly by the people of Plateau Central senatorial district. The idolization of men of weak morals is a common occurrence amongst voters in Nigeria. Dariye was also the victim of a shoddy impeachment over corruption charges in 2006 orchestrated by a federal government led by Olusegun Obasanjo which was later upturned by the Supreme Court.

While the demeanour of the convicted ex-governors does not immediately suggest further legal challenge, it won’t be surprising if they go on to appeal, most especially in the case of Dariye who has proved to be a tireless litigator. However, between Nyame’s apparent confession to diverting some funds to his own personal use and Dariye’s 2006 declaration that the PDP ordered his misuse of Plateau State’s ecological funds to sponsor party activities and candidates, there is a weak chance of success on appeal.

Dariye was also seen personally begging for mercy from Rotimi Jacobs (SAN), counsel to the EFCC, in open court. The turn-out of events paint a fantastic picture that suggests that two ex-governors will actually serve real time for their actions while in office. It is a step closer to true accountability and one hopes that others will learn from it.

Justice Olubukola Banjoko, the judge behind the two convictions has inadvertently become a hero of sorts after seeing the two cases to a satisfying end for the majority of Nigerians. The public applause of her “courage” is an indictment on the judiciary as it casts aspersions on other judges that have tried high profile cases of this type in the past. Despite her newfound fame and reputation, Justice Banjoko has always displayed uncanny integrity and dedication to the greater traditions of the law. She famously excused herself from the bribery case against Farouk Lawan after her integrity and objectivity were called into question, where other judges would have dismissed the allegations of bias.

One hopes that justice is not ‘best served cold’ in this country. The deterrent value of the conviction of Plateau’s Dariye and Taraba’s Nyame has been lost within the years it took to reach judgment and more executives have plundered state resources, even in those same states. The aim of justice is not to eventually reach conviction, but to employ the law swiftly and justly in order to punish and deter actions that have been ruled unlawful in the eyes of the law and unacceptable for the workings of society.

Also, the judiciary is not formed to produce ‘star judges’ and standalone courageous adjudicators. The entire judiciary should be home to legal minds of impeccable integrity and unwavering resolve to see the ends of justice as swiftly as practicable in every case. While it is refreshing to have a Banjoko in the judiciary, it is more satisfying for there to be many, who are seen to be as straightforward and dedicated to justice.

In the era of Bank Verification Number, BVN, and other measures put in place by the government, it is getting increasingly difficult to hide illegal activity in the handling of public funds. It strengthens the position that less focus should be put on appealing to people’s morals and more should be put on blocking avenues for corruption. The human propensity for deceit will always be present, as we see in the revealed facts of a bank granting a ‘waiver’ to Dariye to set up accounts without proper identification.

The real day of reckoning will come when past federal executives begin to face the music like all others. There is a chilling unspoken code between present and past leaders at the federal level that has somehow become an unofficial immunity for federal executives. It is almost like thieves protecting thieves. Whether it is for considerations of general security of the country or for hope of future reciprocation, it remains a blight on true accountability and commitment to transparency. There is no living past president who does not have allegations of financial or other impropriety against them.

Many more cases are in court and there are more files being prepared on people who are currently in power for possible prosecution when the legal barrier is lifted. There is yet more to expect and one only hopes that the judiciary and anti-graft agencies are up to the task. Certainly, serving the heads of two otherwise sacred cows in the spate of two weeks is a definite boost to the confidence in the judiciary, the prosecution by the EFCC and of course, President Buhari’s credibility on his fight against corruption. However, the people will prefer that everyone be answerable to the law.

June 20, 2018
June 12: The layers of Buhari’s declaration

The life of Chief M.K.O Abiola was exemplary. He was a true Nigerian success story and an inspiration to many at home and abroad. His ability to connect with people of diverse backgrounds was perhaps his greatest strength and this worked to his advantage in many ways. Even now, in death, his uniting touch is still being felt by Nigerians, most recently in light of the momentous declaration by President Muhammadu Buhari. The sad note that sullied Abiola’s list of achievements may have finally been redressed by the declaration of June 12, the day Abiola won and lost his presidential mandate, as the new public holiday to celebrate democracy day in Nigeria.

While the development is welcome all over the country and seen as a crown on the efforts of the Abiola family to gain official recognition of M.K.O Abiola’s victory at the polls many years ago, the political angle to the declaration is laced with suspicion of ulterior motives by the Buhari administration. All possible implications of the declaration are important at this time in the country, if for no other reason than to understand the thinking and motives of an important player in the next elections, for good or bad, and the possible consequences.

Many will be quick to claim the declaration as a victory for all Yorubas. Indeed, the reactions from some top Yoruba personalities already show this leaning. Interestingly, Afenifere, the pan-Yoruba socio-political group, while accepting the declaration, was cautious in its celebration by calling the president’s motives to question. Many other groups believe there are no other aspects to the declaration than the political motive of winning southwest votes. The mixed reactions are an accurate portrayal of the volatile mood of the country in this election season, and the president’s timing with the declaration adds in no small way to the suspicions of his motives from many quarters.

In any case, whichever way one leans on the issue of the declaration, the deed has been done and it is a wholly positive outcome. It is however not a Yoruba or southwest victory, but a victory for Nigerian freedom and democracy. The pain of the annulment of the June 12 elections was felt country wide, not just on the day but for many years under the harsh rule of General Sani Abacha. The people’s access to liberty and an open society was truncated for reasons that most Nigerians will never understand.

Overtime, the scar of June 12 outgrew mere anger and accusations against the government of the day on June 12, 1993, as it metamorphosed into a yearning for free and fair elections and the true right of the people to choose their leaders. Some will say that the date became bigger than the man Abiola himself. This is why the declaration of June 12 as democracy day is appropriate, as the date has come to represent the continuous struggle for people’s right at the polls, and its symbolism is now, at least, assured in the annals of Nigerian politics.

While the symbolism of June 12 has rightly been acknowledged, it is very unlikely that there is no political angle to the declaration. Like many have said before, everything a politician does is political. The camp of people that are of the opinion that there may be possible political benefits of the declaration in the southwest zone may not be far from the truth. In-fighting in the All Progressives Congress, APC creates the impression that the president cannot rely squarely on the strength of the party to ensure victory next year. The question is, if the June 12 declaration is a gesture to pacify the Southwest as some say, what then is/will be the northern or southeastern pacification plan? Surely the president must be aiming to collect votes in every region. If one were to believe this theory of pure political motive, then there is yet more intrigue in the horizon.

Also likely, on the political spectrum, is the retaliation angle. General Ibrahim Babangida and former president, Olusegun Obasanjo have come out publicly to speak against the Buhari administration and any second term ambitions of the president. Their public criticism resonated with people in all parts of the country and the present administration scrambled to address their remarks, especially the not so subtle condemnation by Obasanjo. The embarrassment suffered from the perceived betrayal of members of the ‘caucus of generals’ may have warranted repercussions that may already be in the works. The declaration of June 12 as the new democracy day casts a bad light on both men in many ways.

For Babangida, the declaration is a condemnation of his government’s decision in 1993, with the consequential stigma of being labeled an anti-democracy icon. For Obasanjo, his pedigree in southwest politics has been dealt a great blow after failing to honour Abiola in his two terms as president. The two past leaders have now been essentially branded enemies of democracy. In Obasanjo’s case also, some see it as a personal blow. Obasanjo has always been suspected of nursing enmity towards Abiola, his tribesman and former schoolmate.

Obasanjo was deputy editor while Abiola was editor of “The Trumpeter” the school magazine of Baptist Boys High School, Abeokuta, where they both attended. Their kinship did not stop the rumours that Obasanjo was never in support of Abiola during his lifetime and even worked to suppress any state recognition of his struggles after his death. The narcissist Obasanjo carries on like one who is only content in the centre of all things and cannot bear to be second favourite in anything, which may have been his issue with the better loved Abiola.

The late Abiola was a champion of the people who deployed his means liberally in promoting worthy causes and contributing to the lives of others. Although he was a muslim, he contributed to the building of churches and mosques across Nigeria and was accepted by all Nigerians. Abiola held chieftaincy titles in 68 communities across the country. He was equally accepted abroad, receiving international recognition during his lifetime and after his death. Like Gani Fawehinmi, fellow posthumous honoree, he was a crusader for freedom and rights of people, and he gave his life to stand for these ideals when he could have taken the coward’s way out.

It is immensely satisfying that Abiola’s status in the democratic history of the country is now being recognized and Nigerians should not let any other issues connected with the declaration dilute the importance and symbolism of this long over-due recognition. Oftentimes in life, victory is achieved when it is most unexpected and the victory for democracy and freedom that June 12 symbolises can never be extinguished. Although it has come at a time when the security forces and government agencies serve with an unusually heavy hand, the current situation merely strengthens the ideals that June 12 represents and underscores the need for the people’s will to shine forth in the midst of oppression.

Slowly, the country is moving in the right direction. The forces of change have been diverse and sometimes unexpected, but the important thing is that negative forces are canceling out each other, to the benefit of the people. When justice begins to be seen as an attainable right, then there will be many more champions like late Abiola. Henceforth, democracy day will be a celebration of unity and possibilities in a free society and June 12 will become a symbol of the future and not the past. May God bless Nigeria.

June 13, 2018
Politics, politics: breaking the age barrier

Last week, the news of the signing into law of the “Not Too Young To Run Bill” by President Muhammadu Buhari caused mild ripples in the political landscape of Nigeria. The passage of the Act was hailed as a victory for young people all over the country and the beginning of a new era in Nigerian politics. However, while there are positives to take from the development, the Act has not managed to shake the table of Nigerian politics in any substantial way.

Apart from the obvious technical issue regarding the appropriate procedure for amending provisions of a written constitution, there are many other far more practical concerns emerging from the passage of the Bill. There are unexplained omissions from the original Bill in the final Act signed by President Buhari which betrays a lack of commitment to the true spirit of the Bill by lawmakers.

The Bill was introduced into the House of Representatives by Tony Nwulu, the House of Representatives member representing Oshodi-Isolo Federal Constituency. The Bill sought to alter sections 65, 106, 131 and 177 of the 1999 constitution. The aim was to reduce the age qualification for the office of the President, Governor, members of the Senate, House of Representatives and the State Houses of Assembly. The creation of the right to independent candidacy in elections was another major aim of the Bill.

The document that was passed into law by President Buhari on May 31, 2018 altered the age of qualification for President from 40 to 30, members of House of Representatives from 30 to 25 and state House of Assembly members from 30 to 25. The age qualifications for Governors and Senators remain at the original 35 years.

While one can spend hours ruminating on the intention of the lawmakers in keeping the age qualification of governors and senators higher than that of the president and others, there is likely to be no better insight into this discrepancy than the baffling propensity for one-upmanship and the exaggerated sense of importance of the senators. Again, in their little way, the senators seem to have played their hand in an endless battle for supremacy over the federal executive. However, what takes the cake in the public charade that the Act has become is the disregard of the provision that sought independent candidacy in elections. The omission of that provision in the final Act has watered down, to an unacceptable level, the purported rights created for truly young people to participate in elections through their candidacy.

As the political terrain is set-up right now, political parties have immense power in determining the future of the country. Their choices influence the political mindset of the electorate and limit the choices of the people in determining their own fate. The new Act may have been passed in its limited way, but it is left to the political parties to decide whether young people are good enough for leadership. In an essentially two-party system run on massive funds and accumulated political capital, young people stand little chance of influencing politics in the way the Act intends.

Whether or not there is an underlying mistrust of youth in the decision of the lawmakers, history does have lessons to share on the matter of young people in great leadership positions. Going as far back as the period before the common era (356-323 BCE), Alexander the great had conquered an empire that stretched from the Balkans to modern-day Pakistan by the age of 32, after little over a decade as King of Macedon. In the late 18th century, a young Napoleon Bonaparte took the world by storm after the French revolution. He became a general at the age of 24, went on his first major military campaign at age 26, got himself elected as First Consul of France at age 30 and became Emperor at 35, all while conquering a large part of Europe and beyond. In more recent and familiar history, a 33 year old Odumegwu Ojukwu began a war in 1967 that he held for three years against a British backed federal government led by 32 year old Yakubu Gowon.

These examples in history at once show how far the determination of youth can go and at the same time the limits to youthful over-ambition. Nonetheless, those individuals left lasting legacies in their time that resounds throughout history till this present day. Youthful vigour has its advantages and many disadvantages, but denying the youths the chance to shape the future is a much more damning cost to progress than the price of their over-ambition. Sometimes the courage and determination to take the leap of faith is lacking in the aged, and the uncertain progress of the Nigerian state in these many years may portray this problem more vividly than most realize.

Perhaps, what we need is not a “Not Too Young To Run Bill” but a “Too Old To Run Bill”. Past leaders have hung on to the reins of power for far too long and the spirit of adventurism of youth may be the missing ingredient in solving Nigeria’s problems. It is true that the young are taking more time to reach self-actualisation in today’s world, especially in Nigeria where the average person only finds financial independence after the age of 30. The aim is not to empower partially-formed adults, but to encourage well rounded individuals with enough youthful vigour to carry Nigeria past the line of development. Nine of the past United States presidents, including Barrack Obama, were below the age of 50 at the time they were elected. This list includes Theodore Roosevelt, John F. Kennedy and Bill Clinton. Donald Trump is the oldest US President at 70 and he may yet prove to be the worst.

Since its passage at the National Assembly in 2017, the “Not Too Young To Run” Bill has been adopted by 25 state assemblies in Nigeria. This may seem like an encouraging sign, but the true potency of the Bill will not be felt in the near future, not with the obvious limitations highlighted above. In more realistic terms, the original age qualifications for the elective positions may be more practical, but the Bill at least sends a message to the old hands of Nigerian politics that the country is tiring of spent forces that take us around in circles.

In the run in to 2019, with all that has been said, it is surprising that the People’s Democratic Party, PDP, seems to be more forward looking in terms of age than the ruling All Progressives Congress, APC. Only recently, 31 year old Adebo Ogundoyin of the PDP won the by-election of Ibarapa East State constituency in the Oyo State House of Assembly. This is even as the PDP is toying with names like Ibrahim Dakwambo that seems like a sprightly, youthful option compared to the likely candidature of Muhammadu Buhari in the 2019 general elections. The opportunism of the PDP in this regard may reap benefits that the APC is unprepared for.

While there is audible clamour for younger candidates, elected officials like Yahaya Bello, the youngest serving Governor and Dino Melaye, one of the youngest senators, both elected under the flag of the APC, have proven to be bad examples with their indecorous conduct and personal and official excesses. They are proof that there are no guarantees either way, but the cynicism of age and the present politics of accumulated interests tips younger, untainted candidates ahead of the rotten pack of old timers.

The one takeaway from the emergence of the Act is that relatively young Nigerians under the banner of the Youth Initiative for Advocacy, Growth and Advancement, YIAGA, with support of the Vice President, were able to conceive the Bill and push it through the works to a conclusive end. It is a sign of better things to come. The movement should however know, in the midst of the celebration, that it is not yet Uhuru for inclusive politics. At this time, the passage of the Act is an empty victory.

June 6, 2018
NDU: The misconceptions of Amassoma

The Amassoma community in Southern Ijaw Local Government Area of Bayelsa state is home to the Niger Delta University, NDU. The state-owned institution has charted a new course for the people of Bayelsa state since its establishment in the year 2000. In recent weeks, the institution has been caught in the middle of tensions between its host community and the government of Bayelsa State. The ensuing crisis unfortunately turned violent, and it has put a cog in the wheel of the institution that has been on a steady course of positive transformation in recent years.

Trouble first began in March when the institution was closed down because of incessant protests by the students of the university over a hike in fees occasioned by the tireless transformation agenda for the institution by the state government. As is often the case with progressive transitions in any public service or utility, especially when it affects costs to the public, the student body did not immediately appreciate the necessity of the development and therefore resisted the moves by the government. Just as resolutions were reached and the institution was preparing to resume normal activities, more trouble emerged.

Members of the community who had been on the payroll of the institution in one way or another, became aggrieved after they were affected by house cleaning measures launched in public services by the Bayelsa state government. The measures are aimed at shedding extraneous running costs that have been weighing down the public purse. Particularly, in the case of the Amassoma community and the NDU, many of the indigenes of the community were rightly employed by the institution as part of the benefits to the host community. However, over the years more and more indigenes were brought onto the payroll of the university in mostly duplicitous roles because of the government’s desire to accommodate the community.

With the current economic situation in the country and many on-going essential projects in Bayelsa, including transformation of the university, it became impractical for the government to maintain the largesse of a bloated payroll for the sake of placating the sense of entitlement of members of the community. In the end, it was doing more harm than good to the university and the wider public service. Furthermore, a lot of the beneficiaries were ghost or shadow workers that were simply enjoying financial benefits without actually contributing to the institution.

As was the case with the student body, members of the community and affected staff caught up in the resulting job cuts were unwilling to accept the measure and therefore took to the streets, closing down roads and going as far as welding the gates of the institution to force the university to shut down completely. Soon, the protests were hijacked by hoodlums and political opportunists that engineered clashes with the policemen sent to contain the situation. Sadly, last week, the violence led to loss of lives and many injuries on all sides.

The negative exposure that this development draws to the university and the community threatens to overshadow the excellent work of the Bayelsa State government led by Governor Seriake Dickson in the community and beyond. Governor Dickson has worked tirelessly for the benefit of NDU and the people of Amassoma and his commitment is reflected in the quality of his appointees into the management of the institution.

As part of his on-going transformation of NDU, Governor Dickson in 2017 appointed Professor Stephen Azaiki OON, as Pro-Chancellor and Chairman of the Governing Council of the University. The appointment of Prof. Azaiki into this role already provides an insight into the governor’s vision for the university and his commitment to excellence in its management. Prof. Azaiki was duly acknowledged by the governor, after his appointment, as one of the founding fathers of the institution who has been invested in the success of the university from the onset.

Prof. Azaiki has made wide contributions to academia and is a staunch advocate for the people of the Niger Delta. A major strength of the Pro-chancellor is his international appeal and global acceptability and recognition as a reformer, qualities also acknowledged by the governor. He is a visiting professor/fellow to a number of institutions in Nigeria and abroad and serves as Professor of Conflict, Crisis Management and International Relations at the Ukrainian Academy of Personnel Management and also as President of World Environment Foundation for Africa (WEFFA).

Prof. Azaiki’s competence to chair the university’s governing council is a mark of the governor’s commitment to reforming the institution. He is sown into the fibre of Bayelsa state, the Niger Delta and Nigeria as a whole. Apart from his years of service as Commissioner for Agriculture upon the creation of Bayelsa state and later as two-term Secretary to the State Government under Governor DSP Alameiyesigha, he is the National Coordinator of the National Think-Tank and the foundation he chairs, Azaiki Foundation and Public Library, sited in Yenagoa, houses the most modern museum in the Niger Delta and the Institute of Science and Technology, which hosted the first International Conference of Science, Technology and Education in Nigeria in December 2014.

Governor Dickson’s eye for talent and excellence is matched by his commitment to service, a trait he looks for in those that he invites to serve the people of Bayelsa. He demonstrated his commitment to true service by becoming the first Chief Executive of a state to mandate, through law, the rendering to the people of all accounts of monies accruing to the state. He also aggressively pursued legacy projects that witnessed wide sweeping education reforms that introduced free and compulsory education at primary and secondary levels and the development of 30 model secondary schools and 400 primary schools all over the state. His healthcare reforms have touched every local government in Bayelsa and infrastructure development generally has been unprecedented.

The governor has shown passion and dedication to all quarters in the state. This is the reason why claims that his government is negatively targeting the people of Amassoma community are absurd. It is in the same Amassoma that the Bayelsa state government’s single biggest investment, the N80 billion Bayelsa International Airport project, is located.

In the wake of the violence, the governor met with stakeholders from the Amassoma community at the government house, reiterating his commitment to the people and reminding them of the government’s particular efforts to create opportunities for Amassoma community through investments like the airport project. In his usual manner of calm diplomacy even in the face of violent dissention, the governor promised that the government would foot the burial expenses of those who lost their lives and take responsibility for the care of the injured.

In Governor Dickson and Prof. Azaiki, the NDU has an arsenal that can only pivot it into the league of world class institutions of learning if the people allow the transformation agenda to advance smoothly. Commitment to service is a rare trait in Nigerian leaders and administrators and the Amassoma people and all of Bayelsa are fortunate for the caliber of people that are charged with taking their beloved NDU to greater heights. The people of Amassoma need to look beyond quick cash-outs for hosting an institution in the community and focus on the big picture of the benefits of having a world-class university in the community when the current transformations bear fruit. It will be sad to derail the transformation of the university over an unsustainable appetite for reckless demands on the government and the institution.

It is a Nigerian problem, this propensity for unjustifiable claims of entitlement. The governor has proven his commitment to the community in so many ways, but some elements within the state are employing cheap political opportunism to cause harm to the community for their own selfish interests. In the end, the needs of the university as an institution of learning for the people of Bayelsa and beyond trumps the need to placate the Amassoma community’s sense of entitlement.

May 30, 2018
Leah’s ordeal

On the 14th of May 2018, Leah Sharibu, the remaining captive from the Dapchi abductions by Boko Haram in Yobe State, turned 15 years old. There is no telling what would have been on the mind of the poor girl on that day. That was 84 gruesome days after she was snatched from her school alongside many other girls and almost two months after the rest of the girls were released. Apparently, Leah was left behind because she made a decision to stand by her Christian faith.

To be held in captivity at such a young age because, against all the odds, she defied her captors in the way she has done is a feat truly worthy of admiration. Not only the admiration of her Christian family, or their local church in Yobe alone. Leah deserves the admiration of the world, a world populated by adults who could not have dared what she did. What she deserves even more is the very best effort of a government that let her down so much that she had to look terrorists in the eye at the age of 14 and say no.

Despite the careless remarks of some Christian leaders in the wake of Leah’s continued captivity, we must understand that Boko Haram’s actions are an attack on our collective resolve as a nation, be you Muslim, Christian or a practitioner of other religions. The future of the country is on trial, with armed extremists taking it upon themselves to perpetuate the under education of parts of our country. The inalienable rights of every person, that have come to be the bastion of modern democracies is being bastardized on the altar of ignorance and self-serving extremist agenda.

Leah deserves to be celebrated not because her experience is an isolated incident in today’s world, but because it signifies a triumph of good, once again, over the dominating and incapacitating influence of evil and evil doers.

Not long ago, the world reeled at the news of the shooting, at point blank range, of a young girl of about Leah’s age in Pakistan, in similar circumstances. That girl had defiantly continued to attend school and be outspoken, despite the intimidation of the Taliban in Pakistan. She survived the gunshot wound and was soon after known across the world as the girl who dared to get an education and speak out against oppression. Her name is Malala Yousafzai, now a student at the prestigious Oxford University in England. We know her name today because the world did not ignore her trials.

For Leah, history has opened a fresh page in Nigeria. What will be written on that page now depends on the diligence of the federal government, the unity of the people of Yobe state, of all faiths and indeed all Nigerians. The international community also has a role to play by rallying behind Leah’s cause like they have done in many cases like this before. Not only Nigerians, but the whole of humanity needs to come through for Leah with a deliberate consciousness of her plight and a common resolve that the history of her defiance will be written in triumph for her too. She is already a champion of education for young girls across the world, a champion of her Christian faith and of good against evil. Of course, she now needs champions of her deliverance from captivity.

The terrorists have showed their hand by keeping Leah back despite their agreements with the government. They have revealed that their delusion of a divine purpose is incurable and that they are a greater threat to the essence of our Nigerian existence than we realise. To allow the narrow mind-set of the terrorists to divide us will be a victory for the terrorists too. There is no evidence that the self-aware Leah or any of her Muslim friends, ever felt different from each other. It took the hand of murderous terrorists to emphasise their differences, and we would only be doing the terrorists a service by continuing to emphasise these differences.

The Islamic State in Syria has made a lot of money from kidnapping Christians across Syria. Therefore, we know that people of this mindset are in the business of taking money for Christian lives too. That is why none of the government’s excuses for the exclusion of Leah Sharibu is tenable. The government dropped the ball, badly. We have been told that the renewed negotiations for Leah’s return have been “complicated”, but that is not good enough. It almost seems like there is not enough commitment by the government to bring Leah home. Having botched it the first time, it is presumable that the terrorists would want to capitalise on the outrage arising from keeping back their only Christian captive.

The country is in a very bad security state right now, with the army and other security agencies unable to contain the pockets of violence springing up everywhere in the country. Just as the citizenry are dealing with the failings in security, reports on Sunday reveal cracks within the top hierarchy of the Nigeria Police Force. This comes in the middle of a showdown between Ibrahim Idris, the Inspector General of Police and members of the senate. If Leah’s case is dismissed as insignificant by the government, it is obvious that the security situation may become uncontrollable if anything untoward were to happen to poor Leah in the den of her captors.

Judging by the rhetoric of Christian leaders, full blown religious tension will grip the nation if Leah is not freed and unharmed in the near future. For a government with poor management of security threats so far, there is no evidence that it will be able to contain the backlash in the event that Leah comes to harm in the hands of her captors. Religious tension has always bubbled under the surface in many parts of the country, and it is cases like this that ignite clashing in far flung places that seem unconnected to the matter at hand. If the not-so-subtle words of President Donald Trump of America during President Buhari’s recent visit to him are anything to go by, the backlash may well spread across West Africa and spring up proxy wars all over the world.

The importance of Leah cannot be overemphasised. Last week Monday may not have been the birthday she dreamt of having this year, but the occasion can be used for renewed pressure on the government and appeal to the international community to aid her parents, her community and Nigerians in ensuring her safe release. It is not enough for the government to claim that it is doing all it can. Leah has spent more time in captivity after the rest of the girls were released than they all spent together before their release.

Leah cannot be allowed to become another casualty of the bad security governance that persists in this country while the service chiefs continue to under-perform. The government’s resolve to tackle insecurity, including Leah’s captivity, will remain doubtful as long as the security apparatus is kept intact, in form and in leadership. It is sad to see the general security incompetence reflecting on the handling of Leah’s release from captivity.

Already, the terrorists seem to have scored a victory in Leah’s home community, where none of the freed girls have returned to school based on warning by the extremists. Perhaps, the release of Leah after her show of defiance can help shatter that semblance of victory within her own community. The government has let fear creep into Dapchi and deny young girls of the much needed education. The same fear also had their parents cheering their captors when the other girls were returned. Leah faced down her fear and defied these terrorists who rely so much on fear, and we cannot now let her down by letting fear muzzle us in the comfort of our homes. Leah must be freed!

May 23, 2018