Category: Insight

  • Kano: PDP takes on APC without Kwankwaso

    Kano: PDP takes on APC without Kwankwaso

    In 2019, Kano state was a battle ground for both the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) during the general election. In fact, the PDP was in a slim lead but could not be declared winner, because the number of cancelled votes was higher than the difference in lead votes scored between the two leading candidates: Abba Yusuf (PDP) and Abdullahi Umar Ganduje of the APC.

    Ganduje had won his first term under APC with the support of his predecessor and benefactor, Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso. Shortly afterwards, Kwankwaso returned to PDP and during the 2019 governorship election, Ganduje battled to defeat the PDP led by him. However, since Ganduje’s reelection, the APC has gained a stronger hold of the soul of Kano state and has strategised effectively on how to retain the party’s victory in 2023.

    As at now, the PDP in Kano state is weakened grossly as Kwankwaso, with his supporters, has dumped the umbrella party to float a new political group called The National Movement (TNM). As it is, the APC has a brighter chance well ahead of the PDP and the third force by Kwankwaso.

    An array of gubernatorial aspirants already indicated their interest with their posters all out across the state. Most of them are running in APC. They are also consulting widely with key stakeholders regarding their ambitions. But Ganduje has not made his choice public, even when journalists asked him. Ganduje who is serving his second term as governor of the state on the platform of the APC, will bow out in 2023 after the mandatory eight years of two terms.

     

    The contenders

    Barau Jibrin

    A former member of the House of Representatives, Barau is a serving senator in his second term. He is from Kano North Senatorial district and chairs the Senate Committee on Appropriation. Barau, who is running in APC, is seen as one of the top contenders with experience and resources to battle for the office.

     Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna

    Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna, the deputy governor of the state, is a former Chairman of Nassarawa Local Government Area. He also served as Commissioner for Agriculture between 2013-2015 and 2015-2018 when he was appointed Ganduje’s deputy, following the resignation of the then deputy governor Professor Hafiz Abubakar. He appears to be banking on his boss (Ganduje) to endorse him.

     Muhammad Ibrahim Little

    Little is the leading governorship aspirant in PDP. He has even picked the PDP form and declared publicly to run for the office of governor. In 2003, Little lost the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) ticket to Malam Ibrahim Shekarau. He migrated to contest on the platform of Peoples Redemption Party but lost his deposit to Shekarau who became governor of Kano state that year.

    Murtala Sule Garo

    Garo, who holds the title of Yaki sai da Kwamanda, is the Commissioner for Local Government Affairs and is running in APC. He is said to be enjoying the support of majority of local government chairmen across the 44 local government councils of the state. There are rumours that he also has the backing of the governor’s wife.

     Senator Kabiru Ibrahim Gaya

    Kabiru Ibrahim Gaya, a former governor of Kano State under the military dispensation of Gen. Ibrahim Babangida between 1992 and 1993. He has served as Senator for four consecutive terms.

     Abdul Salam Abdulkarim Zaura

    Abdul Salam Abdulkarim Zaura is popular as AA Zaura. He is not new in Kano politics as he contested for the governorship under Green Party of Nigeria (GPN) but later defected to APC in full force with the ambition to succeed Ganduje. He is a businessman and political godson of APC leader Asiwaju Ahmed Bola Tinubu.

     Kabiru Alhassan Rurum

    A former Speaker of Kano State House of Assembly who recommended the dethronement of Muhammadu Sanusi as Emir of Kano, Rurum enjoys the support of APC stakeholders in Kano South who are of the opinion that power should be rotated to their zone this time.

    Inuwa Waya

    Waya, a lawyer, has worked with the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). He has been making serious consultation since joining the guber race.

    Shaaban Ibrahim Sharada

    A former personal assistant to President Muhammadu Buhari on Broadcast Media, Sharada is running in APC. He is a member of the federal House of Representatives who has chaired the House Committee on National Security and Intelligence.

  • Plateau 2023: Zoning and  other issue set the pace

    Plateau 2023: Zoning and other issue set the pace

    The race to the Plateau State Government House in Little Rayfield, Jos has begun in earnest. Posters of different colours and shapes are defacing public spaces. And as the date fixed by INEC for the 2023 gubernatorial election in the state moves closer, issues like whether the next governor should emerged through a zoning arrangement said to be in existence before now or not, whether the incumbent administration has lived up to the expectation of the people or not and the internal dynamics of the leading political parties, are on the front burner.

    The issue of zoning in the state has always been a problem. The politicians themselves do not respect the unwritten zoning agreement among the three Senatorial districts. But prominent chieftains of the two leading political parties are insisting there is a zoning formula that must be respected ahead of the 2023 governorhip election in the state.

    One very popular position is that the rotation of the governorship seat should be considered from 1999 when the country returned to democracy. Thus, permutations appear to favour the Central senatorial district which has five local government areas of Bokkos, Kanam, Kanke, Mangu, and Pankshin, to produce the next governor of the state.

    Recall that Senator Joshua Dariye from Bokkos in the Central senatorial district governed the State from 1999 to 2007 and was succeeded by Senator Jonah Jang from Jos South Local Government Area in the Northern senatorial district who governed from 2007 to 2015. The incumbent, Rt. Hon. Simon Lalong, is from Shendam in the Southern senatorial district.

    The popular opinion that the central zone should produce the governor in 2023 appears to have led to the emergence of about numerous aspirants from the district in both the ruling All Progressives Congress, (APC) and the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Plateau state.

    Some of the names being touted as interested gubernatorial aspirants include Pukat Barde, Manji Gontori, Danyaro Sarpiya, Timothy Nantok, Sunday Biggs, Jonathan Akuns, Dakas Dakas, Hezekiah Dimka, David Dimka, Satu Jatau, John Sura, Sonni Tyoden, Dauda Gotring, Latep Dabang, Garba Pwul, Timothy Golu.

    Others are Patrick Dakum, Nentawe Yilwatda, Caleb Mutfwang, Shedrack Best, Alfred Damiyal, Mazadu Bako, David Parradang, Bagudu Hirse, Jonathan Aminu, Sipak Shase’et, James Shwarapshaka, Amos Gizo, Alex Ladan, Kizito Gukas, among others.

    But there are still some stakeholders in the state who are against the zoning arrangement and it is possible aspirants from outside the Central senatorial district will contest the tickets of the APC and the PDP when the race kicks off. Such critics of the arrangement are quick to recall that when Dariye contested the governorship from the Plateau Central despite the said unwritten zoning agreement, some candidates from other zones opposed him at the general election.

    The same thing, they claim, happened during Jang and Lalong’s quest for governorship in spite of the said zoning arrangement. “Within both the APC and the PDP, as well as in some other parties, there are still clamours for the governorship tickets to be left open for all comers to contest for. Those putting up the argument are those who oppose zoning and want the next governor of the state to emerge on merit. Aside the issue of merit, some are of the opinion that since all the three zones have taken turns, the rotation should be thrown open to start from anywhere,” a source said.

     

    APC waiting on Lalong

    But close aides of Governor Lalong are suggesting that he may be very open to the zoning arrangement. “The governor believes one of the thigns that has kept Plateau together is the zoning arrangement. He is a product of the zoning arrangement himself and we believe he wants to retain the formula in the interest of peace in the state. The APC will defeat any other party in 2023 because the governor has performed well and he has no plan to impose any candidate on the party or the state,” a source added.

    In spite of the high number of aspirants jostling for the ticket of the ruling party, it appears majority of the party’s members and stakeholders are still undecided on what to do in 2023. According to very reliable sources within the party, Governor Lalong is yet to give an inkling of who he would be backing for the job. A member of the House of Representatives and a chieftain of the ruling APC, Hon. Yusuf Gagdi, specifically said he and his supporters are waiting for the Governor to give them a direction on who to support for the governorship of the state in 2023.

    The federal legislator averred that as the leader of the party in the state, Governor Lalong, is in a better position to choose a candidate to succeed him after due consultations other stakeholders within and outside the ruling party. “I say this without any political misrepresentation, Governor Lalong is the leader of APC in Plateau State, and quote me anywhere, he is the leader of APC in Northern Nigeria, for being the chairman of Northern Governors Forum.

    “Therefore, as Governor Lalong’s ardent supporter, boy and his product; that I carried his bag when he was Speaker in State House of Assembly, worked with him when I was deputy speaker in the 8th State Assembly; I think the best thing for me is to wait for him to finish his consultation and give us direction. And when he gives us direction, be rest assured that I Gagdi will be at the centre of it, and we will make sure, through the will of God, because we have a Governor who will determine who succeeds him come 2023,” the legislator, who represents Pankshin/Kanke/Kanam constituency in the House of Representatives, said.

     

    PDP: Jang, Oseni factor

    The PDP in Plateau state is currently divided and analysts are strongly of the opinion that unless it heals, the party may not be much of a threat to the ruling APC in 2023.The Nation gathered that the current division within the PDP is the result of the rivalry between General Jeremiah Huseini and Air Commodore Jonah David Jang, immediate past governor of the state and a former senator. The feud between the two PDP leaders is responsible for the inability of the party to put up good electoral showings since 2015 when it lost the governorship seat to the APC in the state.

    Jang, a two-term governor of the state, has been the leader of the party since his emergence as governor in 2007 on the platform of the PDP. After his stint as governor, he was elected as a senator. Huseini joined the PDP from his erstwhile party, the Democratic Peoples Party (DPP) after Jang’s tenure as governor. He also ran for a seat in the senate and won. They duo were in the senate together till 2019, representing their various senatorial districts of Plateau state.

    Huseini, in spite of opposition to his aspiration by Jang’s loyalists in 2019, emerged the candidate of the PDP in Plateau State for the governorship election. Observers of the politics of the state claim that was the beginning of the cold war between the duo. Huseini faced the incumbent governor, Lalong, of the APC and was defeated. The crisis within the party worsened in early 2020 when the faction loyal to Gen. Huseini (retd.), set up a parallel caretaker committee less than one week after the PDP national headquarters approved the extension of the state executive led by Yakubu Chocho, an ally of Jang, pending a new election. The party remained troubled by the rivalry between the two top politicians until September 2021 when the party elected a new executive committee.

    Chris Hassa a former commissioner who served in the Jang administration, emerged as the state Chairman of the party. His emergence, it appears has rekindled the rivalry between Jang and Huseini, rather than nip it in the bud. Party sources say chieftains of the party remain divided in their loyalty to the two gladiators. “It will be very difficult for Jang and Husseni to reconcile. Because you have tried something once twice and it has failed. Confidence is lost and the battle line has been drawn because both of them are now getting older. Each of them is maintaining his pride.

    “Each of them is maintaining his role. There are people Useini helped to climb the ladder and there are people Jang help too. So each one is the Lord to his people and it is very difficult to make their loyalists abandon them, giving the current situation in Plateau State,” said Sati Tanko. But a former federal legislator Hon. Timothy Golu, a loyalist of Senator Jang, said it is easy for the Jang group to carry the day because it is the authentic PDP faction in the state with majority of party members. He told stakeholders at the party Secretariat that the former governor used his time as a governor to lay a solid foundation for a new Plateau.

    Analysts say the PDP will have to put its house in order if it is desirous of unseating the ruling APC. But will the two feuding elders put personal grudges apart and work together in the interest of the party? Only time can provide an answer to this question.

  • Taraba:  PDP, APC  back in the trenches

    Taraba: PDP, APC back in the trenches

    Political leaders and their allies in Taraba State have returned to the trenches ahead of the 2023 general election. The Nation gathered that the next governorship election in the state promises to be a fierce one on account of the issues currently trending during discussions of the forthcoming election across the state. Already, the race has gathered momentum as aspirants for the top political office in the state are beginning to come out of their political cocoons amidst a fierce debate over which of the three senatorial districts of the state should produce the next governor.

    Pundits say the situation is the same in the two major parties in the state, namely the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the opposition All Progressive Congress (APC). The Nation gathered that an alleged zoning arrangement that has been observed in the state since 1999 in determining which of the three zones produces the governor, is leading the many issues being considered by stakeholders ahead of the election.

    According to Abubakar Lau, the state’s coordinator of Coalition for Democracy (CFD), both the ruling PDP and the opposition APC are conscious of the ongoing debate about zoning and none of the two is willing to make any mistake regarding the agitations of the people of the various zones. “For a state that has been governed by the PDP since 1999, and with the APC determined to build on its recent successes and make appreciable inroads in 2023, the cautions being exhibited by the two parties is understandable. It is obvious that this zoning is one of the factors that will determine where the pendulum will swing in 2023 here in Taraba State and only an unserious political party will handle such an issue carelessly,” he said.

    With all the three senatorial district having tasted the governorship seat, the raging arguments, The Nation gathered, are in two folds. “We have those who insist that there has never been a zoning arrangement in the state and governors of the state have always emerged in open contests while there are those who say it is the zoning arrangement that ensured that all the three districts tasted the governorship between 1999 and today. This is just as a fresh debate on where the zoning arrangement should continue for is now raging,” Lau said. As we speak, neither the PDP not the APC has given any idea of what they plan to do as regards zoning the 2023 governorship tickets.

    The indecision of some political parties on the zoning agitations is believed to be responsible for the reluctance of some politicians being touted as aspirants, to declare their ambitions. “Many of them are still bidding their time about declaring their ambitions publicly or making some political moves because they want to see what their various political parties will decide concerning zoning. Whatever the PDP and the APC come up with concerning the agitations for zoning will determine the aspirations of many of the current contenders and they all know that for certain,” Lau said.

     

    The arguments

    When the Taraba State PDP chairman, Lt. Col. Kefas Agbu (rtd) recently hinted that the party will maintain a zoning arrangement in choosing its governorship candidate in 2023, some prominent chieftains of the party in the state publicly faulted him, claiming the party boss spoke for himself. “Whatever is agreed by the party will be followed for our candidate to emerge. Remember, I am a product of zoning. It is zoning that brought me here. So I don’t think there’s anything that changed, I am not aware. Even with the zoning, we want the best person to emerge,” Agbu said.

    The Nation also learnt that Governor Dariu Ishaku is a staunch supporter of the zoning principle. While he is yet to reveal who his preferred candidate is, the governor has not left anyone in doubt of his resolve not to support any candidate from the same Taraba South senatorial district as himself in 2023. “The governor strongly believes his own senatorial district should be exempted from the 2023 governorship race. He believes in the zoning arrangement and will want the party to abide with it,” an aide told The Nation on phone.

    “In practical terms, the zoning arrangement has worked in Taraba and the people of our dear state want the system to continue. We urge the political class to avoid doing anything that will disrupt the arrangement. Jolly Nyame from the northern zone first took the mantle after which the late Danbaba Suntai from the central zone took over and now incumbent Darius Ishaku from the south. The zoning arrangement has been observed by the PDP which has been in power since the coming of civilian rule in 1999,” Ahmed Bape, a pro democracy activist, said.

    Within the opposition APC, there is a lull in the agitation for power to shift. This may be because the party has not been in power in Taraba State before. Senator Emmanuel Bwacha, representing Taraba South in the national assembly, while responding to a question on whether his intention to contest the 2023 governorship elections was not against the power sharing arrangement in the state, explained that since all the three zones of the state had had the opportunity to produce the governor of the state at one time or the other, the contest should be thrown open to all the zones to participate.

    Bwacha argued further that if the alleged zoning was to be continued, it should start from the last zone that produced the current governor and gradually rotate back to where it started from. By implication, the Senator, who recently dumped the ruling PDP in the state for the opposition APC, is saying that the northern and central zones should hold on while Taraba South should continue in office after Ishaku. It is after this that the central zone and then the northern zone will take their turns.

    But there are chieftains of the party, especially from the north and central zones, who are supporting the clamour for power shift based on what they described as the existing power sharing formula in the state since 1999. To them, the southern senatorial district should excuse itself from the race. Expectedly, many aspirants from the north and central zones are seeking the ticket of the opposition party. But their southern counterparts are not deterred by the zoning debate.

    Instead, the likes of David Sabo Kente, Danladi Kifasi and Ezekiel Afukunyo have remained in the race. A former deputy governor of the state said “APC cannot ignore zoning issue. Even our chieftains in Taraba south are now saying since previous APC governorship candidates had emerged from the northern zone, the next candidate of the party should come from the southern zone. They want the zone to be given the chances of producing the APC candidate for fairness within the party. So, it is an issue we are looking at.”

     

    The aspirants and the permutations

    Former PDP chairman in the state, Victor Kona, has already purchased his governorship nomination and expression of interest forms to signal his readiness for the race. Currently being touted as the preferred candidate of Governor Ishaku, the ex-party boss says he is determined to emerge as the next governor of the state. The decision of current party boss, Agbu escorted Kona to Abuja to purchase the form is already generating controversies amidst claims that the duo also obtained a senatorial nomination form for Governor Ishaku.

    But the state chapter of the PDP on Tuesday assured that the party would allow a level playing field for aspirants during primaries. Agbu stated this during a stakeholders meeting in Jalingo. He said the desire for credible leaders and the transformation of Taraba would fail if the people are overruled and impose with a candidate during the process. “We have no anointed candidate, everybody is free to contest and win the election. We have no crack in PDP, we have been winning and we are set again to win”. Agbu assured.

    Among those rumoured to be waiting for their parties’ position on the zoning agitation in their bid to rule the state come 2023 are Dr. Anthony Manzo, Minister of Power, Saleh Mamman, Bala Kona and Senator Yusuf Abu Yusuf of Taraba Central, among others. Many of these aspirants are yet to make categorical statements on their ambitions largely due to the ongoing zoning debate. Also in the race is Garba Umar, a former deputy and later acting governor of the state.

    So far Alhaji Sani Abubakar Danladi, Deputy to late Governor Danbaba Suntai who was impeached and later reinstated by a Supreme Court judgement has shown interest. Danladi who later became the acting governor of the state was the flag bearer of the APC in 2019. He hails from Karim Lamido Local Government Area of Taraba State.

    Similarly, Chief David Sabo Kente appears unstoppable in his determination to clinch the APC ticket. A grassroots politician who is not a new comer to the race, Kente enjoys both the sympathy and admiration of the people across the state. Kente comes from Wukari Local government area of the state and is seen as one of those favoured by the zoning agitations. His firm grip on the APC structure across the state is also seen as an advantage.

    Meanwhile, Senator Bwacha, according to his close aides, will contest the 2023 governorship election come what may. “He is in the race to win and will not back down for any reason,” an aide said on Thursday. The Taraba South politician was appointed as Commissioner for Agriculture in 1999 by the then Governor Jolly Nyame. In 2003, he contested and was elected to represent Donga/Ussa/Taking Federal Constituency of Taraba State under the PDP platform. He is presently a third-term Senator representing Taraba South Senatorial and was the Deputy Minority Leader of the Senate. He dumped the PDP for the APC recently. The current Speaker of the state assembly, Joseph Kunini is an academician and politician who has also shown seriousness in the quest for the ticket of the PDP. While some pundits say he will not enter the race without the go ahead of Governor Ishaku, others say he is being propelled by zoning agitators back home. He hails from Kunini, Lau Local Government Area of Taraba state. Prior to his election as Speaker in December 2019, he was the Majority Leader of the State Assembly.

  • Ebonyi: APC, PDP in fierce  supremacy battle

    Ebonyi: APC, PDP in fierce supremacy battle

    Ahead of the 2023 general elections, the stage appears set for a showdown between the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as pundits say the forthcoming election will reveal the strengths and spreads of the two leading political party in the state. Recall that Ebonyi state since 1999, was a PDP controlled state until last year’s defection of Governor Dave Umahi and other elected office holders to the APC.

    A governorship aspirant who is also a member of the State House of Assembly, Chris Usulor, while speaking on the 2023 elections, said that it is only rigging by the APC that will stop PDP from taking over power after the 2023 general election in Ebonyi state. But the Chairman of the APC in the state, Chief Stanley Okoro Emegha, expressed confidence that his party will win both the Ebonyi governorship and presidential elections in 2023.

    On the sideline, a lingering rumpus over which zone of the state should produce Governor Dave Umahi’s successor has refused to go away. The Nation gathered that the disagreements over an existing zoning arrangement currently threaten the peace in both the ruling APC and the opposition PDP. Agitators on both sides of the argument are daily threatening the political parties not to go against their wishes if they are serious about producing the governor of the state during the 2023governorship election.

    While the ruling APC is yet to make public its take on the zoning agitations, weeks back, the PDP, Ebonyi State chapter, announced that it has zoned its governorship ticket to the Abakaliki bloc of the state. Abakaliki bloc comprises of two senatorial districts of the state, Ebonyi North and Ebonyi Central senatorial districts. Incumbent governor, Umahi, is from Ebonyi South senatorial district.

    The announcement by PDP followed months of speculations over whether the party will zone its governorship ticket or allow all aspirants, irrespective of the parts of the state they hail from, to vie for it. Before the announcement, chieftains of the opposition party had been divided into pro-zoning and anti-zoning proponents, with each group urging the party to accede to its requests.

    State chairman of the PDP, Elder Fred Udeogu, while making the announcement in Abakaliki, the state capital, noted that the two senatorial zones will harmonize, decide for themselves on whether the North or the Central will produce the next governor of the state. “Our party leaders decided to zone the governorship position to Abakaliki bloc. Ebonyi South is holding the governorship position now. They don’t have to go again. And so, when the time comes, the Abakaliki bloc will now harmonize on whether the governorship position will go to either Ebonyi north or central zone,” he said.

    Though the announcement ended months of anxiety occasioned by the zoning debate, it however started a new wave of agitations by anti-zoning forces within and outside the party. A number of PDP chieftains opposed the arrangement announced by the state chapter of the party and wasted no time in telling Udeogu and his fellow state officials to promptly retrace their steps.

    While some are displeased with the exclusion of Ebonyi South senatorial district, others feel the ticket should be specifically zoned to either Ebonyi Central or Ebonyi North, and not to Abakaliki bloc, which encompasses both. In the midst of all these, there are those who simply want zoning done away with “to allow for the best candidate from any part of the state to emerge as governor.”

     

    Umahi’s body language

    Many of those displeased with the zoning adopted by PDP, especially outside the party, eagerly waited to see what the ruling APC will do. And finally, last month, Governor Umahi, while lifting the ban on governorship aspirants in the APC from embarking on consultation and political activities in the state, gave hints about what the ruling party may have in mind as far as zoning is concerned.

    Umahi, who spoke through the Commissioner of Information and State Orientation, Mr Uchenna Orji, said, “The Chairman-In-Council announced the lifting of the ban on political consultations ahead of the 2023 General Elections and expressed determination to consult widely especially with the House of Assembly, the EXCO, the Elders Council, founding fathers, women organizations, Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) and other relevant groups with a view to getting opinions on where the governorship position shall be zoned to.

    “For the Governorship seat, he made it clear that Ebonyi South, having benefited from the principle of zoning, shall not be allowed to contest as his administration’s support shall be for Abakaliki block. EXCO noted the intention of the Chairman of Council and kick-started the debate on where the governorship seat will be zoned between North and Central Zones.”

    Though the governor, according to the announcement made on his behalf by Orji, expressed readiness to discuss with other stakeholders within and outside the ruling APC, he left nobody in doubt of his agreement with those who feels aspirants from his own Ebonyi South senatorial district should not be allowed to vie for the governorship ticket of the party.

    “Tactically without saying it directly, the governor is playing along with those who say the zoning of the governorship seat in Ebonyi should be between the old Abakaliki and Afikpo blocs. This is exactly the bone of contentions. While some want the arrangement retained, others would want the zoning to be done on the basis of the current senatorial districts,” a party leader told The Nation.

    As the outgoing incumbent, all eyes are on Umahi. Not only are people eager to see who he would support as his successor, his actions and inaction will determine a lot of things within and outside his political party. For example, according to a state official of the opposition party, the PDP waited to have an inkling of the governor’s disposition to the zoning debate before coming out with its own position. Amidst insinuations that the governor is hatching a plot that may see the current Speaker of Ebonyi State House of Assembly, Hon Francis Nwifuru, emerging as the candidate of the APC, many prominent and strong chieftains of the ruling party are daily joining the quest for the party’s governorship ticket. Governor Umahi had while speaking on the 2023 guber race last year, stated that he will not hand over the state to someone older than him as the state needs the energy and vibrancy of the youth to move forward after him.

    Many analysts are hinging their suspicion of Umahi backing Nwifuru on the above hint, among other claims.

     

    The many contenders

    There are other well heeled stalwarts in APC, including the 2015 governorship candidate of the party, Senator Julius Ali Ucha, who was the first Speaker of the Ebonyi State House of Assembly and Senator representing Ebonyi Central Senatorial district between 2003 and 2011. In 2011 and 2015, he contested for the governorship seat as the candidate of the defunct ANPP and APC respectively. His supporters are citing his widespread political structure across the state as reason why he should get the APC ticket.

    Others include, the 2015 Labour Party (LP) gubernatorial candidate, Dr. Edward Nkwegu, hails from Izzi, one of the local council areas in the northern senatorial district of the state. He served as the Chairman of Abakaliki Capital Territory Development Board, (ACTDB). One major thing going for him in the race is his famed wealth. He is seen as many as one aspirant with the financial muscle to prosecute the general election if given the ticket.

    Also in the race is Barrister Augustine Nwankwegu from Izzi Local Government Area (LGA) in the northern senatorial district of Ebonyi State. A former Speaker of the State House of Assembly, he represented the Izzi West State constituency in the Ebonyi Assembly. He served as Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice from 2015 until his sack in November 2017 by Governor Umahi.

    Similarly, the opposition PDP boasts of several well qualified aspirants like Hon. Sylvester Ogbaga, a four-term member of the House of Representatives. He represents Abakaliki/Izzi Federal Constituency of the state. He served as Chairmanship of Abakaliki LGA and headed Ebonyi State chapter of Association of Local Government of Nigeria (ALGON). Hon. Ogbaga was the Chairman, House Committee on Commerce from 2015 to 2019. He is currently the Chairman of the House Committee on Delegated Legislation.

    Senator Joseph Obinna Ogba is widely tipped as a top contender for the PDP gubernatorial ticket. He currently represents Ebonyi Central Senatorial district. He was first elected into the Senate in 2015 and secured re-election in 2019. The lawmaker, who had a distinguished career as a football referee before venturing into politics, hails from Nkalagu, Ishielu LGA. He is the Chairman, Senate Committee on Sports. He was Ebonyi State Commissioner for Youths and Sports between 2002 and 2003.

    The chairman of Revenue Mobilisation and Fiscal Allocation Commission (RMFAC), Engineer Elias Mbam, from Izzi area council in Ebonyi North Senatorial district, is also in the race. At a point, he was reported to have the backing of the governor. With his huge war chest, pundits say he stands a good chance in a free and fair primary election. But whether that will come to be is another kettle of fish.

    Chief Chris Usulor, the state legislator representing Ezza South Constituency in the Ebonyi State House of Assembly, is another aspirant in the race. The PDP chieftain is very confident that he has what it takes to defeat the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the 2023 gubernatorial election. A youth group known as Ebonyi Youths Vanguard (EYV), Monday, raised over N30 million to purchase governorship nomination form for Usulor’s aspiration. But analysts are wondering how Usulor intends to build a political structure that will win the general election for him in such a short time.

    Former Secretary to the State Government (SSG), Professor Bernard Odoh is another young man in the race to succeed Umahi. He is from Umuezeokaoha community in Ezza North local government area in the central senatorial zone of Ebonyi State. He was SSG under Umahi until April 2018 when he voluntarily resigned his appointment. While many see him as a veritable candidate for the job, his frosty relationship with the governor may turn out his major albatross in his bid to clinch the APC ticket.

    Others being expected to announce their bids for the seat include Current SSG, Kenneth Ugbala, former Commissioner for Works, Engineer Chukwuma Nwandiugo as well as Dr. Ezeh Emmanuel Ezeh, who is the current President of Ebonyi Chambers of Commerce, Industry, Mines and Agriculture, Engineer Fide Nwankwo and Hon. Anayo Nwonu, Hon Anayo Nwonu, Chief Godwin Ogbaga, Okereke Nkwegu, among others.

  • 2023: Tight  guber race  imminent  in Kaduna

    2023: Tight guber race imminent in Kaduna

    In Kaduna State, no fewer than 12 aspirants have so far indicated interest in succeeding Governor Nasir Ahmed El-Rufai from both the ruling and the major opposition party. A tight race however lies ahead, considering the issues that will shape the governorship poll. Unlike the 2019 poll where El-Rufai was the consensus candidate of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), many aspirants are already springing up within the APC, majority of whom are in the Governor’s kitchen cabinet. In 2019, El-Rufai was returning as a second term governor and as expected, he was rallied by the key party stakeholders to bear the ruling party’s flag against the opposition. The sitting Governor eventually defeated People’s Democratic Party (PDP’s) Candidate, Hon Mohammed Isa Ashiru.

    However, a hot battle for who gets the APC ticket has been ignited with Senator representing Kaduna Central senatorial district, Mallam Uba Sani and the immediate past Chief of Staff to Governor El-Rufai and Commissioner for Planning and Budget, Muhammad Sani Abdullahi, popularly known as Dattijo leading the contest.

    Though, Senator Sani and Dattijo are the only ones that have made public declaration for the race, Director General of Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA, Dr. Bashir Jamoh, immediate past Chairman of National Hajj Commission of Nigeria (NAHCON), Barrister Mukhtar Abdullahi and a National Commissioner in the National Population Commission, Dr. AbdulMalik Durungwa have also indicated interest and since started consultations.

    However, some political spectators have expressed strong belief that, Governor El-Rufus’s deputy, Dr. Hadiza Sabuwa Balarabe is equally interested in taking over her boss’ job, and that she would be making a public declaration anytime soon. The Deputy Governor who is a medical doctor, would be the only female in the race across the two major political party, if the eventually throws her hat into the ring.

    In the opposition, the contest for the party’s flag is between a former Governor, two former National Assembly members and former heads of federal and state parastatals. The most prominent among the aspirants are; former Governor Mukhtar Ramalan YeRo, former House of Representatives Chairman on Appropriation, Hon. Mohammed Isa Ashiru, the Senator who represented Kaduna Central in the 8th National Assembly, Comrade Shehu Sani and a Business Lawyer, Mohammed Sani Abbas.

    Others gunning for the PDP ticket are; former Director General of National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), Alhaji Sani Sidi and one time Accountant General of the State, Haruna Saheed Kajuru, who just defected to the party from Social Democratic Party (SDP) where he contested the 2019 general elections as the party’s governorship candidate.

     

    Of godfathers and merits

    Many of the aspirants in the ruling party are obviously banking on Governor El-Rufai’s support and their individual financial and other political strengths. For Senator Uba Sani, his supporters argue that, he is the preferred candidate of the Governor. Aside that, the Senator seems to be the darling of the party officials, as he flaunted his financial war chest last week when he distributed 59 vehicles to the party officials at state and local government levels during the occasion marking his official declaration.

    The Planning and Budget Commissioner on the other hand is banking on his expertise as a technocrat who has international experience in planning and development. The 42-year old Dattijo served as a policy adviser at the Executive Office of United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki Moon in New York. He formed the core team that developed the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). He also prides himself as someone who was part of El-Rufai policies formulations and Governor’s right hand man.

    On his part, the NIMASA DG is said to have the support of the Presidency, as he is an in-law to President Muhammadu Buhari’s close associate, Mamman Daura. Dr. Jamoh is also of good financial standing, but except the President publicly support him like he did for El-Rufai before the party’s primary in 2015, Jamoh will have it tough to win APC primary election.

    Dr. AbdulMalik Durungwa is banking on the agitation for zoning of the APC ticket to Southern Kaduna. Durungwa who is from Kachia believes he will emerge the party’s consensus candidate once the ticket is zoned to Southern Kaduna. But, that may not work for him, especially if the Deputy Governor, Dr. Hadiza Balarabe who is equally from Southern Kaduna joins the race.

    The former NAHCON Chairman has a strong base of support among the Islamic scholars, most of whom he encountered during his service as Kaduna Pilgrim Board’s Executive Secretary and later as NAHCON Chairman. The clerics consider Abdullahi as one of them and they are ready to preach his candidature to their followers.

    The PDP aspirants like Yaro and Ashiru are banking on their loyalty to the party and the fact that, they have been there for party members and executives through thick and thin.

    Senator Shehu Sani on his part is enjoying his popularity among the opposition, as someone who has been consistent in criticism of El-Rufai and Buhari’s governments, even right from his days as APC Senator. But whether that can win him the gubernatorial ticket, is a question of time.

     

    Issues

    The two major political parties are silent about zoning. They both seem to be interested only about winning the seat. Therefore, majority of the aspirants are from the northern part of the state. Analyst will also say that, the political parties have tactically settled the southern Kaduna, as the area has produced the chairmen of both APC and PDP.

    The parties are tactical about wining the poll and having realized that, Kaduna Central and Kaduna North senatorial districts hold the ace in terms of the voting population required to win. None of the party is considering fielding a candidate from the South, as that will automatically give victory to the other party.

    One major determinant to which party wins the gubernatorial seat at the end of the day is the choice of party candidate. Any party that makes the mistake of presenting a weak candidate or person questionable character will certainly lose the election. But of course the power of incumbency will work in favour of the APC. Though, Governor El-Rufai is no longer in the race, he will certainly throw his weight with the paraphernalia of his office behind the party candidate to ensure its victory.

    The opposition party which appears to be cohesive more than ever today, will at the end of its primary rally whoever emerges the party’s flag bearer in its battle to seize power from the ruling APC. The PDP is determined to capitalize on the negative effects of the El-Rufai’s urban renewal projects, by amplifying the cries of those whose property or business had to give way to the infrastructural development of Kaduna city. They are also going to be using the security challenges in the state to campaign against the ruling party.

  • Ogun: A looming  battle of groups

    Ogun: A looming battle of groups

    Like in many other states across the country, gubernatorial election will take place on 11 March 2023, in Ogun state. Across the state, the forthcoming election is being discussed just as governorship aspirants are daily signifying there interest in the job on the platforms of the various political parties, especially the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Incumbent APC governor, Dapo Abiodun, who is eligible to seek a second term in office, is yet to publicly declare his interest in the race.

    Following the Saturday, October 16, 2021 victory of his loyalists at the state congress of the ruling APC in the state, Abiodun has been strengthening his hold on the structure of the party across the state. A factional group within the party, loyal to his predecessor in office, Senator Ibikunle Amosun, who currently represents Ogun Central in the upper chamber of the National Assembly, has been at loggerheads with the governor’s group.

    Although, there were parallel state congresses organised by loyalists of Amosun, the leadership of the APC’s Caretaker/Extraordinary Convention Planning Committee (CECPC) recognized the officials produced by the governor’s camp, which it sent representatives to supervise and which was monitored by officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). That sealed the fate of Amosun and his supporters as far as the party structures are concerned.

    But the victory of the governor’s camp renewed the face-off between him and Amosun. Feelers from the Senator’s camp suggest that he is determined to stop the governor’s second term bid at all cost come 2023. “Amosun is set to stop Abiodun from getting a second term despite the loss of the party structure to the governor. He will ensure Abiodun is not unopposed during the APC primary election. And there are fears that his supporters may also work against the APC should the governor emerge as candidate,” a source said.

    That is the scenario in the ruling party as at today. Perhaps due to the uncertainties and the intrigues currently playing out, only one chieftain of the party has signified interest in the APC gubernatorial ticket till date while supporters of Governor Abiodun insist that he will declare his desire for a second term at the appropriate time. Within the camp of Senator Ibikunle Amosun, not less than two names are being bandied as possible governorship aspirants but none of them have come out to openly join the race.

    Within the opposition PDP, the situation appears a little clearer. The hitherto troubled party has found a way round the intractable crisis that threatened its very existence since 20011. The party now has one state executive committee, as against the multiple factional leaderships it paraded since 2011. But it is obvious that the contest for the PDP governorship ticket will not be without intrigues. Already, not less than three chieftains of the party have indicated interest in the ticket.

    The State Chairman, Sikirullahi Ogundele, the PDP would produce the next governor of Ogun State in 2023. He told the state Governor Abiodun and the APC to prepare to leave the government for the PDP in 2023. This is just as stakeholders of the party continue to insist on a free and fair primary election amidst fear that the Ogundele-led state executive committee plans to hand over the ticket to one of the aspirants on a platter of gold.

    APC

    So far, only Mrs Modele Sarafa-Yusuf, a former Special Adviser on Communication to Governor Abiodun, has indicated interest to contest under the platform of the APC. Addressing newsmen after her declaration, she said she is in the race to encourage other women in politics to make their intention known by declaring for various political positions. “I want to be a transformative and inclusive leader and to make Ogun the state of choice for people to live, work, and play because of the educational, economic, and cultural opportunities; safety, livability, vibrancy, and connectedness. I’m not running because I’m a woman, I’m running because I’m capable and because I know I can do the job,” she said.

    But analysts say the ace broadcaster may not go all the way in the race as she does not have the political structure and deep pocket required for the governorship contest, especially the general election. “I think Sarafa-Yusuf is merely out to make a point. Once she has done that, she is most likely to leave the race for the real contenders. Her move is being applauded by women within and outside the state,” an official of the party said.

    Although Governor Abiodun who enjoys the constitutional right to seek another term of four years in office, is yet to signify interest, close aides told The Nation that the governor will be seeking another term in office. “Given his sterling performance and the fact that much work remains to be done in the quest to make Ogun the state we desire, Dapo Abiodun will seek another term in office,” one of the governor’s Special Advisers said on Thursday.

    The Ogun State chapter of the ruling APC recently said that the people of the state will determine the second term of Governor Dapo Abiodun. “For about three years now, Prince Dapo Abiodun has been solely preoccupied with building enduring infrastructures, expanding the democratic space and entrenching sustainable development in Ogun State; so much to the admiration of all discerning citizens, residents and visitors to the state. Ogun State people will determine the governor’s second term. His works speak for him,” Tunde Oladunjoye, APC spokesperson in the state, said.

    Though he is yet to declare his next political move, Adekunle Akinlade, former House of Representatives member for Egbado South/Ipokia and 2019 Allied Peoples Movement (APM) gubernatorial candidate, is also being expected to throw his hat into the contest on the platform of the APC. The youthful politician contested the primary election of the party against the incumbent governor in 2019 but lost. He enjoyed the support of Senator Amosun then. He is still an avowed loyalist of the former governor but it is not clear if Amosun will be backing Akinlade for the 2023 race.

    Another ally of Senator Amosun’s, Ramoni Olalekan Mustapha, the Senator representing Ogun East in the national assembly, according to party sources, is discreetly preparing to challenge Governor Abiodun at the APC primary election. Should Mustapha enter the race with the support of Amosun, analysts say the contest will be a keen one between the Senator and the Governor. Mustapha, a renowned grassroots mobiliser, is from the same Ogun East zone as the governor.

     

    PDP

    For now, three chieftains of the PDP are slugging it out for the ticket of the opposition party. And all the three have obtained the nomination form of the party ahead of the primary election. Former member of the House of Representatives, Hon. Ladipupo Adebutu stormed the national secretariat of the party in Abuja along with his supporters to pick the forms, saying afterwards that if the primary election of the party is conducted in a free and fair manner, he will be the candidate to beat.

    Adebutu, the main financier of the PDP in Ogun state following the death of Senator Buruji Kashamu, enjoys the support of the leadership of the party in the state. An ally of former governor Ayo Fayose of Ekiti state, he is the leading aspirant in the race for the ticket. His state wide structure and deep pocket position him as the candidate to beat in the race. Barring an unforeseen surprise, he will effortlessly win the contest among the current contenders.

    Last Monday, Segun Sowunmi, Atiku Abubakar 2019 presidential campaign spokesman, picked the nomination form to challenge Adebutu for the PDP ticket. He was accompanied to the PDP National Secretariat by a crowd of party chieftains and loyalists, who insisted that it was time to redefine governance in Ogun State, noting that in Showunmi, they had seen a window through which the status quo could be changed effectively. But analysts say beyond his Abeokuta, Ogun state, base, Showunmi may not pull enough cloud and clout to win the ticket.

    Completing the numbers of PDP aspirants still in the race, Special adviser to Kaduna State Governor, Nasir El-Rufai on Investment Promotion, Jimi Lawal, obtained the PDP nomination form to contest for governor in his native Ogun State. Lawal, an erstwhile APC chieftain picked up his nomination forms on Thursday in Abuja. The former managing director of defunct Alpha Merchant bank sought governorship ticket of the APC in 2019 but lost to incumbent Dapo Abiodu

  • 2023: The battle for  Government House (1)

    2023: The battle for Government House (1)

    We are well into the political season with the two major political parties done with their national conventions, and getting prepared to conduct primaries to select candidates for next year’s general elections. While the contest for the presidency has the nation transfixed, an equally intriguing battle is shaping in most states as ambitious politicians jostle for the bulk of the nation’s governorship seats.

    In most cases, incumbents are finishing their second term leaving the contest open for aspirants without the advantage of incumbency. In a couple of cases like the off cycle Osun govership polls, Governor Gboyega Oyetola, is aiming for reelection after conveniently winning his party’s ticket.

    In this first instalment, we take a look at what is shaping to be a fierce contest in states like Delta, Taraba, Ebonyi, Ogun, Kaduna and Plateau. All of these have incumbents who have served out their constitutional term limits – save for Ogun where Governor Dapo Abiodun would be looking to see off challenges from the camp of his predecessor and political rival, Ibikunle Amosun.

    Common to the contest in each of these states are issues like zoning.  All crucial is the role to be played by incumbents who who determined to install the successors through overt or covert means.

    Assistant Editor, Dare Odufowokan and Abdulgafar Alabelewe report on the state of the race for Government Houses across the country, looking at the personalities and factors that would determine the outcomes.

     

    The All Progressives Congress (APC), a major opposition political party in Delta State has declared war against the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) ahead the 2023 general elections in the country. Since the turn of the new year, the party’s stalwarts and chieftains have been urging the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to be prepared to quit Government House in 2023. The APC in the state has undergone some reorganizing and repositioning since the 2019 general election. Deputy Senate, President, Senator Ovie Omo-Agege, recently boasted that the APC in Delta State would dislodge Governor Ifeanyi’s PDP in the 2023 governorship election. “Whether PDP like it or not, APC will still win the presidency come 2023, no matter how struggle PDP will put in. For Delta, the people of Delta state will decide their governor and other representatives in 2023. It is not for one man or a certain pressure group to decide,” Omo-Agege said. His views have been severally reechoed by other APC leaders in the state including Engineer Omoni Sobotie, the APC state chairman and Senator Peter Nwaoboshi, among others.

    But the ruling party says the opposition party is not in a position to defeat the PDP come 2023. The governor, Dr. Ifeanyi Okowa on Wednesday said PDP in the state had never been stronger, cohesive and more united than now. “As individuals or groups, we must shun anything that will undermine the new spirit in the PDP. If we do this, I can say without any fear of contradiction that the PDP is poised to reign supreme from 2023,’ he said. Okowa dismissed claims that the ruling party is threatened by the opposition APC.

    Observers of the politics of the state however say the 2023 governorship election in the state will be a tough one between the two leading parties. According to pundits, while the APC has gained a lot of confidence since 2019, the PDP, though still very much on ground across the state, will have to deal with a lot of internal issues that has to do with how its governorship candidate should emerge if it desires to win the next elections in the state. “PDP must put its house in order to remain in government because the APC is stronger than it was before now,” a source said.

     

    Zoning

    One issue that will play a major role in the next governorship election in Delta state is zoning. Already, across political divides, political elites in the state are divided into two groups of pro zoning proponents and anti-zoning crusaders, according to pundits. The first group consists of those who feel Delta Central senatorial district should automatically produce the next governor of the state in line with a rotation arrangement that have seen all the three senatorial district in the state having a shot at the position since 1999.

    But the other group, made up of those who argue that there is not zoning arrangement in existence in the state as gubernatorial contests in the state had always had people from all the three districts in the race. There is also the argument that whatever arrangement produced governors in the past, has nothing to do with senatorial districts but ethnicity. The argument has been raging for months, especially within the ruling PDP. For the APC, it appears the party is poised to allow Delta Central pick its ticket.

    Delta state is made up of the Anioma, Urhobo, Isoko, Ijaw and Itsekiri predominantly. But like all other states in the country, these groupings have been re-grouped into three senatorial districts as follows; Delta Central with eight local government areas (Urhobo), Delta South with eight local government areas (Isoko, Ijaw and Itsekiri) and Delta North with nine local government areas (Anioma, Ndokwa, Ika). The state, in all, has 25 local government areas. The PDP which has governed Delta state since the return to democracy in 1999 has produced three governors in all.

    From 1999 to 2007, Delta Central produced Chief James Onanefe Ibori as the governor of the state with Chief Benjamin Elue from Delta North as his deputy. They were succeeded between 2007 and 2015 by Dr. Emmanuel Uduaghan from Delta South with Prof. Amos Utuama from Delta Central as the deputy governor. In 2015, Senator Ifeanyi Okowa from Delta North has been in the saddle with Barrister Kingsley Otuaro from Delta South as the deputy governor. This is what the pro-zoning agitators are presenting as argument.

    However, the anti-zoning groups are quick to tell those who care to listen that Ibori emerged as governor largely because his Urhobo kinsmen got the support of the Anioma people in their quest to produce the governor after the capital of Delta state was controversially moved from Warri to Asaba. To them, the emergence of Uduaghan as governor is also being linked to the support given the Itsekiri clan by their Urhobo cousins in 2007 on the prompting of Ibori while Anioma was supported in 2015 as a compensation for supporting the Urhobos in 1999.

    Leading the pro-zoning divide is the Delta Central 2023 (DC-23), while the Ijaw Agenda for 2023 (DIA-G23) has been the major proponent of the ‘no zoning’ agenda. There have been insinuations that DIA-G23 is a campaign group for Senator James Manager, an Ijaw gubernatorial aspirant. He currently represents Delta South senatorial district at the National Assembly. Last week, several Ijaw groups announced that they will vote against the PDP if the party fails to give an Ijaw man from Delta South its guber ticket in 2023.

    But some prominent leaders of the party insist that the governorship position having gone round the three senatorial districts, in the interest of equity, justice, peace and good brotherliness, should go back to Delta Central senatorial district, where it began in 1999. While the APC is not experiencing much agitation, the PDP is currently very troubled by the zoning agitation. Indications to this effect emerged at the party’s last caucus meeting at Government House, Asaba, where caucus members from Delta Central and Ijaw in Delta South senatorial districts engaged in severe shouting matches when the state chairman, Chief Kingsley Esiso, introduced the matter of zoning.

     

    The contenders

    Expectedly, a number of governorship aspirants from Delta Central are currently jostling for the tickets of their respective political parties. A couple of aspirants from Delta North have also shown interest in the race. Between the ruling PDP and the opposition APC, there are about ten serious aspirants in the race.

     

    Omo-Agege

    Senator Ovie Omo-Agege is the Deputy Senate President of the Senate, and the Obarisi of Urhobo land. He is the de-facto leader of the APC in Delta State and a governorship aspirant on the platform of the party. With the successful takeover of the APC in the state by his allies following the party’s congresses last year, observers of the politics of the state say Omo Agege is as good as the APC governorship candidate in waiting.

    Pundits also posit that with the current political permutations in the state, especially with the agitations over zoning and allegations of imposition rocking the PDP, Omo-Agege stands a very good chance to deliver an upset in 2023. A seasoned politician with strong grassroots appeal and structures across the state, the Deputy Senate President is seen by many as capable of winning the 2023 governorship election on the platform of the APC.

     

    Edevbie

    Former Delta State Commissioner for Finance and immediate past Chief of Staff, Olorogun David Edevbie, who is a governorship aspirant on the platform of the PDP, is another aspirant from Delta Central. He is not a newcomer to the race having contested the governorship ticket of the PDP in 2014. He recently resigned from Okowa’s cabinet to pursue his 2023 gubernatorial ambition. He served as the Principal Secretary to late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua.

    Touted as the preferred candidate of the Ibori political group, his chances of clinching the PDP gubernatorial ticket remain very bright not minding speculations that Governor Okowa may have other plans. Described as one of the hardest working aspirants in the race, The Nation gathered that he enjoys the support of majority of Urhobo political elites as far as the governorship race is concerned.

     

    Gbagi

    Olorogun Kenneth Gbagi, a criminologist, entrepreneur and lawyer is another PDP chieftain strongly in the race for the party’s guber ticket. A former Minister of State for Education, Gbagi was seen as the man to beat in the race for the PDP ticket until he got enmeshed in a protracted police case that saw him being declared wanted last year over alleged assault. In spite of that drawback, his associates believe he still stands a very good chance of clinching the PDP ticket.

    But his alleged lack of support from both the camps of former governor Ibori and Governor Okowa is regarded as a huge challenge on his road to the ticket. But some pundit say Gbagi may benefit from the ongoing disagreement should the situation get to a stage where a consensus candidate from Delta North is required. “For now, he is more like the candidate for nobody and at the same time for everybody,” a party leader said.

     

    Oborevwori

    Now addressed as the ‘New Sheriff in town’ in political circles since he joined the gubernatorial race, Rt. Hon. Sheriff Oborevwori is the incumbent Speaker of the Delta State House of Assembly as a representative of the Okpe State Constituency under the PDP. He joined the contest for the PDP ticket last month and today, he is being touted as the possible aspirant that will get the nod of Okowa in the long run. Although the governor has not indicated any interest in the Speaker, the rumour has refused to go away.

    Should he win the confidence of the governor, Oborevwori may cost home to victory in the primary election, but many observers are uncertain about his chances in the general elections. “Except the governor’s clout and structure help him, he will find the general election a herculean task, being without known political structure anywhere in the state outside his constituency. But

     

    Manager

    Senator James Manager represents Delta South senatorial district in the Nigerian Senate. He became a Senator in 2003. He is the leading Ijaw governorship aspirant in the race currently. His aspiration is believed to be the interest of the GIA-G23 group currently opposing the zoning arrangement and pushing for a governor of Ijaw extraction. Manager stands a good chance in the race for the PDP ticket given his wide political network as a fifth term senator in the state.

    His greatest weakness, according to analysts, remain his inability to get the backing of the Ibori political family. Rumoured to be enjoying the support of Governor Okowa at a point, insiders claim the governor is not convinced about the Senator’s aspiration. But the unrelenting determination of Manager’s kinsmen from the Ijaw ethnic group is a factor the politician is banking on to press home his aspiration.

     

    Michael

    Chief (Amb) Uba A. Michael, an aspirant on the platform of the opposition APC is another Urhobo contender. The politician who recently described the position of a Delta Central lobby group, DC-23, on candidates for next year’s governorship election as being a far cry from the realities on ground, is insisting that he is the best candidate Delta Central can throw into the race. He vowed never to step down from the governorship contest.

    Observers of the politics of the state are however of the opinion that there is no way Michael will pick the APC governorship ticket ahead of Senator Omo-Agege. “If truly he intends to see the race to the very end and contest the general election, we may see him decamping to pick the ticket of another party soon. With the APC leadership and structure firmly in the hands of Omo Agege’s allies, it is left to be seen how Michael will actualize his dream,’ a source said.

     

    Otuaro

    Deputy Governor and governorship aspirant on the platform of the PDP, Deacon Kingsley Otuaro, is another contender of Ijaw extraction. In spite of claims by him that Governor Okowa has endorsed his ambition, the aspiration of Otuaro is not flying high. Even in his native Ijawland, analysts continue to place him behind Senator Manager in the race for the PDP ticket.

    He has severally been rumoured to have stepped out of the contest. This, and insinuations that Ijaw leaders have plan to ask him to leave the race for Manager continue to make his quest for the number one position a hard task.

    Not a few chieftain of his party doubt his ability to win the general election for the ruling party. But Otuaro is quick to tell whoever cares to listen that he is the best man for the job after Okowa.

  • Teen killers on the prowl! Ritual killings escalate as underage boys gun for ‘easy money’

    Teen killers on the prowl! Ritual killings escalate as underage boys gun for ‘easy money’

    • We kill people to buy Benz – Yahoo Boy

    • The psychology of a teen ritualist

    • Untold horror of Yahoo-plus

    Samuel Akpobome, 18, wanted to be rich. So, he strangled his mother to death and removed her briefs. Then he mounted her corpse and raped it. The victim, Christiana Ighoyivwi, didn’t see it coming. Perhaps because no mother ever worries about being murdered and raped by her own son. Akpobome pounced on her while she slept, at her residence on Market Road, Ologbo, Ikpoba-Okha local council, Delta State.

    The youngest child of the deceased claimed to have acted on the instructions of One Love, a native doctor. He said, “I wanted to use her for money ritual. I strangled her; she was sleeping when I strangled her around 5 am. I was advised by One Love, a native doctor in Oghara, to kill her. After killing her, I slept with her. The native doctor told me to do so and keep her corpse for two days.”

    According to him, One Love persuaded him to use his mother for money rituals. “He promised to give me N50,000 if I cut her ears and fingers, and bring them to him,” said Akpobome.

    But just before he disemboweled his mother, he got caught. His grandmother saw him with her daughter’s lifeless body and sounded an alarm, which led to his arrest.

    “I could not find a place to keep it (corpse). As I was about coming out, I did not know that my grandmother was sitting outside. When I opened the door, she saw the corpse inside the room and raised the alarm that drew the attention of neighbours,” said Akpobome.

    Following his arrest, the 18-year-old led the police to One Love’s apartment but the native doctor had absconded.

    Three years since the gory incident, Nigeria still grapples with the chimera of fetishized wealth as teenagers, as young as 15 years, prowl the country’s neighbourhoods for anyone they could kill for money ritual.

    A few weeks ago, Nigeria jolted to more jarring news as Emomotimi Magbisa, 15, Perebi Aweke, 15, and Eke Prince, 15, all boys and natives of Sagbama in Bayelsa State were arrested for trying to use a 13-year-old girl, Comfort, for money ritual.

    Spokesperson of the Bayelsa State Command, Police Superintendent Asinim Butswat’s confirmation of the teenagers’ arrest for attempted ritual killing knelled a chilly note. The trio, said Butswat, accosted their victim, “hypnotized” her, and afterwards led her to Magbisa’s apartment. There, they cut her finger and sprinkled her blood on a mirror for ritual purposes. The ritual was supposed to make them rich. But for vigilant village youths, Comfort would have been history, perhaps.

    The youths noticed the suspicious movements of the suspects and monitored them. “The suspects were subsequently arrested and some substances suspected to be charms were recovered from them. They have confessed to the crime,” said Butswat.

    A creepier dimension ensued a few days after the arrest of the Bayelsa trio as three other boys between 17 and 20 years were arrested in the early hours of Saturday, January 29, by men of the Ogun State Police Command for allegedly killing their friend’s girlfriend in a money ritual.

    The suspects, Wariz Oladehinde, 17,  Abdul Gafar Lukman, 19, and Mustakeem Balogun, 20, were arrested after the head of their neighbourhood’s community vigilance group reported at the Adatan Police Divisional Headquarters, in Abeokuta, Ogun State, that the suspects were seen burning something suspected to be a human head in a local pot.

    The DPO Adatan division, SP Abiodun Salau, led his detectives to the scene, where the trio was arrested. The boyfriend of the murdered girl, Soliu Majekodumi, 18, who took to his heels, was subsequently apprehended.

    On interrogation, the suspects confessed that what they were burning in the local pot was the head of Majekodunmi’s girlfriend, Rofiat, who was reportedly lured by her boyfriend to where she was murdered by the quartet.

    Afterwards, they cut off her head, packed her remains in a sack, and dumped it in an old building.

    At their arrest, they led policemen to the building where the dismembered body was recovered and deposited at the mortuary for autopsy. The short cutlass and a knife used in cutting off the deceased’s head were also recovered.

    Ogun State Commissioner of Police (CP) Lanre Bankole ordered the immediate transfer of the suspects to the homicide section of the state criminal investigation and intelligence department for a subsequent court arraignment.

    The boys’ actions aren’t accidental; from plotting to execution, a hideous smattering of bestiality manifests as their victims’ misfortune and society’s just deserts. Yet the boys are neither freaks nor social accidents, they are simply karma coming home to roost, perhaps.

    ‘We kill people to buy Benz’

    Why would teenage boys engage in money-making rituals? What would they do with stupendous wealth if they had it? “Baba, na to arrange (buy) Benz. Gather pepper (money), run all man for five-star VIP (five-star hotel VIP suite). Money sweet baba. Ask the ladies. Ask maale (mom). Poverty stink die! (Poverty is reprehensible). No matter how hardworking you are, you become smello (poverty makes you smell no matter how resourceful you are), said ‘Sayo Michael, a self-confessed internet fraudster.

    “I was a smello before. But the game made me rich. I am a Game Boy now. Yes, I am a Game Boy. I don’t give a f..k. I hustle for my money. Hustle na hustle. Policeman, politician, businessman, olosho (commercial sex worker)…Everybody’s in the game. We are all hustlers. Yahoo ni babalawo, ole ni everybody,” he drawled, mouthing off on Naira Marley’s Soapy lyrics.

    Since Michael became a “Game Boy,” his life has remarkably improved. He “sleeps in choice hotels’ presidential suites, he drives expensive cars and enjoys expensive sex with expensive babes – mostly older females.”

    While Michael scoffed at insinuations that he is into Yahoo Plus, a diabolical variant of cyber-fraud, the fraudster, who clocked 19 this year, bragged that he enjoys “very strong spiritual support” from his mother. “My mother is my god. Orisa bi iya o si,” he said.

    It would be recalled that the former Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Ibrahim Magu, lamented in 2019 that mothers of cyber-fraudsters aka Yahoo boys, are now organising themselves into an association to protect their sons from perceived “harassment” and arrest from law enforcers.

    The meaning of Yahoo-Plus

    “Yahoo-Plus” refers to a situation whereby an internet fraudster aka Yahoo-Boy adopts intense diabolical and “spiritual” measures to enchant and hoodwink unsuspecting victims abroad. The measure became the last resort of most internet scammers as hitherto unsuspecting mugus (foreign targets) became more vigilant and less vulnerable to their antics.

    “Oyinbo don wise up. Maga no dey pay any more, unless you use ibile. (Prospective victims are wiser now. They won’t fall victim unless you use diabolical means to hypnotise them),” said Akinjide, 21, a self-confessed “Game Boy” (Yahoo-Boy or internet fraudster).

    Travails of adult women, girls dating teenage Yahoo Boys

    A curious development persists with the intense jostling between teenage girls and adult women for the love of Yahoo Boys.

    “It has become the norm for some women to seduce underage Yahoo Boys, into their bed and amorous relationships simply because those boys have money. They don’t care how they come by the money. They only wish to enjoy it with them,” said Biola Balogun, a boutique attendant.

    The 18-year-old said she lost her 19-year-old childhood friend and “first love” to an older acquaintance. “She is the aunt to our mutual friend. She snatched my boyfriend while pretending to help him get spiritual fortification from her prophet,” said Balogun, who still nurses hopes of reclaiming her “first love.”

    She argued that her boyfriend is under a spell. “That woman charmed him. But every charm has an expiration date. I will get him back. He will come begging when it clears from his psyche,” she said.

    A lot of girls dating Yahoo Boys seek protective charms and prayers before “hooking up” with those boys, argued Tunde, a “prophet” and proprietor of a mobile banking services centre in Iju-Ishaga, Lagos. A member of a white garment church said that many girls and their mothers have approached him to help fortify them against likely diabolical attacks from their Yahoo Boy “fiance” or boyfriend. They do so with the belief that at some point, their Yahoo Boy partners may try to “use” them to “renew” their money ritual. Once they are “fortified” they can withstand and survive any form of attack from their boyfriends, he explained.

    Some have been known to take their Yahoo boyfriends to spiritualists for further fortification. In such a situation, they engage in oath-taking rites to prevent them from betraying each other.

    An auto mechanic, Kabiru Iyanda, recounted how his 23-year-old daughter dropped out of school in her third year and moved in with a 19-year-old Yahoo-Boy. So doing, she dumped her insurance marketer boyfriend – who reportedly sponsored her education from her first school year – for the teenager whom everybody knew to be into “Yahoo Plus,” he said.

    The latter reportedly promised to fund his daughter’s cosmetics and clothing business and shopping trips to Dubai, the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Eventually, he relocated her mother, with whom, he was estranged, to a grand apartment in Ikeja GRA, Lagos, where he allegedly “used both mother and daughter to renew his money ritual.”

    “But how do I prove such? There is no court of law that would prosecute the culprit for what he did. My wife and daughter died excreting maggots and blood. My wife confessed while we were seeking spiritual healing for them, that she had also been sexually involved with her daughter’s boyfriend,” lamented Iyanda.

    Yahoo Plus…the origins

    Spiritual and magical powers, despite their denial by dominant culture, have become a ubiquitous part of Nigerian lives, particularly among the youth.

    The reality of the Yahoo-Plus, for instance, attests to the contemporaneity of the age-old practice of the money ritual.

    In the wake of teenage boys’ dalliances with the killer culture of human sacrifices, there have been increasing calls for government and security agencies to focus on the spiritual aspects and consequences of digital crimes.

    The use of spiritual powers to defraud victims in cyberspace is an offshoot of the Advance Fee Fraud (AFF) which criminals themselves refer to as a ‘game.’ Hence the modern derivation of the ”Game Boy” sobriquet among internet fraudsters.

    Most “Game Boys’ engage in online versions of advance fee fraud (AFF) locally known as ‘Yahoo Yahoo.’

    In several ways, their actions resonate cultural precedents peculiar to their immediate environment and social milieu. Their actions are hardly alien to the Nigerian historical and cultural experience.

    In the 1940s, some colonial headteachers observed that a group of schoolboys (money doublers) were into diabolic manipulation, skullduggery, and scams. These “money doublers” widely known as Wayo-Boys, closely collaborated with indigenous spiritual knowers, such as herbalists or “native doctors.” While these “money doublers or Wayo-Boys” were implicated in defrauding many victims in Western societies with scam letters and magical amulets, “money doubling” has always been associated with mystical powers in this context.

    On August 4, 2004, some 50 officers of the Nigerian police, including elements of the defunct Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), raided a complex consisting of a number of shrines in Umuhu Okija village, in the Ihiala Local Government Area of Anambra State. In the wooded groves where the principal shrines were located, the police found human skulls and the remains of dozens of corpses, some of them dismembered, some in coffins, others lying by the side of the path.

    Following this discovery, the police arrested a number of people whom they suspected of being officials of the Okija shrine, most of whom appear to have been members of one extended family. Eventually, the police paraded before the press in the national capital, Abuja, 31 suspects arrested in connection with the discovery of 83 corpses – including 63 that were headless – and twenty skulls.

    The case attracted massive interest in the Nigerian press, particularly when it was confirmed that leading politicians had visited the shrine and sworn oaths there. Underlying much of the press commentary was the implication that the shrine may have been the site of so-called ‘ritual murders.

    A member of the national House of Representatives, a former chair of the caucus of representatives from the southeast of the country, publicly admitted that most of the members of the House from his part of the country had in fact patronized shrines like that at Okija.

    rituals

    One of the most notorious such cases – which had a slight connection to the Okija shrine occurred on September 19, 1996, when an 11-year-old groundnut hawker, Anthony Ikechukwu Okoronkwo, was invited into a hotel in Owerri, Imo State, by Innocent Ekeanyanwu, aged 32, a gardener. Ekeanyawu reportedly treated the boy to a spiked bottle of Coca-Cola. In a matter of minutes, the boy dozed off, and he bore his limp body into one of the hotel rooms, where he severed the boy’s head, disemboweled his torso, removed his liver, genitals, and other parts that he needed. After butchering the boy, he sorted out the organs, packed the head in a polythene bag, and buried his remains. The Butcher, Ekeanyanwu then took the polythene bag containing the boy’s head and headed for the next destination: to the house of the man who needed the fresh head.

    The crime was later reported by a commercial motorcyclist who realized that his passenger was carrying a fresh human head, still dripping with blood. The bike man alerted the police, who intercepted Ekeanyanwu still with the head.

    Following media exposure of the culprit’s image with the fresh human head, on live television, Owerri was engulfed in an orgy of violence as the people went on a rampage, destroying property of individuals perceived to be ritualists and advance-fee fraudsters. Chief Vincent Duru, proprietor of the popular Otokoto Hotel, Amakohia, a suburb of Owerri, who was named as the mastermind of the ritual killing of Master Okonkwo had his hotel torched.

    In the end, some 25 buildings, including at least one church were burned by an irate mob. Duru, one of the men convicted in the celebrated case was reportedly hung six years ago. His sentence was carried out on Sunday, November 13, 2016, about 20 years after the Otokoto saga and 13 years after his 2003 conviction.

    On March 24, 2014, Nigeria stirred to confusion when a kidnappers’ den was discovered in Soka community, Ibadan, Oyo State. The den was discovered by some commercial motorcyclists, who were searching for two of their colleagues after they took two passengers to the community without returning. The police found human skulls, dried human parts alongside malnourished victims who were being reserved for ritual purposes at the grove. Some victims’ personal effects including shoes, bags, and identity cards were also seen at the site.

    Since the 2014 shocking discovery at Soka, there have been multiple revelations of suspected ritual killings, especially in the southwest of the country.

    Parents, ghoulish spirituality to blame

    The recent slew of ritual killings committed by teenage boys seeking stupendous and sudden wealth, in particular, has aroused fears among widespread segments of the country in recent times.

    It reestablishes the ugly realities of the contemporary value system in the country; one of these realities is the get-rich-quick syndrome among most Nigerians.

    “Many parents readily justify their children’s desperation to get rich at all cost. Parents of Yahoo Boys, including those doing Yahoo Plus, will readily tell you that their children are only being smart. I have a case of an acquaintance who encouraged his child to drop out of school and bought him a laptop. Then he took him to a Yahoo Boy to help train him as an internet fraudster. That is the sort of value system we run in the country at the moment,” said Shukqroh Adekunle, a school guidance counsellor.

    The inordinate quest to acquire sudden wealth at all costs thrives by the belief among widespread segments of the citizenry that the spirit world is the true source of material wealth. In particular, many Nigerians believe that no one could succeed in his or her career, whether in a crime or legitimate profession, without securing divine blessings, first and foremost, from spiritual beings.

    This mindset is fed by the notion that there are certain events in life that hard work or physical strength cannot achieve except one understands and possess some spiritual powers, argued Dr. Suleman Lazarus, a sociologist with the London School of Economics, London, United Kingdom (UK).

    The poverty argument

    The situation is aggravated by a persistent loss of faith in the country’s leadership and socioeconomic system. There is currently no social welfare programme that offers health care assistance, non-discriminatory entrepreneurial loans, food stamps, and unemployment compensation, among others to deserving citizenry divides. The absence of such initiatives wreaked untold havoc on the citizenry at the outbreak of COVID-19, leading to increased crime, for instance.

    While government intervention efforts focused on the poor citizenry, presumed middle-class segments have lost their jobs, suffered arbitrary salary cuts, and lack of access to welfare relief that could help them cope with the economic hardship foisted by COVID-19.

    There are no housing subsidies, energy and utility subsidies, and assistance for other basic services to individuals that are most affected by the pandemic.

    At the backdrop of these challenges, the numbers of the unemployed sky-rockets.

    A 2019 World Bank report shows that Nigeria created about 450,000 new jobs in 2018, partially offsetting the loss of jobs in 2017. And while over five million Nigerians entered the labour market in 2018, the number of unemployed increased by 4.9 million in 2019. More radical estimates indicate that over 18 million youths were unemployed by the end of 2019. Many more have lost their livelihoods in the wake of COVID-19.

    Money ritual thus flourishes in Nigeria amid widespread poverty. By the end of 2013, the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) report on Nigeria’s poverty index revealed that about 61.2% of Nigerians were living on less than $1 (dollar) a day. With such a large percentage of Nigerians living in poverty, money ritual has become an escape route for young people from the trap of poverty, according to Stephanie Anyanwu, a financial risks analyst.

    Yahoo Boy
    video bragging that they depend on ‘juju’ not ‘grace’

     

    ‘Poverty not to blame!’

    Pa Olabisi Tilewa, however, dismissed claims of impoverishment as the major push for teenage boys engaging in money rituals. According to him, “I come from humble roots. My parents were stark poor but they raised me right. Back then, they taught me and my siblings to value hard work, honest industry. They taught us to fear God. I think most teenagers doing Yahoo Plus are victims of bad parenting. They have been led astray from childhood by their parents and guardians. Many of them are from broken homes. And those that aren’t from broken homes were raised badly, to be corrupt and circumvent the slow, steady path to success.”

    The 64-year-old retired civil servant and farmer stated that to end the malaise of killer-teenagers using people for money rituals, Nigeria must declare a national emergency over the situation. The state must actively get involved in how we raise our children. We must go back to the conservative values of old and inculcate them into our young ones, the parents inclusive, he said.

    Censoring Nollywood…

    Worried by the rising teenage killings, the Federal Government has ordered filmmakers to take out money ritual content from their movies. Information and Culture minister, Lai Mohammed, who announced this on Monday during a media visit in Abuja said some of the suspected ritual killers claimed that they learnt the act of ritual killings on social media and this has prompted the Federal Government to sanitise the system.

    “Many have also blamed Nollywood for featuring money rituals in movies, saying this has negatively influenced the vulnerable youth. To mitigate this, I have directed the National Film and Video Censors Board, the body set up to regulate the film and video industry in Nigeria, to take this issue into consideration while performing its role of censoring and classifying films and videos.” the minister said

    Living in Bondage, Women’s Cot, among others, end up glamourising ritual killings, irrespective of whatever lessons they were meant to teach. The subliminal messages propagated by such movies have over time manifested as a vigorous push to individuals and groups predisposed to murderous lust a la money ritual.

    Worried by the menace of ritual killings by Yahoo Boys, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has equally vowed to sustain its war on internet fraudsters many of whom, it said, have resorted to spiritual dimensions in their criminalities.

    The EFCC has arrested several Yahoo Boys and paraded them with the charms caught with them over the years. Some of them have been fingered in ritual killings.

    But the anti-graft commission, recently, stated that it would not be business as usual for anyone caught in such an act. In its recent post on Facebook, the EFCC said: “Yahoo boys now going spiritual even doing money ritual and making it a new usual we will come for those individuals, tell them it won’t be business as usual.

    “No going back on the onslaught against yahoo-yahoo or yahoo-plus, whatever nomenclature. Give up, or give in. The Eagle will get you anytime, anywhere.”

    The EFCC further advised anyone involved in such a crime to “give up or give in,” implying that it would take harsh measures against anyone responsible.

    This comes in the wake of discoveries that several self-confessed native doctors and spiritualists prowl the social media, Facebook in particular, canvassing for clients, mostly youths and underage boys; it is curious to note that some of these native doctors are teenagers and young adults too. They make outlandish claims, guaranteeing prospective clients quick and very easy wealth. Some of them even publish on Facebook, the several stages and ingredients needed for a successful money ritual.

    They highlight the different forms of money ritual including human sacrifice. This could mean anything, from using a human skull of a decomposing corpse to actually killing someone and using the victim’s body parts for money rituals.

    Then there is the smaller animal sacrifice often called “Osole.” It requires the use of animals, animal parts, and plants in order to work.

    Recent measures involve morbid rites including the consumption of human faeces. Then there is the persistent scare among females in the wake of money ritualists’ obsession with female underwear. Money ritualists have been caught stealing and snatching, even at gunpoint, the female underwear for money ritual, especially the used panties of a female undergoing her menstrual cycle.

    The perils of engaging in money ritual

    A native doctor, Pero Ifafunmito, warned against the downsides of engaging in money rituals, arguing that “It never ends well for those who do it.” He said, “The one for whom the ritual is done will only have the money for a few years. Very short few years and often at great personal cost. When he dies, his spirit would never find peace. He would roam about the earth working like a demon bearing fleeting and fill-fated wealth for lost souls like him among the living engaging in similar money rituals to the one that claimed his life.

    “What most money ritualists don’t know is that the money they think they have and spend is being brought to them by tormented souls of previously departed Yahoo Boys and money ritualists. So, when they die too, they will work as a demon bearing wealth to other living ritualists. It is like being engaged in forced labour in the afterlife.” said Ifafunmito.

    Whatever the import of his warning, he could tell that to the dogs; most Yahoo Boys or Game Boys, if you like, would rather engage in money rituals.

    ‘No be grace we dey use, na juju’

    In the last quarter of 2021, a video shared online captures the moment a suspected internet fraudster (Yahoo Boy) confessed to using charms commonly known as ‘juju’ to hypnotise and defraud clients in cyberspace.

    In the viral Snapchat video, the Yahoo Boy could be seen holding the charm while working with a group of other guys who were deeply engrossed working on their laptops.

    He waved the charm at the camera and bragged about using juju and not divine grace to land clients, before proceeding to hit the charm on his chest.

    He said, “Na juju we dey use, no be grace… next week we go confirm am.”

    In a more recent online video, that went viral in January 2022, some young boys were seen cavorting in a shrine – amid the outcry over the increasing cases of teenage boys engaging in money rituals.

    The boys ensured that they captured on camera every corner of the shrine evidently to show everyone what they do to get their money.

    As they did, they lip-synced to King Hemjay’s “Ajitu Cruise” in the video, chanting, “No hustle o, pepeye you no go shenk. If we show you the way, shey you go fit do am? If you run too fast you go die young, if you run too slow you go die poor.”

    And that is how fragile the situation is.

  • 2023: Unveiling contenders and pretenders for Buhari’s job

    2023: Unveiling contenders and pretenders for Buhari’s job

    The nation’s political atmosphere may look somber, but the reality is the days of President Muhammadu Buhari in power are constitutionally numbered. By May 29, 2023, the president would vacate the seat for a successor. With the leading parties set to pick their flagbearers in a matter, 2022 becomes pivotal. In this piece, YUSUF ALLI, MANAGING EDITOR, NORTHERN OPERATION looks at the pretenders and contenders in the race to produce the next occupant of Aso Rock.

    Former President Olusegun Obasanjo focused attention on the fact that the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari is winding down, when he declared on December 14th, 2021, that the president has nothing to offer anymore.

    How do we prepare for post-Buhari? Buhari has done his best. My prayer is that God will spare his life to see his term through,” he said. “What should we do to make post-Buhari better than what we have now? That is our responsibility now, because it concerns all of us.”

    Obasanjo’s comments is one of the most overt signlas that the race to install the next president is already engaged. Having had a hand in ‘installing’ and ‘rejecting’ successive administrations since 2007, it is uncertain if he and his ageing gang of powerbrokers will succeed in their twilight.

    Just like him, former President Ibrahim Babangida in August 2021 tried set parameters for what the next president must possess. He said:  “That is a person, who is very versed in economics and is also a good politician, who should be able to talk to Nigerians and so on. I have seen one, or two or three of such persons already in his sixties. Those are the major qualities the new Nigerian President must possess.”

    FACTORS THAT WILL SHAPE 2023 PRESIDENCY

    Some of the factors that will shape 2023 presidency include power shift, state of the economy, security challenges, religious balancing,  a free and fair electoral system,  age, mode of party primaries, voting strength of geopolitical zones and Buhari’s influence.

    ZONING/ POWER SHIFT DEBACLE

    With the North completing  an eight-year tenure, the unwritten rule adopted over the years suggest a power shift to the South.  Until the death of President Umaru Yar’Adua in 2010, the then ruling Peoples Democratic Party(PDP) religiously  kept to power rotation between the North and the South from 1999 to 2007.

    The alleged abuse of the Doctrine of Necessity by ex-President Goodluck Jonathan in 2015 to retain the presidency in the South made him to lose his re-election bid to President Muhammadu Buhari.

    A Northern governor from PDP came out openly to accuse Jonathan of not honouring an agreement on power shift from the South to the North which brought him to power after Yar’Adua’s death.

    Even after restoring the presidency to the North for eight years,  parties, governors and key actors have been  singing  discordant tunes on whether power should shift to the South.  Ambitious political leaders and presidential aspirants  have also compounded the North-South zoning agitation by tilting arguments in their favour

    The zoning debacle is further clouded by lack of consensus on which part of the South (South-West, South-East and South-South) should produce the next president.

    For making Buhari’s victory possible, the Southwest has a sense of entitlement to get the presidential seat back. But the Southeast, which has not produced a civilian president since 1999, wants the ticket served a la carte.

    Governor Okezie Ikpeazu says the Igbo deserve the presidential slot. Speaking at Aso Rock on Thursday, he said:  “I think that Southeasterners have a right to take a shot at the Presidency of Nigeria and I dare say that our qualification starts from the fact that we understand and know Nigeria better than the other states of Nigeria. I dare say, this is my opinion. We go everywhere, we are everywhere, we invest everywhere, we are a pan-Nigerian people.”

    For its part, the South-South, which lost power to Buhari in 2015 wants it back to sustain the age-long  political ties between it and the North. In the Second Republic, the defunct National Party of Nigeria (NPN), which produced late President Shehu Shagari, was more at home in a North-South-South alliance than with any other part of the country.

    While  late Chief Obafemi Awolowo of the defunct Unity Party of Nigeria(UPN) held on firmly to his political fortress in the Southwest and Mid-West, late Nnamdi Azikiwe’s Nigeria Peoples Party(NPP) was in firm control of the Southeast.

    But the 2015 general election changed the equation with a new romance between the North and Southwest riding on the political vision of  former Lagos State Governor, Bola Tinubu and other progressives in the country. The same faith was extended to Buhari in 2019 when the South-South and the Southeast pitched tent with the opposition PDP.

    Since July 6, 2021 when the Southern Governors Forum stirred the hornet’s nest and reopened debate on power shift, there have been varied arguments bordering on the constitutionality of zoning.

    The drama is more interesting in the APC. Kaduna State Governor, Nasir el-Rufai, said his party has no rotational clause or power shift term in its constitution. But his Borno State counterpart Babagana Zulum argues it is morally trite to allow the South to take the presidential slot in 2023.

    The PDP Committee on the Review of 2019 elections, headed by Governor Bala Mohammed also recommended in March 2021 that zoning be discarded.

    The governor, who has now declared interest in 2023 presidential race, summarized the findings of his committee. He said: “In line with certain unwritten conventions of the nation’s history, many people think that, for fairness and equity, the North East and South East geo-political zones that have had the shortest stints at the presidency should be given special consideration in choosing the presidential flag bearer of the party for the 2023 elections,” Bala Mohammed said.

    “While we admit that this is a strong argument, we should not lose sight of the fact that Nigeria is endowed with many capable and very experienced leaders in every part of the country. Moreover, the exigencies of the moment demand that nothing should be compromised in choosing the leader with the attributes to disentangle the country from the present quagmire.

    “Therefore, we think that every Nigerian, from every part of the country, should be given the opportunity to choose the best candidate through a credible primary election, as a way of institutionalizing a merit-based leadership recruitment process, for the country.”

    Until a palace coup ousted him, former National Chairman of PDP, Prince Uche Secondus and his National Working Committee (NWC) did not consider Mohammed’s panel’s report. It is still gathering dust on PDP’s office shelves.

    For APC, there is no consensus yet on its position on zoning. The suspense over the party’s convention has been attributed to the delay in fashioning out modalities for navigating the situation.

    A former Chairman of INEC, Prof. Attahiru Jega follows a different path.  He asked Nigerians to forget rotational presidency. He said: “The way Nigeria is now, we need the best person with competence, capacity, experience to be the president to get this country out of the challenges we have presently. That person can come from the north, south, east or the west, but the important thing is that even if political parties decide that a candidate should come from a particular area, what we need to do is that Nigerians must interrogate the capacity of that person to lead this country appropriately.

    “This idea of rotational presidency cannot take us out of the challenges we have in this country, presently.”

    ECONOMY

    The next president will not only shoulder Nigeria’s N38trillion public debts (inching towards N50trillion) but tackle 33.3% jobless rate; humanitarian crisis; poverty;  corruption;  bad roads; rot in education and health sectors and social problems.

    So, will Nigerians demand a technocrat or an economist as their next president or the run-of-the-mill politician? Certainly, any aspirant with resourcefulness and capacity to find practical solutions to the myriad of problems facing the nation may appeal more to Nigerians than anyone mouthing his or her plans.

    SECURITY CHALLENGES

    The Boko Haram  insurgency, banditry, attacks by gunmen have not only increased the cost of conducting elections, they have heightened fears over a free and fair poll in 2023.

    Apart from states with perennial security problems, the Kano State Governor, Abdullahi Ganduje, a few days ago raised the alarm that bandits were massing in Falgore forest.

    The insurgents and bandits have always targeted communication facilities which could hamper electronic transmission of results. This may be compounded by the government’s admission that  about  301 out of the 774 local government areas in the country don’t have internet access.

    The INEC National Commissioner and Chairman, Information and Voter Education Committee, Festus Okoye, said the country must break the circle of impunity, violence and identity theft to have peaceful polls.

    Without doubt, the central theme of the 2022 /2023 campaign will be on how to end the lingering insecurity because Nigerians are looking for solutions to the siege.

    Unless Buhari lives up to his promise to end terrorism and banditry before leaving office, the Achilles Heel of APC in 2023  might be the inability of its government to address the security stress nationwide.

    VOTING STRENGTH LIKELY TO SHAPE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION/ALLIANCE

    A group that has emphasized this is the Northern Elders Forum (NEF) which does not care if the next president comes from the North. Although the workability of the North-Southwest alliance in 2015 set a template for national unity, it also paved the way for a new electoral calculation which can make the North to retain power.

    According to INEC voters demographic spread for 2019 poll, 84,004,084 registered with about 44,813,463 voters from the 19 Northern states and the FCT. The Southeast, with profound voter apathy as witnessed in the recently-concluded governorship poll in Anambra State has about 10,057,130 voters compared to the Southwest’s 16,292,212 and South-South’s 12,841, 279.

    With the increasing activities of IPOB, the statistics makes any presidential aspirant from the Southeast politically vulnerable if he or she does not build bridges across the Niger. For any aspirant from the North-Central, the zone’s voting power of 12,021,214 may look  attractive but the landscape is more heterogeneous than any geopolitical zone in the country. A source described North-Central as a “zone without meeting point.”

    Addressing the inaugural edition of Maitama Sule Leadership Lecture Series, organized by the students wing of the Coalition of Northern Groups (CNG) at the Ahmadu Bello University (ABU) Zaria, the spokesperson of the Northern Elders Forum, Dr. Hakeem Baba-Ahmed laid bare the voting strength factor.

    He said:  “We will lead Nigeria the way we have led Nigeria before; whether we are president or vice president, we will lead Nigeria. We have the majority of the votes and democracy says vote whom you want. Why should we accept a second-class position when we know we can buy forms and contest for first-class and we will win?

    PARTY PRIMARIES

    The fallout of the conduct of primaries in APC and the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) (essentially the obvious party choices) might lead to realignment of political forces by aggrieved aspirants.

    The battle for the souls of APC and PDP is still raging with the powers that be scrambling to hijack all structures ahead of 2023. In PDP, which just concluded a national convention, the party’s governors have retained the tradition of controlling the party structure to the discomfiture of some presidential aspirants.

    In APC, the plot to outwit each other has made the Caretaker/Extra-Ordinary Convention Planning Committee shift the date for its convention in February. Yet, some forces are pushing for the conduct of primaries at all levels before holding the convention.

    The politics of the primaries and the aftermath may force some politicians to dump their parties. A few others may stay put for sabotage if they lose out in the scheme of things. The development in the two main parties will define the 2023 race.

    Having rejected the Electoral Act Amendment Bill because of  the clause on direct primaries, the president has forced the parties to adopt indirect primaries, which may seal the fate of many aspirants at all levels. At the presidential level, the governors in APC and PDP may install their candidates as standard-bearers.

    BUHARI’S INFLUENCE

    Judging by the way he has been micro-managing APC from the Presidential Villa, Buhari is a strong factor on who gets his party’s presidential ticket this year. Unchallenged, he has unilaterally extended the tenure of APC Caretaker Committee and as the leader of the party, he is fully aware of where the party is headed.

    All those seeking to lead APC have been heading for his doorstep, tapping his friends/ strategists  for consideration. On the surface, he seems taciturn but those familiar with the inner workings of the Villa said the President knows those who will not succeed him.

    There was a story of a former governor wielding influence to lead APC because of free cash at his disposal. When Buhari heard, he purportedly said: “That one…” The ex-governor has since toned down the tempo of his campaign because of the presidential signal.

    Another former governor said: “Buhari will surely play a key role in the choice of a new chairman and the presidential candidate of the party. The truth is that every incumbent is always interested in his successor not only for continuity of programmes but not to rock the boat. The masses will, however, decide whether they like his presidential preference.”

    The next few months will shed further light on what transpired between Buhari and some politicians during the negotiation for merger of political parties into APC. One former governor said there was “an understanding among stakeholders that power will shift to the South after Buhari’s tenure.”

    THE AGE FACTOR

    Young elements in different parties have been canvassing for a youthful president. However, the emergence of ex-President Donald Trump and President Joe Biden in the US, has thrown wrench in such arguments – showing that age is not always the most important factor in a democracy.

    WHO DOES THE CAP FIT?

    While awaiting the schedule of elections from INEC, a  motley crowd of presidential aspirants is growing from the six geopolitical zones across party lines. While some are strong contenders, others are pretenders and a few clever ones bidding for other offices or only seeking attention with their aspiration.

    The list includes Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, ex-Vice President  Atiku Abubakar, Governors Kayode Fayemi, Yahaya Bello, Nyesom Wike, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, Bala Mohammed and Dave Umahi; Minister of Transportation, Rotimi Amaechi;  ex-President of the Senate, Bukola Saraki; a former Secretary to the Government of the Federation,  Anyim Pius Anyim;  ex-governors Ibikunle Amosun, Rabiu Kwankwaso, Sule Lamido,  Peter Obi, Ahmed Sani Yerima, Ogbonnaya Onu and Orji Uzor Kalu.

    Others are Rochas Okorocha; Minister of State for Education, Dr. Emeka Nwajiuba; a former CEO of Neimeth Pharmaceutical, Sam Ohuanbuwa; and a former Deputy  Governor of Central Bank of Nigeria, Dr, Kingsley Moghalu.

    A recurring name being propped up for the presidency is ex-President Goodluck Jonathan, who not unforthcoming on his plans.

    YEMI OSINBAJO

    The incumbent Vice President, Yemi Osinbajo, is yet to openly declare his ambition but he has not disowned all the groups pushing for him, including Osinbajo Grassroot Organization (OGO) which visited ex-President Ibrahim Babangida last week.

    Although, he is a product of Tinubu’s political platform, Osinbajo has never been a politician until circumstances threw him up in 2015. During the countdown to 2019 election, he showed some traits of emerging a populist politician by selling politico-economic products like Tradermoni and Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT).

    His marketing of some government’s micro-credit schemes earned him the wrath of some members of The Cabal, who decided to cut him to size when Buhari  earned a second term ticket. He has retreated to the shadows.

    His strength lies in his intellectual endowment, strong ethics, ability to appeal to and get backing from the Christian community in the country. His weakness is being perceived as something of a religious zealot – may be because he is a pastor.

    So far, Osinbajo is an underdog and a David facing many Goliaths.

    ASIWAJU BOLA TINUBU

    A gifted leader whose ability for mentoring others is unequaled. He combines both political and economic vision judging by the sustainable development foundation he laid in Lagos. His political network is as huge as his large heart. Since 1991/92, he has been an issue in the nation’s political space.

    He is also blindly loyal to a cause as he was to the late Chief M.K.O Abiola during the June 12, 1993 election crisis and Buhari in 2015 despite losing vice presidential ticket to intra-party conspiracy.

    No Nigerian politician is as prepared for the 2023 presidential race as Asiwaju and key players in APC detected this early. This accounts for the desperation to stop him at all cost including alleged sponsoring of political rebellion against him in the Southwest; seizure of APC structure from him with the coup against ex-APC National Chairman, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole and the latest plot to retain presidency in the North. T

    Though being ambushed everywhere, Tinubu has a can-do spirit which has made him to survive many tribulations including going on exile to be able to outlast the oppressive military regime of the late Head of State, Gen. Sani Abacha and fight for the restoration of democracy in the country.

    The body language of President Buhari will define to a large extent, the political journey of Tinubu in 2023. If APC allows power shift to the Southwest in the next dispensation, he is likely to be the candidate to beat. If the party decides otherwise, the former governor as a loyal party (he’s never been one to flit from platform to platform) man will sit with other leaders on how to address the challenge. Definitely, the Jagaban of Borgu has many battles to fight between now and 2023.

    What is really between Buhari and Tinubu? Was there any unwritten or unseen agreement? The pioneer National Chairman of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) Rufai Hanga said there was an agreement which made Tinubu to support Buhari.  In an interview with Daily Trust, he said: “This is an open secret. There was an implied agreement. Even in law, there is an implied and expressed act. If something is expressed, there are no two ways about it. There was an implied agreement that he would take over. That is why he didn’t back out after the first tenure. If Tinubu knew that he would not benefit, he would have backed out during Buhari’s first tenure. But he knows there was an agreement.”

    ATIKU ABUBAKAR

    Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar is aware he’s on the last lap of his political career. Since 1992, he has been a serial presidential aspirant and candidate. He emerged flagbearer of the defunct Action Congress in 2007, Northern  consensus candidate for PDP presidential primaries in 2011; lost to Buhari at the APC primaries for the 2015 election; and was candidate of PDP for 2019 poll.

    A cosmopolitan politician and a long distance runner, the 75-year old has a rich network across the length and breadth of Nigeria.

    Atiku’s has two major hurdles to cross to get the PDP mandate for 2023. He needs to earn the confidence of the party’s governors, some of whom are aspiring to be president too. Atiku, who beat the governors to their game at the convention in Port Harcourt is now at their mercy for the next ticket.  There were doubts that he can get the slot in view of the desperation of some governors.

    Also, the zoning policy of the party may end his career. With the new National Chairman of PDP, Dr. Iyorchia Ayu from North-Central, the party may concede the ticket to the South. But if Ayu is prevailed upon to step down for a Southern chairman, Atiku will have to slug it out with Sokoto State Governor, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, former Senate President Bukola Saraki, former governors Sule Lamido, Rabiu Kwankwaso and other aspirants from the North who may emerge later.

    IBIKUNLE AMOSUN

    A political confidant of President Buhari, ex-Ogun Governor Ibikunle Amosun is secretly oiling his presidential ambition to the knowledge of members of the Aso Rock kitchen cabinet. A top source described him as “the most likely last joker of The Cabal if there is no other option.”

    In the last few months, Amosun has been consulting some national leaders and party stalwarts, including some APC presidential aspirants. His attitude is that “it can be anybody, no animosity.”

    Apart from coming from the same state with the Vice President, Amosun is not even in control of the party structure in Ogun State where Governor Dapo Abiodun has a grip.

    Some strategists in the presidency expressed fears  that “he might be difficult to sell to the people of the Southwest with Tinubu’s looming influence.”

    But a reliable source said: “I think Tinubu and Amosun have reconciled their political differences. They are now on good terms. His quiet, achievements-oriented tenure and loyalty to the party after losing the party structure have endeared him to Buharists.

    Going by nature of politics, Amosun is presently like a shepherd without flock. Yet, he is a dangerous underdog.

    KAYODE FAYEMI

    Ekiti State Governor, Kayode Fayemi, has grown from being a guerilla activist of NADECO era to one of the key players in Nigerian politics.

    His rise to the office of the Chairman of the Nigeria Governors Forum(NGF) has earned him more mileage in terms of access to the powers-that-be and scheming in the Presidential Villa.

    He is rated as one of those who has the ears of Buhari. The president reportedly developed interest in him for not taking bribes during the conduct of the 2014 presidential primaries. Not necessarily a member of The Cabal but he’s a rallying point with some of the bigwigs.

    With June 18, 2022 for the election of his successor looming his time as governor is nearly up. It is widely believed  he’s eyeing the presidency. But he has left all his supporters and admirers to read between the lines.

    He has also made it clear in a recent interview that he is qualified for the job. He said: “I will like to think I have the requisite qualifications to be the President of Nigeria. ”

    ROTIMI AMAECHI

    A two-time Director-General of  the APC Presidential Campaign Organization, Minister of Transportation, Rotimi Amaechi, is yet to declare interest in the 2023 presidential race but feelers indicate he is interested.

    Besides regaining the APC structure in Rivers State to solidify his home front, Amaechi was a key force in setting up the Buni-led National Caretaker Committee of APC, especially the choice of the Secretary,  Sen. John Akpanudoedehe, who is from the South-South with him.

    Without declaring his interest, the  rate at which many groups have floated structures for him in the 36 states and FCT is foretelling the battle ahead in 2023.

    Amaechi’s greatest strength is his performance in office, especially railway development.

    The challenges before Amaechi are the PDP and Wike’s threats in Rivers State and the zoning factor – especially the pressure by the North to retain power. His acceptance by the core north is an issue. Amaechi may end up with a vice presidential ticket depending on the disposition of the president.

    BUKOLA SARAKI

    Since 2011, Saraki  has been trying to be Nigeria’s president. Twice he has failed to get the ticket. In 2011, he lost the bid to Atiku at the consensus level and in 2018, he came distant third behind Atiku at the Port Harcourt convention of PDP. He later became the Director-General of the PDP Presidential Campaign Organization for 2019 poll.

    More than any aspirant in PDP. Saraki appears to be the early bird but he is a troubled leader because APC snatched his Kwara State platform from him in 2019 through ‘O To Ge’ revolution. He is no doubt distracted for the presidency in 2023. If Saraki is given a choice, he will want to regain Kwara from APC.

    Notwithstanding, the ex-governor has built a bridge which has improved the political heritage from his father, whose presidential bids  in the Second, Third and Fourth Republics crashed because of mistrust by the North.

    A smart politician, Saraki’s setback, however, will be PDP governors who may not endorse him. Although Governor Seyi Makinde is actively supporting him, others are not too keen. He has to contest again for the ticket with some of those who defeated him in the past including Governor Aminu Waziri Tambuwal.

    NYESOM WIKE

    It is difficult to know the mindset of Governor Nyesom Wike, who has been speaking in parables of late. But he is one PDP’s influential governor with the party in his pocket. According to sources, Wike single-handedly shopped for and installed Iyorchia Ayu as the party’s national chairman.

    There are speculations of Wike running a joint ticket  as Vice Presidential candidate with Governor Aminu Waziri Tambuwal as PDP flag bearer.

    Recently in Yola, Wike said: “I am not a supporter of those who are calling for zoning of the presidency. I am for those that are calling for good candidate that can bring this country together, and improve on the potentials that abound in both human and capital of Nigeria”.

    But it will not be an easy ride for Wike in 2023 because of Amaechi’s rejuvenated machinery. As an outgoing governor, APC will capitalize on his leaking home. Wike had muzzled intra and inter-party opposition. This may be his undoing in 2023.

    ANYIM PIUS ANYIM

    A former Secretary to the Government of the Federation,  Anyim Pius Anyim, has proved all bookmakers wrong with his miraculous resurgence in the nation’s politics. And his push for presidential ticket is gaining momentum.

    For a leader who has always depended on providence, Anyim cannot be underrated in any form. He is blessed with  humility and a divine touch to follow his dream. He is not ready to waver on his ambition.

    His advantages are his ability to speak truth to power and resist despotism. His  weakness is making his ambition a quest for the liberation of the Igbo. He needs to operate within a national prism which he was known for as the President of the Senate.

    He has a match in Governor Dave Umahi who he  bankrolled but now  eroding his empire. The ex-SGF is reorganizing PDP in Ebonyi State in a stifled environment.

    RABIU KWANKWASO

    Kwankwaso is an old political war horse who has a way of bouncing back into reckoning after defeat. In 2014, he came second with 974 votes to President Muhammadu Buhari’s 3,430 votes. But he lost Buhari’s favour for allegedly being so “daring.” He bolted to PDP in 2018 for greener pastures.

    He was, however, defeated at the PDP primaries by Atiku who garnered 1,532 votes to his  insignificant158 votes. Since 2018, he has restricted himself to the Kwankwansiyya movement in Kano.

    Except for living on the old glory of backing by ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo, Kwankwaso doesn’t have the sort of resources to contest the primaries. This is why he is preoccupied with rapprochement politics with his hitherto sworn enemies.

    He does not have the support spread nationwide like when he was in power.

    SULE LAMIDO

    The ambition of a former governor of Jigawa State, Sule Lamido is taken with a pinch of salt due to his pariah political status. APC has not given him breathing space since he completed his tenure in 2015.

    Presently standing trial for alleged N1.35billion fraud, the ex-governor has to remove the corruption yoke before moving to another level. PDP is unlikely to give him its ticket.

    He is probably on the presidential quest to build up his confidence.

    YAHAYA BELLO

    An apostle of Not-Too-Young-To-Run politics, Governor Yahaya Bello’s presidential aspiration is seeing by many APC leaders as a consequence of youthful exuberance. Armed with a huge war chest, he’s an early starter who is trying to spread his political wings to all parts of the country.

    His early unfolding of his presidential aspiration has however backfired with some forces conspiring against him.

    Bello’s recent face-off with EFCC may hinder his ambition unless he gets reprieve from the court.

    PETER OBI

    Former Anambra State Governor, Peter Obi, was PDP’s vice presidential candidate in 2019. He is still interested in the race but says he does not want to jump the gun.

    In spite of a recent invitation by the EFCC, Obi is trusted by many as an astute politician and shrewd manager of resources. His ongoing invitation by the anti-graft agency may slow down his aspiration.

    AMINU WAZIRI TAMBUWAL

    Sokoto State Governor, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, is one of the top contenders for the PDP’s presidential ticket. A former Speaker of the House of Representatives, he lost the same prize to Atiku in 2018.

    A political soul mate of Wike, Tambuwal enjoys the confidence of prominent Northern monarchs and progressive elements in the Southwest. He is a mix of conservatism and a bit of radicalism.

    Tambuwal’s problem is impatience due to his overt presidential ambition. He has shifted political tent between APC and PDP since 2014 and the best he got was a gubernatorial offer.

    BALA MOHAMMED

    Governor Bala Mohammed  is a cosmopolitan politician. He was in the vanguard of those who invoked the Doctrine of Necessity which led to the emergence of ex-President Goodluck Jonathan as Acting President in 2010 before winning the main election in 2011.

    His strength borders on fairness and equity. He was careful in piloting the activities of the PDP Committee on the Review of 2019 elections which later claimed that zoning was unnecessary. There were speculations that he seized the advantage of the committee to lay the foundation for his aspiration.

    Apart from his landmark achievements as FCT Minister,  Bala was the first governor in the  Northeast to domesticate Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act. He has a suspended case with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission(EFCC) which may be an issue during the campaign if he gets PDP ticket.

    As a Fulani, his promotion of religious harmony between Muslims and Christians in the state has made him unique in a zone with religious fundamentalism problem.

    During a Christmas celebration at the Government House in Bauchi, the Chairman Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Reverend Abraham Damina Dimeus, said the governor should forget about running for President. He said “Though we are ready to go with you anywhere you go, for now, we still need you to remain here in Bauchi State to complete the good job you started.

    More aspirants may join the race and even more may drop out in coming weeks and months. But for now attention shifts to INEC to release the schedule of electoral activities for the 2023 poll.

  • Factors, forces that will determine  Ekiti, Osun governorship elections

    Factors, forces that will determine Ekiti, Osun governorship elections

    Ahead of the governorship elections in Ekiti and Osun States, Assistant Editor, Dare Odufowokan, examines the issues and forces that will determine the outcome of the gubernatorial contest in the two states.

    The last few weeks have been intriguing in Ekiti and Osun States as the process leading to the gubernatorial elections in the two states started oficially.  Last June, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), announced dates for the off-cycle elections. According to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) chairman, Professor Mahmood Yakubu, Saturday, June 18, 2022 has been slated for Ekiti, while the Osun Statecontest will be held on Saturday, July 16, 2022.

    The commission also announced that it has fixed January 4 to 29, 2022 for political parties in Ekiti to conduct gubernatorial primary elections and resolve disputes that arise from them, while those in Osun have between February 16 to March 12, 2022 to do the same.

    Consequently, the stage is set for another round of epic battles between the dominant parties in the two states, the All Progressives Congress (APC), which is ruling in both states, and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) which has vowed to take them back in 2022.

    There are a dozen other parties preparing to join the contest but their chances are nor rated highly.

     

    2023 undercurrents

    As INEC and politicians in the two states prepare for the elections, certain undercurrents look set to determine the final outcomes. From all indications, the battle is not anyone’s to lose yet. However, each passing day reveals evidence that the final outcomes may follow some existential extrapolations.

    Come June 18, 2022, the electorate in Ekiti will go to the polls to elect a governor to pilot the affairs of the state for the next four years. Given the current look of things, pundits say they will either elect the candidate of the ruling APC to succeed Governor Kayode Fayemi, who is rounding off his second term in office, or opt for whoever the PDP throws into the race.

    In Osun, the scenario is a bit different as incumbent Governor Gboyega Oyetola of the APC, is running on his record in the last almost four years. “With or without Oyetola, the guber race in Osun is between the APC and the PDP. It will be fierce, almost a repeat of the 2018 election that saw APC running away with victory after a second ballot,” an analyst predicted.

    For the two rival political parties, the elections are not just about the governorship seats at stake. There is the 2023 general election to consider as politicians in the Southwest prepare for the guber polls in the two states and this will impact greatly on the exercise.

    Currently, the APC, with governors in five out of the six states in the zone is favoured. To remain in pole position ahead of the 2023 elections, the party must retain the two states. But the opposition PDP is desirous of taking over in the zone and winning the two states will put it in an advantageous position as 2023 beckons. This scenario explains why it is a fight to finish in both states for APC and PDP.

    Also, the widely speculated presidential ambition of Fayemi is causing ripples within the ranks and files of the APC in the state. The party under the leadership of Paul Omotosho recently endorsed the governor for the presidential race, but many chieftains of the party across the state dismissed the endorsement, insisting that the APC chairman spoke for only himself.

    Similarly, PDP leaders in the state are currently divided in their support for different presidential aspirants and interest groups ahead of the 2023 election. It is also being alleged that the desire of a prominent leader of the party in the state to seek the Vice Presidential slot on the party’s ticket is at the root of the current crisis within the party.

     

    Internal wranglings

    Not surprisingly, the two leading political parties are battling internal upheavals in both states where elections are slated to hold next year. And analysts are strongly of the opinions that the ability and speed with which the APC and the PDP resolve the crises currently tearing their ranks apart in Ekiti and Osun ahead of the gubernatorial elections, will determine who carries the day in both states.

    In Ekiti, both the APC and the PDP are at present plagued by factions and internal wrangling in a bid to take over the soul of the two parties. In the ruling party, an aggrieved group which feel its members are being marginalised, continue to accuse Fayemi of hijacking the party ahead of the governorship election. Many pundits claim the feud is a lingering fall-out of the governorship primaries in 2018.

    The situation is such that the APC is divided down the line into groups loyal, one to the governor and the other to some party leaders led by former minister Dayo Adeyeye. The anti-Fayemi group has, apart from holding parallel ward and local government congresses, challenged the congresses that produced the current party executive committees at all levels.

    The situation led to the suspension of some APC bigwigs in the state, among them Political Adviser to the President, Babafemi Ojudu, and counter suspension of Fayemi and the APC state executive headed by Paul Omotoso. Though the national leadership of the party waded into the matter, the crisis has refused to go away.

    With the election fast approaching and the groups refusing to sheath their swords, fears abound that parallel primary elections may be held, leading to legal issues that may affect the chances of the ruling party.

    “What we are seeing today in Ekiti APC portrays a very bad omen for our party, but we will salvage the situation so that we can rescue whatever that remains for the benefit of all of us. There are divisions everywhere. I have decided not to contest this election, so that I can assume a leadership position mediating among aspirants,” Ojudu told The Nation.

    For the PDP, the fierce rivalry between former governor Ayodele Fayose and his erstwhile deputy, Senator Biodun Olujimi, has split the party in two. This led to the conduct of parallel congresses at the ward, council and state levels, and the emergence of parallel executive committees at all levels with loyalty to the two camps.

    In spite of moves by the national leadership to douse the tension by promptly recognizing the executive of the faction loyal to Fayose as authentic, Olujimi’s supporters are still carrying on as a parallel group and vowing to clinch the PDP gubernatorial ticket.

    Observers of the politics of the state fear that with the exit of Prince Uche Secondus as national chairman, the Ekiti PDP primary election may end up in litigation as the Fayose faction will resist any attempt to outwit it.

    Already, the Olujimi faction has approached a Federal High Court to seek among others, an interim order of the court restraining the national party from recognising the list from the ‘purported’ congresses of the Fayose faction.

    In spite of the recognition of the Fayose group’s congresses during the pendency of the suit, the case is now at the Appeal Court. This is fuelling fears that the two groups may, by their actions or inaction, cost the PDP victory in the election.

    Former governor and chieftain of the PDP, Chief Segun Oni, recently called on members and leaders to resolve all grievances for the party to stand a chance of defeating the APC at the election.

    The situation in Osun state is similar for the two leading political parties. But while there is no peace in Osun APC at the moment, analysts say Governor Oyetola looks good to clinch the ticket of his party on Saturday, January 22.

    “This is because there appear to be no visible challengers within the party. His opponents appear comfortable with ensuring he loses the general election,” Fola Jinadu of Osun Coalition for Democracy (OCFD), said on Thursday.

    However, the tussle between the camp of the former governor and Minister of Interior, Rauf Aregbesola and that of the governor is a source of concern for party members across the state.

    The Osun Progressives (TOP), a group of Aregbesola’s loyalists, has vowed to stop Oyetola’s reelection at all cost. Efforts by party leaders to stem the crisis have failed woefully with the gladiators expanding the coast of the political war by the day.

    Both factions elected new party executives at different locations in the state during the APC nationwide congresses. Gboyega Famodun was re-elected as the state chairman of the party as the Ilerioluwa Group held its congress at the Osogbo City Stadium, while Alao Olabisi was elected as the secretary. The Osun Progressives, on the other hand, held its parallel congress at the Onward area of Osogbo. Rasaq Salinsile was elected as the chairman of the faction with Adelani Baderinwa as secretary.

    Determined to make things difficult for Oyetola, loyalists of Aregbesola dragged the leadership of the party to the Federal High Court sitting in Osogbo. The faction claimed it sought court intervention owing to the manner the congresses in the state were held. They challenged the legality of the congress presided over by the committee.

    Consequently, there are fears that litigation may mar the chances of the ruling party. But the camp of the governor says there is little or nothing to fear. Remi Omowaiye, Commissioner for Works and close ally of the governor, assured that in spite of the lingering crisis, the party will win in 2022.

    “We are a family and at the appropriate time, we will all put the interest of the party over and above all other interests and grievances so as to win the election,” he said.

    Last month, chairman of the PDP in Osun State, Sunday Bisi, stated that the party was united ahead of the 2020 poll. “We had a successful convention in Abuja and all of us were together. We are now one big united family in PDP in Osun. There is no rift in our party now, all those things have been settled and they are gone,” he said. But feelers suggest that a fresh crisis is brewing and PDP may soon return to its troubled days.

    With former governorship candidate, Senator Ademola Adeleke, leading five other aspirants who are vying for the governorship ticket, allegations and counter allegations are flying around again. Others who have collected expression of interest and nomination forms are Dr. Akin Ogunbiyi, Sanya Omirin, Prince Dotun Babayemi, Alhaji Fatai Akinbade and Dele Adeleke, Senator Adeleke’s nephew.

    Earlier this week, the party had, as part of its efforts to reposition itself ahead of the 2022 contest, named Wale Ojo as Acting Chairman. The appointment was based on the ratification of a resolution by some PDP stakeholders in the state. It was intended to fill the vacuum created by the exit of Soji Adagunodo, who recently assumed the office of the Vice-Chairman, Southwest Zone.

    Ojo, a former senator representing Osun East Senatorial district, reportedly belongs to the Adagunodo faction. His appointment was reportedly validated by all the local government areas in the state, as well as the verdict of an Osun State High Court, which recognised and affirmed the actions of the outgoing chairman.

    Read Also: 2022: PDP battles uncertain future

    But signs that the party is not about to know peace soon emerged when another faction announced the suspension of Ojo and some others on Thursday. Expectedly, the development has thrown the party into a fresh crisis that is capable of truncating its plan to oust the ruling party from Government House.

    The Nation gathered that the current crisis within the party has to do with an alleged agreement by party leaders to field Senator Adeleke as consensus candidate. While some party leaders are insisting on the agreement, others are calling for a primary election to determine the candidate of the party. The looming crisis is worsened by the growing numbers of aspirants on the platform of the party.

    Zoning as factor

    In both states, especially in Ekiti, the issue of zoning has remained on the front burner ahead of the gubernatorial elections. Last week, a member of the House of Representatives and governorship aspirant, Hon. Femi Bamisile, warned it would be a dangerous mistake for the APC to ignore the ‘deafening’ calls by members from the south senatorial district to zone the ticket to the area. He is not alone in the call for zoning. Across party divides, the agitation has been rife.

    Speaking on the agitations, National Treasurer of the PDP, Wale Aribisala, said: “Everybody is free to agitate for his senatorial district. But I believe that it is the best that should win in the primaries. Ekiti is a homogeneous state, we are all Ekiti. All we need now in Ekiti is good governance. Forget whether you are from South, Central or North senatorial district – that does not matter now. What we need in Ekiti now, especially considering the present poor state of things, is the person that can do the job.”

    APC chieftain, Kayode Ojo, also advised agitators for zoning to drop the idea. He said at no time did politicians in the state agree on zoning governorship seat to any senatorial district in the state.

    “There was no time politicians from any part of the state were denied of contesting for the governorship election, but Ekiti people have been deciding who would govern them. Everybody is going to go to the polls and Ekiti people will choose who they want. We are one family in Ekiti as we speak the same dialect,” he said.

    In Osun, there are pockets of agitators urging the political parties to cede their tickets to Osun West. But the opposition to the agitation has been fierce too. One major group opposed to the call for zoning insists Oyetola must be allowed to enjoy a second term.

    Even PDP members from the governor’s senatorial district are opposed to the call for zoning and may vote against PDP unless its candidate is from their zone,” a party source said.

    “Interestingly, Governor Adegboyega Oyetola has in the last three years proved that one must not necessarily have his own at the helms to get the government’s presence infrastructure-wise and in all spheres. What you need is a leader, who would see the entire State as his constituency, make sure that development touches every part of Osun,” Ismail Omipidan, Chief Press Secretary to Oyetola said while insisting that the agitation for zoning is not a serious threat in Osun.

    As plausible and sympathetic as the zoning mantra seems to be, the argument that political delineation shouldn’t be allowed to divide the states is also holding water across the state. No doubt, the consideration for and against zoning will play vital role in determining the outcome of the next guber election in the state.

    The endorsement card

    Amidst growing allegations that Fayemi has endorsed the Secretary to the State Government, Biodun Oyebanji, from Ikogosi in Ekiti Central, as his choice for the APC ticket, while his predecessor Fayose has already openly backed Bisi Kolawole, also from the Central for the PDP ticket, tongues are wagging over the propriety of such endorsement and this may affect how the people will vote during the elections.

    In the same vein, the endorsement of Gboyega Oyetola by Osun APC Elders (Agba Osun) and the Famodun-led state leadership of the party are also being discussed with chieftains of TOP accusing elders and leaders of the ruling party of attempting to force the governor on the party as candidate.

    But the governor’s men claim the endorsements were inevitable, given Oyetola’s performance in office. His supporters say only the governor can guarantee victory for APC.

    But three prominent leaders of the state have vowed to work together to stop the governor’s re-election. Former Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Lasun Yusuf, former Speaker of the Osun State House of Assembly, Najeem Salam and former Secretary to Osun State Government, Alhaji Moshood Adeoti, jointly declared that APC cannot win the 2022 governorship election if it fields the incumbent.

    Of course, the alleged anointing of a candidate in Ekiti by Fayemi has been denied, but it was said to have rattled many officials and an uneasy calm now reigns in the government circles in the state.

    The alleged endorsement has heated up the polity and set some of the appointees of the governor who are eyeing his seat against each other. Chief of Staff (CoS) to the Governor, Biodun Omoleye, had to call an emergency conference where he specifically debunked the alleged anointing of the SSG or any other person.

    “You might be hearing around that the governor has chosen someone as his successor. This is not true. The governor has not spoken in this regards. He is focused at completing his tenure well and he will not be distracted by rumours. The governor is the leader of the party and he is the one in charge,” he was reported to have said.

    But many pundits insist the issue of endorsement may come back to haunt the parties and their eventual candidates after the primary elections.

    Direct or indirect primary?

    In both Ekiti and Osun, the mode of primary election used to nominate the gubernatorial candidate will impact the outcome of the polls. No doubt, the battle against the imposition of unpopular candidates will be carried into the process leading to the primary elections, especially with allegations of planned imposition already rife.

    With some aspirants already clamouring for direct mode of election as against consensus or indirect being preferred by others, a showdown looms when PDP and APC commence the processes to select their flag-bearers.

    A governorship aspirant in Ekiti State, Bamidele Faparusi, has told the APC to make the state a testing ground for the conduct of credible direct primary in the country. Faparusi, who resigned barely a week ago as the Ekiti State Commissioner for Public Utilities, described direct primary as the most credible and reliable way of electing a candidate of any party and an opportunity to give power back to the ordinary Nigerians. He made the call following insinuations that the party in the state is considering consensus mode of primary election.

    In Osun, members of TOP are warning against any plan by the party to nominate Governor Oyetola as the consensus candidate of the party. According to a chieftain of the group, it is not true that the governor is in the race for the APC ticket unopposed.

    “Just wait and see what happens next. He is not unopposed. There are APC chieftains ready to slug it out with him for the ticket. We just want to warn that no other mode of primary election other than direct primary will be acceptable to us,” he said..