Category: Dele Agekameh

A tug of war currently ensues between two disreputable ‘opponents’ on the national stage. On one end is the Senate, puffed by ego and shameless self-importance, and on the other end is the incompetent head of an under-performing police force haunted by the shadows of his many misadventures. The bone of contention is something as trifling as an invitation, a mere formality in today’s government. The casualties of this clash of egos have been the rule of law and simple logic, but there’s no telling what more may fall in this absurd wrangling.

Ibrahim Idris, the Inspector General of Police, IGP, had earlier generated controversy late in 2017 when he reluctantly appeared before the senate with his lawyer and a written statement, refusing to speak with the senators on that occasion. This time he has sent a deputy and the senate are not buying it. Even with all the cries within the senate about the IGP’s flouting of the rule of law that has now led to him being labelled an “enemy of democracy”, the upper legislative house continues to expose the limits of its powers, thereby showcasing a characteristic lack of understanding of its own functions.

In the purely legal consideration of this issue, a key provision of the federal constitution is vital. Section 88(1) of the constitution grants both legislative houses the power to direct investigation into “(a) any matter or thing with respect to which it has power to make laws, and (b) the conduct of affairs of any person, authority, ministry or government department charged , or intended to be charged, with the duty of or responsibility for – (i) executing or administering laws enacted by the National Assembly, and (ii) disbursing or administering monies appropriated or to be appropriated by the National Assembly”.

A lone reading of this provision would rent legitimacy to the decision of the senate to issue indiscriminate invitations to any member or part of the government or civil service without qualification, so far some Act of the National Assembly covers the duties and functions of that person or department. However, as is common with laws, there is an important caveat inputted in the constitution which serves as a qualification of what would have ordinarily stood as wide powers of summons and investigation that the senate now claims to have.

Section 88 (2) of the constitution provides that the National Assembly’s powers under Section 88(1) are exercisable only for the purpose of enabling it to “(a) make laws with respect to any matter within its legislative competence and correct any defects in existing laws; and (b) expose corruption, inefficiency or waste in the execution or administration of laws within its legislative competence and in the disbursement and administration of funds appropriated by it”.

A joint reading of the two provisions provides clearer insight into the intention of the draftsmen of the constitution. Section 88(2) effectively ties the National Assembly’s power of summons and investigation to matters relating to the creation, amendment or administration of laws, which is the primary objective of the legislative houses. No part of the provisions permits the National Assembly to roam from its primary duty. It stands to reason then, that in extending an invitation to any person based on constitutionally provided power as has been reproduced here, the lawmakers ought to properly tie that invitation to specific laws whose mal-administration or inadequacies has occasioned such an invitation. As far as is evident in this case, the lawmakers are interested in general queries about security situation in the country and a very specific enquiry about a judicial matter concerning  the prosecution of Mr Melaye, a member of the house, which is beyond the purview of their powers and adds or removes nothing to any extant laws made by the National Assembly.

In the widest consideration of the power of the senate to summon the IGP in this case, Section 88 (2) (b) may be argued as providing enough ground to summon the IGP, particularly to expose “inefficiency” in police duties across the country. However, this would be likened to a performance review by the senate of an appointee of the president. In the most robust political systems, this will not be unheard of, especially when there are present problems facing the country. The problem here is that, an invitation coming after a somewhat vindictive arrest of one of the senators already suggests suspicious motives.

The fact that the IGP needs a performance appraisal and needs to answer queries about his handling of the police force since he took control is immutable. His watch has been spotted with incompetence and a similar lack of understanding of his role. The police force has made little to no input in fighting the myriad security concerns currently facing the country, choosing instead to dabble in local politics and pacifying its puppeteers. The IGP’s ego has increased too, in all the time he has been able to keep his job while delivering little – he has threatened to withdraw police protection of lawmakers and other VIPs in the past, no doubt for a selfish end.

In any case, the controversy about the IGP’s invitation by the senate underscores the politics of ignorance and ego that has plagued the country in all these years. If government functionaries cannot separate matters of pure politics from logical and effective governance, then we are bound to go around in circles for the foreseeable future.

On the one hand, the senate could have received the IGP’s representative if their true motive was to gather information about the security situation in the country. On the other hand, the IGP need not have been so dismissive of the senate invitation, if for nothing else, but to show respect for the Nigerian people and his duty to them. That we have to witness this back and forth by the senate and the IGP while the country is burning is unacceptable. The IGP clearly is in the wrong job, but sadly, the members of the senate may be too.

Right now, there is no right side in the ensuing duel. Both parties are wrong in their decision making on this issue, and they have been wrong about a great number of things even before this present drama. What is more, the only authority that may perhaps have the power to end the useless debacle and restore some sanity has been characteristically silent. Such silence emboldens the likes of IGP Idris in their wrongdoing and almost legitimises every misstep made.

The police force is in serious need of reform or at least a shakedown of leadership, but the senate is not exerting pressure where it ought to be exerted. The President alone has the power of removal of the IGP and this includes the power to launch any serious query of the IGP. The senators ought instead to contemplate laws that will make it easier to exert this pressure rather than chasing shadows by inviting every government appointee that crosses them the wrong way. The poor politics of the National Assembly members has led to continued humiliation of the house through the continuance of people like Ibrahim Magu in their positions. It appears that the lawmakers are yet to learn any lessons from past occurrences.

For lawmakers, Nigeria’s legislators are very ignorant of the law and its purposes. Perhaps the people should think of electing more legally astute lawmakers and less of career politicians whose self-interest is their major driving force. The senate is presently populated by ex-governors and indeed is headed by one. This may be why the senate tends to step out of its core function of law-making. As for the IGP, his lack of respect for his duty as the top police officer in the country may best be handled by relieving him of the burden of that duty. Either ways, there is food for thought for the President and the electorates in the ensuing drama.

In 1971, former President Richard Nixon of the United States declared a war on drugs at the height of the massive underground drug trade in the US. The message was simple, drugs were the number one enemy of the American public at the time, and the level of indulgence had become a national emergency.

The Nixon administration later collaborated with different foreign law enforcement agencies to bring down some of the biggest cartels. However, the most important driver of the vast market for narcotics and other drugs was demand, and that problem was never solved.

The same principle of demand and supply is now playing out in the well organised underground drug trade in Nigeria today. Successive administrations in Aso Rock have never prioritised the fight against drugs, helping the criminal drug enterprise in Nigeria to mature and blossom into international networks spanning many continents. This is why the surprise expressed by some at the scale of the codeine addiction problem recently unearthed by a BBC special report is baffling.

Nigeria has always had a regulation problem, no matter the sector. The citizenry does not trust the government’s intentions and sometimes, it is just too easy to ignore regulations. This may be the true devil behind the codeine crisis that has gotten us talking about drug addiction again.

Codeine is an active ingredient in many cough syrups sold over the counter and it ordinarily was available without any questions asked at the local pharmacy. The psychoactive features of codeine made it vulnerable to abuse by people looking for a cheap high.

As the demand for cough syrup containing codeine surged, there should have been warning signs for regulators, producers and even the pharmacists who all have a duty of care to the public. At the end of the day, it appears that profits were more important for those involved, including pharmaceuticals as the BBC exclusive revealed.

Following the release of the report, at least two of the pharmaceutical companies involved have sacked their staff that were caught up in the investigation, but there is simply not enough accountability on the part of the companies. Large amounts of codeine products were moved into an identifiably addicted market with no questions asked. It is doubtful that executives of these companies were not in the know because large amounts of products were moving to ‘customers’ that had formed relationships with the company.

The codeine issue only scratches the surface of a much bigger drug problem in the country. Many are addicted to other stimulants and depressants like cocaine, heroine, marijuana, tramadol and other drugs. The codeine epidemic was an open, unquestioned indulgence too until health complications arose, especially amongst the children of the rich and powerful. Whether the country can effectively tackle the actual problem of addiction is left to anyone’s imagination. The recent ban on codeine will only help the black market and smugglers who always find ways to get through law enforcement checkpoints. This way, it will not take away the demand, which is the major problem.

Nigeria has always approached the drug problem as a crime which must be fought by over-enthusiastic law enforcement officers. Truly, the distributors and dealers of illicit drugs of all kinds are committing crimes against the country, but the users, especially addicts, are victims and must be treated as such.

Even in the BBC report, we see how people are treated like hardened criminals and chained to trees. The experience in places like that may harden a person’s mind and draw them even closer to the drugs they should be weaned from because most drug users seek an escape from harsh realities of life, like the conditions that the addicts featured in the BBC report were exposed to.

Rehabilitation has never been a strong suit in the Nigerian corrections sector and the codeine addicts need more rehabilitation than they need a government ban that will only lead to poorer decisions and criminality to keep up with the spike in prices that must occur after a ban.

The other angle that may not have been explored is the medical implication of banning codeine. The ingredient is used in cough syrups for a reason and a blanket ban may have casualties because, medically speaking, certain drugs are more suited for some persons as opposed to others.

If there is a difficulty in regulating the sale and distribution of the cough syrups, what success can the government have in stifling a booming black market dealing in all things from batteries to human beings? There are no easy answers, that is why rushed moves like a blanket ban can lead to even more problems down the line.

There are other issues of importance in the codeine problem particularly. The matter of religion which is always a controversial topic in Nigeria again plays a part in the rise of codeine addiction. It is not a co-incidence that majority of the codeine cough syrups are distributed in the north, in places like Kano, Bauchi, Jigawa etc. The predominant religion in the north has always frowned on the intake of alcohol and any intoxicants. The disapproval however has become a fairly serious ban on these products in parts of the north, with the Hisbah police and other similar religious law enforcement agencies administering punishment to defaulters.

In a country where stress comes easily, many young and old people in the north have convinced themselves that indulging in an otherwise legal product for recreational benefits may not be a direct violation of their religious beliefs; hence the appeal of codeine amongst northerners.

Popular culture also contributes to the rise of drug abuse in the country. The musicians and other entertainers that hold young people spellbound with their lavish lifestyles are some of the biggest drug users in any society. They are watched closely by teens in their most vulnerable years and their influence crosses numerous borders.

The mix of foreign celebrities and local ones who sing about doing drugs or display their drug using lifestyle can also be apportioned some blame in the growing epidemic. The fact that they also do not hide their irresponsible lifestyle choices and meet no consequences is an encouragement to impressionable young minds to follow in the trend. One survey revealed that younger people tend to take less alcohol and will rather indulge in marijuana or abuse legal medical solutions like the codeine cough syrups that have led to the latest outrage in Nigeria.

The codeine problem may be a cultural or administrative problem, or simply a consequence of bad leadership. Blanket bans are lazy responses to more localized problems and they seldom lead to any solutions.

The country can live without codeine cough syrups quite alright, but the danger is that there may be complacency on the part of the decision makers who may operate under the impression that the problem has been cut at its root – which will be untrue. There is no cure for demand for drugs except reorientation, and rehabilitation in the case of addicts, but these are the exact two things that the country is poorest at.

In the final analysis, it is good that drug abuse and addiction are on the front pages of the news again, but any optimism one has will most likely be short-lived when it becomes clear that little has changed except the black-market price of codeine. We should, instead, engage in conversations about the many other drugs that are consumed daily under the cover of darkness and sometimes in the open and why people are drawn to them in the first place.

Rich debate on these things, followed by reasoned measures taken will start us off on the long road to recovery. The pain of addiction is a national pain that Richard Nixon could feel those many years ago in the US. We need our leaders to be in tune with the people on this issue now!

In the developed world, politicians learn the value of decorum and adequate preparation very early on in their careers. In that world, to be a politician is to live a scripted life, resisting, as much as possible, the urge to go on a whim and break from the script. This necessary public face, while essentially pretentious, at least helps the politicians maintain some level of discipline and self-control in public acts and speeches.

Back home in Nigeria, the politicians appear to follow no scripts, have no desire for caution and display very poor judgment. With rife indiscipline amongst the political class, the outcome has always been worse. Last week, the country was treated to a double dose of unscripted political drama, with the dramatis personae emerging from the puerile ranks of the Senate and the ‘first office’. Thus, Nigerians were again reminded that they are at the mercy of the undisciplined, chosen from amongst themselves.

By noon on Wednesday, April 18, we all watched in disbelief as a video circulated in various media channels, showing the moment some thugs gained entry into the “hallowed” chambers of the senate and made off with the mace, the supposed symbol of authority of the Senate. The images were appalling, with fighting and the usual chair throwing, this time between the thugs and officials. The Senate leadership later accused Senator Ovie Omo-Agege, who was recently placed on a 90-day suspension, as the mastermind behind the breach of the chamber. Even though the senator was later arrested, the deed had been done and the images can never be withdrawn.

The development not only highlighted the indiscipline at that level of government, but also exposed the gaps in security at the National Assembly complex. Anyone who has gained entry to the complex will be familiar with the multi-layered security checks for visitors that usually involve long waiting times and vetting. It was a shock therefore, to see alleged strangers to the complex walk calmly and confidently to the front of the Senate chamber in the middle of a plenary, pick up the mace and fight their way out against minimal resistance. Reports also had it that a senator representing Lagos West was also grabbed by the thugs on their way out before he managed to escape within the premises.

With their unchallenged procession into the chamber, it makes sense for one to conclude that the said “thugs” may have had regular access to the complex before the incident or were ushered in by a high profile figure at the complex. It is unlikely that the mace thieves were unknown to all within the complex, especially considering that they reportedly got away clean. The drama continued a day later when the police claimed to have received a tip from a good samaritan that sighted the missing mace under a bridge somewhere in Abuja where they retrieved it.

The story of the recovery of the mace, if one chooses to believe it, may seem like the end of another farcical episode in Nigerian politics, but it is really part of an on-going theatre of absurdities at the centre of government. The entire drama is exasperating and deeply shameful, like many acts of our government functionaries.

The legislature in Nigeria has become a nest of shameless actors, possessed by indiscipline and encouraged by the failure of the people to hold their elected leaders accountable. From a Dino Melaye who frequently ridicules himself and the Senate in the shameless documentation of his childish squabbling, to others with their indecorous sense of humour, many questionable characters have, indeed, been assembled to pretend to make laws for the smooth running of the country.

What the video also shows is the work ethic of our senators. The plenary was attended by only a handful of senators as can be seen in the video. About 70 per cent of the senators were absent, and this may have encouraged the mace thieves and their collaborators in some way. When some senators are present, they struggle to stay awake or make no contributions whatsoever. Many long term senators have never sponsored a bill or made meaningful contribution on the floor of the house. Yet, when the time comes for the throwing of chairs, their participation is overwhelming.

As we were being treated to a comedy of errors at home, our number one citizen was in faraway London making less-than-flattering remarks about the young people of the country. While speaking at the commonwealth business forum, President Muhammadu Buhari, berated young Nigerians for their laziness, and what he seemed to suggest is an unreasonable dependence on government to provide for them because of the perceived oil wealth of the country. His comments hurt the sensibilities of young Nigerians everywhere who already suffer a great disadvantage compared to their peers in other African countries and in the wider world.

Thousands of graduates have had to embrace low paying jobs while the uneducated endure life as artisans and tradesmen of all kinds to make ends meet. Of the uneducated, more than half is purely due to poverty while the rest is based on improper orientation within their families and communities – a consequence of poverty. If the government is not responsible for this, then one wonders who is.

When put into context, the president’s remark is even more baffling as it was made in response to a question about investment opportunities for would-be investors in the country. Could he have thought that his remarks would encourage an investor to pour money into a region where a large chunk of the working population is “lazy”? Common sense at least dictates that a leader can only truly make that kind of assertion if the people refuse to work, despite being given an enabling environment to be productive and flourish. In any case, even if his claim were true, one simply must not wash his country’s dirty linen in public.

It was not the first time he has made such a gaffe at home and abroad. The president already displayed a lack of judgement with his half joke about his wife belonging to “the other room” at a similar forum sometimes back. He also famously suggested that his government would pay more attention to areas where he received more votes. These are all statements made off the cuff, and they reveal the real man that often hides behind prepared speeches as is often the case with political office holders.

The president is our top diplomat and should have known better than to make such a remark. Many have stressed that he is himself a product of government guaranteed free education and other benefits that accrued to young Nigerians in his time. It is too much for some to have such a man make that statement when he now heads a government that cannot guarantee the most basic education and healthcare need of all Nigerians.

The relationship between the president and the sponsor of the mace thieves if any, is that they both display a remarkable lack of judgment and an inability to process the long term consequences of their words and actions. In a changing world where perception is key and appearances can carry the day, to have such gaffes as these, especially arising out of ignorance, is unthinkable for a nation that intends to grow.

Many are of the opinion that the political class intentionally ensures that certain sections of the society remain poor and uneducated to make it easier for them to be manipulated when need be. The mace thieves may have been drawn from this section and many more will again be called to vote in the coming elections. To be subjected to ridicule in this manner whilst being kept in the darkness of penury and ignorance is a truly cruel fate. This is why it is now a collective responsibility to help the unenlightened see the light – the light of their own power at the polls.

In 2011, Toyin Saraki, the wife of the Senate President, Bukola Saraki, stood before a crowd at a TEDx event in London and told the story of how, in 1991, she faced a hellish ordeal during the birth of her first child in Nigeria. The baby was a twin; but complications occasioned by the lack of effective health systems back then led to the loss of one of the twins. She further told of how she sourced advanced baby formula and other items from around the globe to ensure the survival of the remaining twin.

Mrs Saraki had a satellite phone by her bedside that allowed her go to extremes for her remaining child. Mrs Saraki never thought about having another baby in Nigeria after that ordeal. Although she has since gone on to make remarkable strides in helping to reduce child mortality and maternal death, the truth is that many Nigerian women still have worse ordeals in Nigerian hospitals today and the country has the fourth worst maternal mortality rate in the world.

Our healthcare system in Nigeria is still very much below par, even by African standards. This was part of the areas of emphasis of Bill Gates, the billionaire philanthropist and tech tycoon, in a speech he made during his recent visit to Nigeria. Gates stressed the need to get education and healthcare right if Nigeria ever wants to truly become the global economic power that it desires to be. He pointed out the country’s poor investment in human capital which is largely measurable by the quality of education and healthcare available to the people. He reminded a crowd of national leaders that while the average life expectancy for upper middle-income countries is 75 years and the average for low-income countries is 62 years, average life expectancy in Nigeria is only 53 years.

The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation has made vast investment in healthcare in Nigeria since 2006. Mr Gates has particularly been on the frontline of the fight to eradicate polio which is still a concern in Nigesria, as part of a very small number of countries who are yet to be declared polio-free by the World Health Organisation, WHO. One in three Nigerian children is chronically malnourished despite many programmes and donor-assisted projects in healthcare across the country. Many ‘landmark’ projects in different states quickly lose steam and are allowed to slide into the same mediocre level of healthcare that is the norm in most parts of the country.

For Nigerians like Mrs. Saraki and international partners like Mr. Gates who have committed so much effort and resources, the persisting mediocrity must be a deep and personal concern. If the crusaders and financiers of the healthcare system sleep with heavy spirits, one wonders about the plight of the victims who live through the helplessness of a decrepit health system. The frustration of slow improvement must also be compounded by inadequate commitment and investment into the health sector by the government.

Contrary to the WHO recommended yearly minimum budgetary allocation of 13 per cent into the health sector and the African Union minimum of 15 per cent which was adopted in Abuja in 2001, the country has not allocated more than 5.95 per cent of its budget to the health sector since 2001. The self-proclaimed giant of Africa has been continually dwarfed by its contemporaries and countries with lesser means.

In 2016, South Africa dedicated 12 per cent of its budget to health while Botswana, Zambia, and Burkina Faso all committed over 15 per cent, with Rwanda going as high as 18 per cent. In the same year, Nigeria allocated only 4.1 per cent of its budget to the health sector. This poor commitment continues to occur even though Nigeria’s overall budget has grown 92 per cent from N4.49 trillion in 2015 to N8.621 trillion in 2018. The estimate of health expenditure for 2018 represents only 3.9 per cent of the total budget, which shows a decline in health spending.  It is perhaps figures like this that spurred Mr. Gates’ advice to the country’s leaders that the true development of the country depended on the decisions they make, especially in investing in the Nigerian people.

Healthcare is a major area of focus in governance in developed countries, and a party that fails in this aspect is almost certain of losing the vote of the people in the next elections. The National Health Service, NHS, in the United Kingdom, for instance, is a mammoth organisation that will run on an estimated figure of £126 billion in 2018. Yet, there are complaints about inadequate funding for this organisation that caters for less than 67 million people in 2018. This gives one some insight into the amount of investment needed to run a robust healthcare system. Nigeria is currently nowhere in this vicinity, with a growing population of more than 180 million people.

While very expensive modern private hospitals are popping up in places like Lagos and Abuja, many are still not good enough for the elite, who have had a taste of good and efficient healthcare in other places. It is a hot material for comedians now to state that the difference between the rich and the poor is that the former prefer to die outside the country. The recent officially certified emergency flight of Alex Ekwueme, the late former vice president of the country, to his death outside the shores of the country is an ironic confirmation of this very expensive joke.

In the middle of all this, the population continues to explode unchecked. Most of the boom occurs in the poorest areas of the country, where access to education and primary healthcare or any government presence is lowest. It seems there is a direct link between lack of education and the astronomic increase in population, and a further link between this increase to greater inadequacy of lean resources. The under-development of the country is a conundrum of poor decision making by the ruling elite because of greed or incompetence and equally poor decisions made by the lowly masses because of ignorance, compounded by a lack of education.

Politically-inspired statistics being thrown around also adds to the lack of consciousness about the weight of our healthcare problem and as a result, a reduction of investment into the health sector. The recognition as the largest economy in Africa, translates into almost nothing at a personal level for the average Nigerian. Irresponsible politicians concentrate on this to divert crucially needed funds for healthcare and education into areas that will boost or maintain this superficial size of the economy. It is a tragedy, one that Mr Gates has now pointed out in no subtle manner.

Our best hands in the health sector are fleeing the country in droves because the safety of their own lives is not guaranteed, as the Ebola outbreak proved. Furthermore, as experts in the field, they understand better the danger of just being a resident of this country. We need to take greater responsibility for our own healthcare. Government must commit to the health sector like never before and desist from concentrating on maintaining unsustainable infrastructural development without commensurate human development.

The population surge also needs to be contained. Rash measures like bans and the like are not advisable, but the populace must be educated about maintaining and managing our resources by keeping our numbers reasonable. There is no merit in Nigeria being Africa’s most populous country without being able to feed her young and vulnerable or guarantee a good life for the people. The ultra-politicisation of Nigerian life and the Nigerian experience is having devastating effects on healthcare that may become almost irreversible if things continue the way they are going. The quality of life is the ultimate rubric of success, but as a country, Nigeria is pitiably unsuccessful. Therefore, the time has come for a reappraisal of our priorities.

Like Hermes, the messenger god of Greek mythology, revered statesman and philanthropist, General Theophilus Yakubu Danjuma (rtd), recently delivered a crucial message to the people of his native Taraba and the wider country. His message was clear and unambiguous as he declared that the Nigerian Army has been compromised in the increased spate of killings by Fulani herdsmen around the country.

Before Danjuma made his statement during a speech at the convocation ceremony of Taraba State University, Jalingo, on March 24, the question of connivance of the army in the herdsmen rampage was already swirling around. His indictment of the army however drew wide attention because he is not known to be so vocal about public matters even though he can be considered as one of the “gods” of present day Nigeria. Adding to his “god” status is his military pedigree which cannot be dismissed in the aftermath of his damning declaration.

Danjuma served as Chief of Army Staff under former President Olusegun Obasanjo during his first outing as military head of state in 1979. Years later, he returned as Minister of Defence under the same Obasanjo in 1999 during the first term of the latter’s civilian engagement as the Commander-in-Chief. Even before these appointments, he had been involved in the discipline of army officers both at home and abroad, serving as the president of a tribunal presiding over an International Court Martial of members of a failed coup attempt in Trinidad and Tobago in 1970. He was appointed chairman of the investigative committee on the Warri conflict in 2003 and as chairman of the Presidential Advisory Council in Goodluck Jonathan’s government in 2010.

Beyond his military career, the philanthropic retired general is known to be his own man and has excelled in business. Importantly, he has proven to be a staunch advocate of the rule of law, and is known to have avidly opposed Obasanjo’s third term attempt in 2006, despite their history together. Therefore, the damning statement of a man of Danjuma’s pedigree against the military should have called for sober reflection instead of condemnation. The country ought to take it very seriously. And from all indications, his words are indeed having the appropriate effect as the army and other concerned authorities have scrambled to defend this indictment. Also, state governors in the most affected parts of the country have received renewed resolve to battle the menace of the herdsmen, which sometimes seems like a struggle against the federal government itself.

The fact is that, Danjuma, as a military insider, will likely have access to information that the rest of us do not have. Furthermore, his utterance shows the frustration of a man who may have been moved to the brink having witnessed and understood the hopelessness of a compromised military. Considering that the higher implication of his words touches the very office of the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces presents further evidence that they are well meant, even at the danger of crossing swords with the number one citizen. It is also likely that Danjuma has used his military contacts and influence to ascertain why more is not being done to stem the rampage of the herdsmen. What we heard in that speech may be the conclusion of his very privileged findings.

Considering that this is not the first allegation of lack of neutrality against the Nigerian military in recent times, one begins to wonder whether there is indeed truth to them. The recent abduction of schoolgirls in Dapchi raised similar concerns, which were explained away by the ever ready public relations machine of the military and the government. In Nigeria, where the military is basically an appendage of the executive arm of government, any aspersion on the military goes straight to Aso Rock as well. This is why we need more people like Danjuma who can stare down the powers that be in Aso Rock and call a spade a spade. Had this been an ordinary citizen making such a public indictment, he/she would likely be in DSS detention somewhere by now.

Like many problems before, Nigerians are viewing this from partisan, ethnic or religious angles. Since he made his statement, Danjuma has been accused of propagating religious division with references being made to a statement released by a group known as the National Christian Elders Forum, NCEF, of which Danjuma is a member. Late last year, the group raised fears about a Fulani Jihad after the herdsmen increased attacks on farming settlements all over the country. The insinuation is that his latest remarks are tainted by that view. The real question is, does it matter? He has directed a damning accusation at the military hierarchy, with words that have no religious connotations by any stretch of the imagination. Instead of concentrating on this indictment, some want to divert attention into chronically controversial areas that will leave the real issues behind.

For many years, our security agencies have been used as tools to propagate the unholy agendas of politicians and powerful private citizens. There is a prevailing lack of discipline in this regard, majorly because security appointments and promotions have been politicised, often to the detriment of general security. It is true that military performance has not satisfied the wider majority of Nigerians since the appointment and the elongation of tenure (more than once) of the current military chiefs. In other climes, the military chiefs, in a period such as this, would have been relieved of their command to shake up the military and foster better performance and handling of the plethora of security concerns that threaten the federation. This also goes for the police force. The continued engagement of security chiefs in their various roles is at least a vote of confidence by the government, a vote that the general public does not share.

Also, at this point, everything is political, whether intended or not. With elections getting closer by the day, any event, utterance or action that causes the slightest ripple in national consciousness has political consequences. One cannot speak to the mind or intention of the esteemed General Danjuma, but it is safe to say that there are accompanying political consequences to his statement. Like retired generals Ibrahim Babangida and Olusegun Obasanjo before him, Danjuma may have inadvertently passed a vote of no confidence on the Buhari government, thereby adding yet another nail in the would-be coffin of this administration.

For all we know, the herdsmen rampage itself could be a political act, and in the wildest imagination, a military assisted positioning in preparation for a break or make election. Also, because Babangida, Obasanjo and Danjuma have been known to be associated with the leading opposition party, the People’s Democratic Party, their respective statements directly or indirectly condemning the Buhari government can be viewed with partisan lenses. Even as Obasanjo has declared himself ‘neutral’, it is well known that the leader of the ruling party is a long-term political opponent of his. Torn between these many what ifs, and maybes, the electorate have their hands full in making a leadership decision going forward.

When the ‘gods’ do not agree, there are always dire consequences for the ordinary people. If people of Danjuma’s status are feeling the strain of government inaction and pointing fingers at the military, one is sure that things are not right somewhere. Like they say, there is no smoke without fire, and the fire of the issue of insecurity seems to be burning at the highest levels of government. The implications for the common man are exactly what Danjuma has told Nigerians – we need to protect ourselves. The statement goes beyond the issue of carrying arms against herdsmen, which is indeed the interpretation of a lot of people. The statement stretches right to the ballot box on Election Day in 2019.

 

Over a month ago, the media was awash with news of the mass abduction of another set of school girls in the Northeast. This time, the horror played out in Dapchi, a town in Yobe State about 75 kilometres south of the border with Niger Republic. The reaction to the news was that of horror and outrage, especially after rumours emerged about the likely complicity of security agents in the abductions. With the country still in the trenches about the Chibok affair, it was very unwelcome news indeed.

After the anger about Boko Haram terror was revived with this new set of abductions, the blame game became fierce and theories of unimaginable complexities made the rounds on social media platforms. However, last Wednesday, the situation took an unexpected turn with the dramatic return of the Dapchi girls to their town in Yobe State. This development did little to quiet down the rumour mills, and the conspiracy theories only becoming more rife as the situation developed. With the persisting disquiet about the attacks, there are many genuine talking points that merit some thought.

Perhaps, the starting point should be on the important distinction in the Dapchi episode. The in-fighting within the ranks of Boko Haram has led to the factionalisation of the sect into at least two identifiable factions. One appears to be headed by Abubakar Shekau, long-time leader and frontman of the group, while the other is controlled by Abu Musab al-Barnawi, the son of the late Mohammed Yusuf, founder of the radical group. Al-Barnawi’s faction, which reportedly enjoys Islamic State backing, was allegedly behind the Dapchi abductions.

The previous release of some of the Chibok girls generated some controversy about covert deals made with the Shekau faction to secure the release of those girls. Shekau and his men are said to have made about 3.7 million dollars in ransom, according to a Wall Street Journal report on the deals. Many warned then, as did this column, about the dangers of pecuniary deal-making with such a group, and indeed any deal making at all. Then the Dapchi girls’ abduction occurred, unsurprisingly. For the parents of the girls who are understandably happy, one shares in their joy, but with great foreboding.

If there were any doubts about the Islamic State backing of the al-Barnawi faction, the happenings in the past couple of months leave little doubt about that unholy partnership. The imprint of Islamic State tactics are written all over the group. First, the faction has demonstrated tact in negotiations and the relative speed with which they are concluded is a testament to the fact that these are no mindless fanatics. Mr. al-Barnawi’s splinter group is in fact now known as the Islamic State in West Africa and had previously carried out kidnappings of staff of the United Nations and some oil workers prospecting in the northeast.

The Islamic State is regarded as the wealthiest terrorist group in the world, and is known to be very skilled in kidnappings, with an entire department known as the “intelligence apparatus” dedicated to kidnappings, as revealed by a BBC report in 2015. While Shekau can be described as a mad man, the Islamic State is calculated and methodical in its approach, with an underlying objective of winning the hearts of Muslim faithful to their cause. The Dapchi incident is not only a funding opportunity, but also a publicity stunt like the Chibok abductions turned out to be. This time, it is being managed expertly and that is why the foray of al-Barnawi’s group into the schoolgirls kidnap ‘market’ is a sign of worse things to come.

Worse still, the well-oiled machine of Islamic State propaganda is already evident. There were videos and pictures of Dapchi residents and parents of the girls cheering the fighters on as they returned the girls, unhindered by security forces who were keeping faith with a condition of the deal with the government. Witnesses report that the fighters were civil, even shaking hands and reassuring the people there would be no further attacks of the like if the girl’s stayed away from “western education”. The returned girls also report that they were treated in as civil a manner as possible under the circumstances, and were even provided food to break their fast and say their prayers.

The professionalism shown by the group in this kidnap equals its propensity for terror. Islamic State targets westerners and generally subjects non-Muslims to great indignities to demonstrate their disregard for the life of so called “infidels”. This is why the refusal of the group to release one Christian girl, Leah Sharibu, is a matter of grave concern, especially as she has refused to convert to Islam.

Leah emerges as the heroine in this unsavoury tale. Like Malala Yousafzai, the schoolgirl who stood up to the Taliban in Pakistan, Leah has become a symbol of hope and defiance in the most unlikely way. The consequences of the move to withhold the lone Christian student are far reaching for the fragile ethno-religious set up of the country. Leah has now become another important chip in this multi-layered mess that the government finds itself in.

Whether the girl was held as an opportunity to push a better bargain or for more sinister reasons, the entry of Islamic State backed players into the north-east has happened at the worst time. The Islamic State which controlled a considerable territory some years back has now lost most of it and may be looking to reassert itself. With the encouraging signs here and the relative ease in dealing with the Muhammadu Buhari government, Nigeria and West Africa in general may now become the new front to recoup losses.

President Buhari has all but announced that the official policy of his government is to negotiate with terrorists. With the way the Dapchi girls affair went, it is possible that the government has now been further encouraged to adopt deal making as its primary method in tackling abductions. The reality however is that the door is being held open for the ravenous beast of Islamic State and its sophisticated machinery.

Al-Barnawi’s faction may not only be winning the praise of the people, it may also be gaining government confidence as a “preferred trading partner”. The offensive on Shekau’s faction had increased even while deals for the release of more Chibok girls were on-going. In the converse, the government allegedly does not even know what the mysterious al-Barnawi looks like now.

Allowing terrorists to roam free on the streets and issue subtle threats to people in broad daylight will definitely come back to sting this administration. There needs to be a limit to negotiations with terrorists and this government has displayed inferiority in its powers of negotiation that may signal weakness in other important areas in this fight. Allowing the only Christian girl to remain is one glaring mistake. It is as if the government did not know there was a Christian girl amongst the people abducted.

The death of some girls has also been an issue, alongside the confusion about the actual number of girls abducted. The inconsistency in figures and records may be a trademark of Nigerian government machinery, but when dealing with the lives of school-going girls, the figures need to be right. The government made no mention of a little boy who was also abducted and probably only found out about this like the rest of us when the girls were returned.

All the inconsistency and secrecy only adds more suspicion to the commitment of the government to find a lasting solution and not tolerate a new market for school girls that the terrorists clearly want to establish within our borders. It is unspeakable for any serious country to plan to continue paying ransom for the lives of its citizens within its own borders. As with all things Nigerian at the moment, it is hardly surprising. Surely, Leah Sharibu’s life has now become a priority. It is in the interest of the government and the terrorists who hold the trump card to set the poor girl free as quickly as possible.

For many months now, there has been sustained violence in many parts of the country, similar to the trend of violence during the last months of former President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration. Although there is no immediate evidence to show that the killings are politically motivated, one would be forgiven for suggesting that they might be.

Whether politics is involved or not, it is apparent that the present administration is struggling to contain the violence and one only hopes that the seeming struggle is not by design. From the plague of out-of-control herdsmen to angry vigilantes and the (unfortunately) familiar Boko Haram terror, peace and security has become a privilege enjoyed only by a few.

The military has proven to be uncharacteristically ineffective in dealing with the pockets of violence, while the police force, as usual, remains out of sorts in the face of challenging security issues. All these security concerns are very grave threats to peace and are of national concern, but the menace of the herdsmen which has spread to all areas of the country where cattle can travel, has been particularly bothersome to the wider country outside the north/north-east for the major reason that herdsmen communities are already well established nationwide.

The killings by the herdsmen has led to the rise or resurgence of vigilante groups and ethnic militias all over the country who are apparently forced to resort to self-help as security agents from multiple agencies have failed to curtail the attacks on farming communities. The vigilantes have now themselves become bloodthirsty for reasons that many suspect goes beyond anger over attacks on their communities. The situation has degenerated into a tit for tat orgy of killing and destruction that is showing no signs of abating in the near future. Some of the vigilantes and militias themselves have become a problem and the official police response to this problem has defied logic, even by Nigerian police standards.

Amidst this confusion, Ibrahim Idris, the Inspector General of Police, recently issued a directive that all individuals and groups in possession of illegal arms nationwide should surrender their arms to the police or risk prosecution under the Firearms Act, Cap F28 Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004. In itself, this directive is not unreasonable as the possession of firearms is strictly prohibited in Nigeria, except through special permission of the president. However, in the context of the recent clashes between herdsmen and the vigilantes, the directive may do more harm than good.

For months, Nigerians from north to south, east to west, have been crying out about the wanton destruction of property and killings by gun-toting herdsmen across the nation. Therefore, the directive by the police chief at this time is a severe case of miscalculation. Even as many so called vigilante groups have gone out of control by adopting a retaliatory and vindictive strategy rather than a protective one, there is no changing the fact that the police and other security outfits have failed in their mandate of protecting lives and property.

The Firearms Act has never been suspended or repealed, and as such has been in force all this time that the likes of the Oodua People’s Congress, OPC, and many other such groups have been allowed to operate and share the security space with the police, even with firearms that would, strictly speaking, be illegal by the definition of the Act. For the police to suddenly wake up from stupor to its duty in the middle of the fiercest communal clashes in recent times, is unsound judgment especially at a time when the words of assurance and presence of the president himself has very little effect in calming nerves.

President Buhari visited Taraba State on March 5, over the clashes between herdsmen and farmers in the state. On the same day, it was reported that no fewer than 20 human lives and hundreds of livestock were lost in a retaliatory attack by ethnic militias on Fulani settlements in the state. Also, barely 24 hours after a visit by the president to Plateau State to launch a five-year peace plan to combat reoccurring clashes in that state, some herdsmen attacked communities in Bokkos and Bassa local government areas of the state, claiming the lives of women and children. In accounts by witnesses, the communities are said to keep vigil by themselves to protect their communities from the marauding herdsmen.

Before the police directive, the media was already awash with comments and opinions that placed accusations of nepotism at the feet of high ranking government officials, including the president, over the herdsmen issue. Already, the issuance of this directive is seen in many quarters as a targeted measure that aims to make the onslaught of farming communities easier for the herdsmen, mostly of Fulani descent.  On the other hand, the continued clashes and violence only stands to hurt the president and his party going into the next election.

So what if the violence is political? Surely, many members of the opposition stand to gain from the president’s inability to guarantee the safety of lives and property. If the allegations against the president are true, what does he stand to gain from soft pedalling on the issue of herdsmen? One could argue that the numerical strength and impressionable disposition of cattle traders and their herdsmen are a more valuable asset for the president going into 2019 than the communities and their militias that accuse him of a Fulani agenda. Whichever way one looks at it, the truth is that the president does not have a handle on the killings, neither does the police, and the IGP who is set to make this impotence glaring with his latest directive.

In effect, the police has taken it upon itself to fight the herdsmen, if at all it is willing to, and the vigilantes, many of whom only seek to protect their lives and properties. There has been no single significant report of the arrest of any gun-toting herdsmen in the media. One would think that the government would concentrate on removing the roots of the problem, which is the sponsors of the herdsmen, before tackling secondary problems of errant vigilantes and illegal firearms. Instead, the problem has just been complicated further, because the communities will never agree to lay down arms without guarantee of safety.

Since the increase in cases of killings and violence that have gone on for many months now, the government has been shadow-boxing the issue by taking measures that do not directly affect the source of the problem. The ‘Cattle Colony Bill’, continuous lip-service and this attempt to disarm local vigilantes that are the only line of defence for many communities are band aids that cannot hold back the wickedness of the sponsors of these killings. It is time the president and the other members of this government wake up to their responsibility.

Deflection is such a difficult thing to do in election season. There is no way Nigerians will accept the excuse of a war on illegal firearms now that insecurity has dipped to the lowest levels. The real problem is the sense of entitlement of some deep pockets somewhere that believe in force rather than pure and open negotiation. The real problem is a government that cannot set its priorities right and falls into traps laid by its detractors every time. The problem is an atmosphere of insecurity and the absence of competent authority to address it.

As we are led to believe, the government does not know where the militant wing of the herdsmen is or where the top Boko Haram members are. It is now going after the hunters and vigilantes that operate openly for the sake of their communities.  What this means is that, the Inspector General of Police has now charged his men to chase shadows and divert attention from the real enemies in our midst.

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