Category: Insight

  • WHY POLICE IS NOT YOUR FRIEND…

    WHY POLICE IS NOT YOUR FRIEND…

    By Olatunji OLOLADE, Associate Editor

    If I see something better, I will quit police work

    October 21, 2020; Jola Edewor wore his uniform with a frantic earnestness unlike the passion that drove him to enlist with the police. Few minutes before he gets to work, he would rip it off and renounce his calling. But he did not know that. The previous day, Edewor retired in bed with a heavy heart, having discovered that his salary had been short of N50, 000 for two years (about N1.2m). The following day, the 41-year-old set out for the force headquarters, eager to get to the root of his hardship.

    • Sgt. Maina urging Babatunde to get off the street in order to feed him

    But that fateful morning, he wouldn’t get to work. About 15 minutes after he left the barracks for his rendezvous with colleagues at Meiran, he beat a hasty retreat.

    It was the 12th day of the #EndSARS protest and the streets pulsed with mayhem as irate youth ran it amok baying for blood of uniformed men. Few paces from his rendezvous, a riotous mob chased after a policeman until he tripped over a boulder and they pounced on him. They ripped his shirt off and rained punches on him, chanting “#EndSARS! #EndSARS!” said Edewor.

    “From the distance, they didn’t look like protesters. They looked like hired killers out for blood. One of them railed that they would kill any police officer that they see and set him ablaze” he said.

    Instantly, he retreated behind an empty food kiosk. From his hiding, he watched the mob batter his colleague till he was drenched in blood.

    Fearfully, he tore his shirt off his body, ripping the buttons as he did, and he slipped out of his trouser. He would be naked, but for his improvised undies comprising a t-shirt and cycling short. He balled his left hand into a fist and rolled the uniform around it. Then he tucked it in a refuse bin behind the kiosk and walked away, coolly, in brisk, urgent strides.

    Several metres ahead, he turned to look at the scene. He could not make out his colleague in the distance but he felt contrite leaving him to the mob. He was equally ashamed for discarding his uniform.

    “I knew I could purchase another uniform. They sell everything to us anyway. But that officer (his lynched colleague). Till date, I don’t know what became of him. I never bothered to ask,” he said, arguing that even if he did, there was nothing he could do.

    Still, he rued his helplessness leaving his uniform in the bin and watching his colleague fall to a lawless horde.

    The melee resulted from the demonstrations triggered on Thursday, October 8, 2020 by videos circulated on social media, showing the highhandedness and extrajudicial killing by officers of the disbanded Special Anti-Robbery (SARS) Squad.

    For the next two weeks, protests were held in various states across the country and by Nigerians in the diaspora calling for police reforms and an end to brutality. But before long, groups of hoodlums seized the opportunity to unleash staggering violence on members of the police force.

    Still smarting from his close shave with death, Edewor set back hurriedly for his barracks in Agege, chanting “#EndSARS! #EndSARS!”in solidarity with hoodlums prowling the streets in search of policemen.

    Eventually, he ran into a group of teenagers wielding battle axes, machetes and clubs at the Oja Oba and Abule Egba junction.

    While some of them kept watch for policemen and smashed empty beer and soda bottles on the street, others huddled in clusters around mobile phones, chatting animatedly about a trending video.

    Intrigued, Edewor asked one of the horde what they were excited about. “He told me to switch on my Bluetooth device and shared the video with me,” Edewor said.

    The video showed a police officer being clobbered by a mob in front of a burning police station at Orile, Lagos. The officer reportedly jumped the fence in order to escape being caught in flames as the mob set fire to the station, in protest against the alleged high handedness of the Divisional Police Officer (DPO) heading the station.

    Unfortunately for him, he leapt into the hands of the mob. They pounced on him and beat him to a pulp. Amid the mayhem, a thickset youth stabbed him in the eye. The officer careened with the dagger stuck in his eye, bleeding profusely. As he reeled blindly, his assailants took turns hacking into his already bloodied frame with machetes. Eventually, he keeled over and the mob descended on him maniacally, finishing him off.

    Edewor swallowed hard. He cringed, watching the mob hack the policeman to death. At that moment he wished to abdicate his position as a Police Inspector. An axe-wielding boy in his early teens railed that he was looking for a policeman to hack to death.

    “How could I serve and protect members of a public that wants me dead?” thought Edewor. Suddenly, he felt vulnerable, exposed. “I feared one of the hoodlums might recognise me,” he said.

    Thus he retreated cautiously, in anxious steps. Soon, he was dashing down the bypass behind Oja Oba market, en route Agege; an inexplicable yearning to live urging on his desperate feet.

    “I was in survival mode,” he said, stressing that he thought nothing of his oath to protect and serve in that moment.

    “I have no passion for this police work again. I just wish to make ends meet and care for my family. What kind of work is this, that your employer would steal N50, 000 from your salary for over two years and the public you serve seek to kill you,” he said, adding that were it not for a colleague who alerted him, he would continue living from hands to mouth.

    Edewor was supposed to earn N130, 000 monthly but instead, he received N80, 000 for two years. Having spent over two decades on the job, he felt cheated.

    He wondered how much had been stolen from my salary in the course of his 20-year-career as a police officer. He said, “When I approached people in the cash office, they told me point-blank that I must pay a bribe of N50, 000 to them, if I was serious about receiving my full salary.”

    Faced with no choice, Edewor paid the bribe of N50, 000 and instantly, his salary was regularised. On next pay day, his account was credited with N130, 000.

    His stolen salary and the events of Wednesday, October 21, 2020 shook him to the bones. They were ingenuously haunting episodes that rendered his heart a soiled, grey carapace for police work.

    Recalling his travails with the police accounts department and the #EndSARS mob, his face darkened and crimped with furrows. His eyes eddied from white-black to a muddy capitulation, his lips parted and closed, forming an incongruous angle with his words. Softly, slightly distended, as if he would break into tears or start bawling.

    “If I see something better, I will quit police work,” he said with submissive sternness.

    Yet Edewor was lucky to escape with no physical hurt, unlike Sergeant Ajibola Adegoke and Corporal Rotimi Oladele. They were among the police officers killed in the wake of the #EndSARS protests that rocked Ibadan, Oyo State.

    The duo, who were attached to the ‘B’ Operations office at the headquarters of the state police command at Eleyele, Ibadan were attacked and set ablaze while going on special duty to a fish depot at New Gbagi area with a superior, Inspector Osho Ojo, on Thursday, October 22, 2021.

    To guarantee their safety, they reportedly wore mufti and rode in an unmarked vehicle; but for a minor accident with a motorcyclist, the team would have gone about its duty without incident.

    A heated argument ensued with the motorcyclist, attracting hoodlums to the scene. Immediately they discovered that they were police officers, the hoodlums reportedly pounced on them.

    Although they fled for safety, Adegoke and Oladele were eventually apprehended and the thugs descended on them with various weapons.

    A viral video posted by one of the hoodlums showed the gory scene as the policemen were beaten to death and set ablaze on a heap of used tyres.

    Not done, the hoodlums allegedly cut chunks from the burnt corpses and devoured them with chilled drinks.

    Fortunately for Inspector Ojo, he was rescued by operatives of Operation Burst, while they recovered the pistols of his burnt colleagues.

    Unnerved by the fate of the murdered officers, the Oyo State police authorities launched a manhunt for their assailants. The police subsequently arrested two men identified as Aliu Mubarak, 24, and Adewale Abiodun, 17, in connection with the killing, dismemberment and selling of decapitated heads of the policemen for N1,000.

    The suspects were arrested after one Oladipupo Ifakorede, 45, confessed to buying the policemen’s heads from the duo for money-making ritual.

    Recounting how he got the heads from Mubarak and Abiodun, Ifakorede said;

    “I want to use them to prepare ritual to make money. It is for myself. They (other suspects) did not let me know where they saw the two heads. I did not ask them where they saw them.”

    Five persons were arrested in connection with the crime. The police had earlier arrested Kemi Adeyemo and Saheed Oyedepo and they were both transferred to Abuja for further investigation.

    Abiodun equally confessed that he and Mubarak sold the two heads to Ifakorede, stressing that they saw the two heads “while coming from Egbeda area of Ibadan.”

    In Rivers State, three policemen also lost their lives to angry mobs. Police authorities in the state, however, accused members of the pro-Biafra group, Indigenous People of Biafra, (IPOB), of hiding under the #EndSARS protests to kill the three police officers.

    The State Commissioner of Police (CP) Joseph Mukan, while briefing the press in Port Harcourt, gave the identity of the slain officers as: Sunday Dubon, an Inspector attached to the anti-kidnapping unit, whose corpse was said to have been burnt; Swawale Ornan, a Sergeant attached to the 19 Police Mobile Force on Special Duty at Oyigbo, whose corpse was also burnt; and Umunna Uchechukwu, a sergeant with Afam police station, whose legs and hands were cut off before he was burnt to ashes.

    Uchechukwu was butchered, his legs and hands cut off, and his body was eventually burnt to ashes. Emotionally stricken by the presence of the grieving wives and children of the murdered policemen, the Governor of Rivers State,  Nyesom Wike, decided to pay a N20 million compensation to each of the families of those killed by hoodlums in Oyigbo.

    The Inspector General of Police (IGP) Mohammed Adamu, speaking through the Police Spokesman, Frank Mba, stated that, “available reports show that twenty-two (22) police personnel were extra-judicially killed by some rampaging protesters and scores injured during the protests. Many of the injured personnel are in life threatening conditions at the hospitals.”

    He added that “two hundred and five (205) police stations and formations, including other critical private and public infrastructure, were also damaged by a section of the protesters.

    “Despite these unprovoked attacks, our police officers never resorted to use of unlawful force or shooting at the protesters,” Mba said, even as civil society chide the police for excessive display of aggression and use of force on the #EndSARS protesters.

    Human rights organizations blame the police for escalating the protests soon after it was hijacked by armed thugs, leading to the deaths of at least 51 civilians.

     

    Our morale is low – Police

    There is no gainsaying the #EndSARS protest and the mayhem triggered in its wake has strained relations between the police and the public. Speaking with The Nation, several officers – who pleaded anonymity – admitted that they have become less passionate about their work.

    “Our morale is very low. Extremely low. Nobody bothered to ask of our own side to the story. Yes, there are bad eggs in the police but don’t we have bad eggs in every profession? We have bad doctors, teachers, engineers, accountants, civil servants, journalists and even our religious men…Every day, we deal with dangerous criminals among the public. But na police be everybody’s problem.  Now, that they have killed policemen. Let them begin to protect themselves,” he said.

     

    ‘Now the police know how we feel’

    While offering condolences to bereaved families of police officers, Kunle Atanda, a retired civil servant stated that, “Now, they feel our agony. Their wives and children know how we feel when their husbands torture and kill innocent members of the public. They understand the severity of the losses suffered by members of the public who have lost their loved ones to extrajudicial killing by policemen. An eye for an eye is never a welcome option but our social and security system is truly deserving of a corrective purge and I think the tragedies of the #EndSARS killings should guide us towards urgent solutions.”

     

    Policing in squalor

    Nationwide, policemen live in squalor within and outside the barracks. They patrol in rickety vehicles, often extorting commercial transporters and motorists for fuel money.

    A combination of poor training, poor remuneration – recruits earn N9, 000 and less than N120, 000 annually – and a culture of corruption and impunity has allowed torture and other ill-treatment to become routine in criminal investigations by the police.

    Suspects are tortured to extract confessions as the police are under pressure to solve serious crimes without adequate resources and specialised skills. With little investment in fingerprint databases, ballistics and other forensic expertise, investigations often rely on confessional statements not brilliant police work to solve cases.

    Several policemen also complained of deplorable housing; some residents of the Agege and Pedro police barracks, for instance, lamented their squalid living conditions.

    “The barracks are overcrowded. I live in a single room with my family of seven. There is too much heat, the septic tank is filled up and it really stinks. Cockroaches crawl all over our apartment, even our beds, and the whole place is rat-infested,” said a Police Sergeant, who lives at the barracks in Agege, Lagos.

    Patricia Udom, 36, also complained of overcrowding, unsanitary toilets and surroundings. “The whole place smells like a toilet. It smells of human sweat, over-filled septic tanks,” said the Lance Corporal.

    The Centre for Anti-Corruption and Open Leadership (CACOL) recently took the National Assembly and the executive arm of government in charge of the Police Trust Fund (PTF) to task on the present state of police barracks across the country, lamenting that police barracks could pass for rat holes and slums.

    The Executive Chairman of the Centre, Debo Adeniran, stated that, for this reason, the Nigerian police was rated among the top five worst police organizations in the world in 2016 by the World Internal Security and Police Index.

    Police barracks in Lagos are an eyesore. Most of the structures are collapsing, yet the barracks and accommodation department of the force has done nothing to rectify the situation.

    “All they do is deduct N7, 000 or more from your salary as lodging allowance. The rooms are very bad, and you only get one room and parlour, no matter the size of your family and you are forced to share toilets and bath,” said a Sergeant at the Agege barracks. He lamented that police families struggle to construct and maintain septic tanks and drainage.

    Plans have, however, been concluded to demolish all dilapidated and rebuild them for policemen and their families. This was disclosed recently by the Chairman, Nigeria Police Trust Fund (NPTF), Suleiman Abba, during his visit to the Ijeh Barracks, Obalende Barracks, MOPOL 20 Barracks and the Police College, Ikeja.

    Abba, a former IGP, who was accompanied by the Lagos State Commissioner of Police (CP) Hakeem Odumosu, and other senior officers said, “We are going to demolish dilapidated barracks and renovate those that are still good to human habitable status, with the provision of modern toilets, flowing water, safe roofs where water will no longer leak into rooms as well as safe electricity. That is what policemen deserve.”

     

    Travails of a failing force

    With a staff strength of almost 400,000, the police is the primary law enforcer and security agency in the country consisting of 36 state commands grouped into 12 zones and seven administrative organs including special units such as the disbanded SARS and newly constituted SWAT.

    Yet salaries of Nigerian policemen are abysmally poor with a recruit earning as low as N9, 000 monthly and N110, 000 annually. Jocelyn Nwiti, a Corporal said she earns N42, 200 per month, Niyi Orunkoyi, an Inspector, said his take-home salary is N78, 478 per month.

    A 2008 Presidential Committee on Police Reform headed by Muhammed Yusuf recommended an estimated N2.8 trillion – or N560 billion annually – to effectively reform the police in five years.

    The Parry Osayande Committee, constituted in 2012 by former President Goodluck Jonathan regime, made similar recommendation, and called for a special fund to transform the NPF which he described as the worst paid in the West African sub-region.

    In November 2018, President Muhammadu Buhari approved an enhanced salary structure for the NPF but more than three years after the approval, police officers say they are yet to receive a pay rise.

    Hostility begets hostility

    The deplorable working conditions have been blamed for police officers’ poor attitude to the job. “Hostile work conditions breed hostile personnel. The slogan, ‘Police is your friend’ is very wrong. How can we be your friend when we are underpaid and our children play and sleep in filth? Many of our children have fewer choices to succeed; they either turn criminals or do police work. Many choose the former and become Yahoo Boys. It’s easier to be a Yahoo Boy (internet fraudster) these days. Many police officers even support their children to do internet fraud. Yes, its as bad as that,” said Nonso Michael, a Lance Corporal.

    According to him, the many policemen resume their shift everyday, very angry, hungry and agitated. “That is why some get trigger happy when provoked. It’s not that they mean to kill but they are not in the right state of mind…And things have worsened since the #EndSARS. Many of us watched our colleagues get slaughtered for no just cause. We are not happy about it,” he said.

    To watch the viral videos of police killings in the wake of the #EndSARS protests was to suddenly explore a dark facet of Nigerian life. Pundits argued that the development was a fallout of the persistent highhandedness and extrajudicial killings of innocent members of the public by the now defunct Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) of the police.

    Police officers, however, admit disillusionment at the backdrop of fears that the incident could make them apathetic on the job and undermine their work ethics.

    Memories of the #EndSARS killings and police impunity dating farther, continually trigger hostility and despair among affected parties.

    For many citizens, particularly bereaved families of slain policemen and victims of extrajudicial killings carried out by the police, the memories are too grisly for comfort, even as some victims receive compensation for their losses.

    The Lagos State Governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu recently compensated the families of six police officers lynched in Lagos State, in the wake of the violence that trailed the #EndSARS protests, with N10 million each, totaling N60 million.  Sanwo-Olu also announced scholarship awards to the children of the deceased officers up to the university level.

    The slain officers include Yaro Edward, an Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP), Inspector Ayodeji Erinfolami, Inspector Aderibigbe Adegbenro, Inspector Samsom Ehibor, Sergeant Bejide Abiodun and Inspector Igoche Cornelius. Sanwo-Olu described the slain officers as “heroes,” saying the deceased sacrificed their lives to secure lives and properties in the State.

    The Lagos State judicial panel hearing cases of police brutality and SARS-related abuses also awarded N10 million each to two victims of police misconduct. Adebayo Abayomi — who received the compensation on behalf of Kudirat, his late mother, who was hit on April 4, 2017, as SARS officers raided the Onipanu area of Lagos.

    Hannah Olugbodi was equally awarded N10 million for being hit by a stray bullet from a SARS officer’s rifle while police unit raided an Ijesha hotel shooting sporadically in the air; the bullet shattered Olugbodi’s left leg and left her in crutches. The duo received their cheques from Doris Okuwobi, chairperson of the panel, who presented the cheques to them on behalf of the Lagos State government.

    Marc Chidiebere Nwadi was also awarded N7.5 million by the panel for his brutalisation by the Nigerian police in 1999. Nwadi first appeared before the panel on Saturday, November 28, 2020, where he testified, without legal counsel, that he was arrested by the police in 1999. He had just arrived in Lagos and he could not find his relative.

    The 39-year-old told the judicial panel how he was detained and  tortured, and later remanded at Kirikiri prison for six years, awaiting trial. This put paid to his dream of becoming a journalist, he said.

    Memories of the #EndSARS killings and police impunity dating farther, continually trigger hostility and despair among affected parties.

    Inspector Edewor brusquely recalled the chain of incidents as a monumental tragedy, stressing that the impact will live with us for a long while.

    The police Inspector is still traumatised by the incident. These days, he drinks “to forget” because the remembrance unnerves him. Edewor may have escaped with no physical hurt but he is undoubtedly one of the several victims of the #EndSARS protest, argued Bisi Ade-Iluyomade, a social psychologist.

    She said, “Most people are battling Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) inflicted by their gruesome experiences in the hands of lawless police officers. On the flipside, we have a very traumatised police force whose orientation to the job has suffered a terrible mutation to an ‘us versus them,’ and ‘we against the world’ mentality. This is very bad for future relations between the police and the public that they were employed to serve.”

    Notwithstanding the hideous work conditions, Sergeant Bulus Maina would never ‘betray’ his uniform and his oath to protect and serve the Nigerian public.

    Just recently, The Nation encountered Maina working against the tide of bad blood and apprehensions about the police. On a Saturday afternoon in Ahmadiyya, Ijaiye, Lagos, Maina moved to save a destitute man sprawled in the middle of the road, in a puddle of spittle and pee.

    From dawn through noon, flies hovered around him, darting back and forth his soiled pants and begrimed face. His soft breath chirred against the hard tarmac, like a dirge of dying locusts.

    But while pedestrians and commuter traffic took great care to avoid him, Maina ventured closer. Good news: he wasn’t dead. But he had neither the strength nor the will to state his own name. He looked starved and spent as if life could depart him any minute.

    Seeing his piteous state, Maina who was attached to the unit manning a roadblock along the bypass hurried to get him a rice meal. But the homeless man was too weak to feed.

    He lifted his hand from its perch in the puddle of urine and proceeded to dip it in the food but Sergeant Maina prevented him from doing so, and instantly crouched to feed him.

    With his belly full, a semblance of spunk spread through his hitherto lifeless body and he identified himself as Johnson Babatunde. Maina went on to get him off the street to the consternation of his colleagues who felt he was exposing himself, recklessly, to possible infection by COVID-19.

    To some, Babatunde was a ticking time-bomb, a deadly pathogen in human form. Others saw him as a “junkie” and “drunk.” Ultimately, he was the creature that must be avoided by the sidewalk, the irritant laying supine, hugging the tarmac as his bed, his urine as bedsheet, and pedestrian scorn as blanket.

    To Maina, however, Babatunde was simply a Nigerian in need, a “deserted husband, a forlorn father, and bankrupt carpenter.” He was a destitute Nigerian in need of help, and Maina endeavoured to feed him, wash him, and get him off the street.

    Now, that is an image of the police we hardly see.

    Some names have been changed to protect interviewees.

  • Oshiomhole at 69: A hero’s celebration

    Oshiomhole at 69: A hero’s celebration

    By John Mayaki

    Adams Aliyu Oshiomhole, the people’s Comrade whose fearlessness and uncompromising devotion to social justice seared the soul of corrupt administrators and endeared him to millions across the globe, resulting in a successful political career that rekindled hopes and faith in democracy as a government of the people, by the people and for the people, has turned 69.

    Born on this day, the 4th of April, in 1952 at Iyamho, a town in Etsako West Local Government Area in Edo North, Adams Oshiomhole rose from a humble background, proverbially picking himself up by the bootstraps, defying difficult odds and exceeding all expectations to become a celebrated national icon, the defender of the downtrodden, and a hero of democracy.

    His parents, themselves the product of personal industry and strong character, placed Adams Oshiomhole on the path of education and imparted important values of hard work, uncompromising integrity, resilience in the face of tribulations, and ambitious strive for greatness guard-railed by contentment to ward off the familiar temptation of greed and unprincipled opportunism. No doubt Oshiomhole learned and imbibed these lessons.

    As a young pupil in primary and secondary school, Adams Oshiomhole fast gained a reputation as an honest, smart, tireless and strong-willed individual whose resolve to acquire knowledge and get more out of life than what his immediate environment had to offer was insurmountable. He was irrepressible, eager to know and never defeated, no matter what.

    After completing his secondary school education, he took a job at the Arewa Textiles company where his personal charisma, leadership qualities, and largeness of heart to look out for the interests of others, especially the small man, even at great personal costs, saw him elected as the union secretary of the union.

    He went on to become a full-time trade organizer in 1975, the same time he fulfilled his dream of securing higher learning by attending the Ruskin College at Oxford, United Kingdom to study Industrial Relations, majoring in Labor Economics. After graduating from the respected institution, Adams Oshiomhole proceeded to the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies [NIPSS] in Plateau state thus becoming a member of the National Institute.

    As a union leader in the textile industry, Adams Oshiomhole advocated and inspired several internal and external reforms that improved working conditions, welfare and trade regulations that spelled a period of unprecedented growth and productivity in the industry.

    Few were surprised in 1982 when Adams Oshiomhole emerged as the General Secretary of the National Union of Textile, Garment and Tailoring Workers of Nigeria, a union with a membership strength of over 75,000 members.

    With democracy restored in 1999 and the vast majority of Nigerian workers in need of an honest, conscientious leader to advance and protect their interests against the excesses and corruption of government, Adams Oshiomhole once again was a unanimous choice, emerging as the President of the Nigeria Labor Congress [NLC], a position that burnished his image as a man of the and the people’s comrade!

    In ‘Adamant Adams’ as Adams Oshiomhole was called in press reports that praised his stubborn refusal to compromise on the demands of Nigerian workers across the country, the Obasanjo-administration found more than its match as the Oshiomhole-led NLC went toe-to-toe with the government on several crucial grounds.

    Convinced that resources of state should be used primarily in the service of the people and that Nigerians deserved a better deal than what the government was offering, Oshiomhole took on the Federal Government and pressed for an increase in the minimum wage, opposed arbitrary fuel price hikes, demanded a raft of actions as outlined by Nigerians workers following nationwide consultations to improve standard of living and revive industries that were left comatose to the detriment of the country’s economy and the people that worked there.

    Notably, and with renewed prescient value now, Adams Oshiomhole as the NLC President queried the neglect of the country’s local oil refineries, and tasked the Obasanjo-administration to end the country’s reliance on refined crude products, a problem that birthed the subsidy racket and Nigeria’s inability to take maximal advantage of high crude prices given that it spent just as much refining the products for local consumption abroad.

    Expectedly, the Obasanjo-administration did not take kindly to Oshiomhole’s consistent challenges and unyielding insistence on complete service to the people. Perhaps it troubled the administration that Adams Oshiomhole gained national and global acclamation as the “People’s President” who better felt and understood the pulse of everyday Nigerians and articulated their yearnings with unmatched eloquence.

    He posed a unique problem to the government because of his high and unflinching integrity. He could not be talked out of his demands neither could he be induced into abandoning the people. For the government, he was a problem money could not solve; he was steadfast, smart and above underhand deals that meant compromising on the errands of the people.

    And so another tactic was hatched, Oshiomhole was marked for extermination, with well-funded security agents, including the secret State Security Service, unleashed on him to break his spirit and intimidate him into silence and oblivion. But the tactic turned out a mistake. Adams Oshiomhole was a man forged by fire – he was never going to bow to bullies!

    He fought until the very end, enduring personal losses, including his freedom, but he remained undeterred. His motivation fueled by the many successes he scored for the common man and the hopes he gave them in the power of democracy and the strength of the people when they mobilize and rally together to pursue a united and common goal.

    Adams was a terrific mobilizer, a charismatic figure who spoke the language of the masses. And so he won, his victory underscored by none other than by the head of the same government he battled into the ground, President Olusegun Obasanjo who attested and expressed respect for the courage and personal integrity of Comrade Adams Oshiomhole.

    Beyond impressed by this, Adams Oshiomhole was called home to Edo State to lead his people. And in 2007, he contested and won the Edo State Governorship election on the platform of the Action Congress of Nigeria. But his victory would be delayed and he returned to the trenches with the people who freely gave him their mandate.

    The PDP grabbed a victory they never earned until the courts ordered a reversal a year later and Oshiomhole was finally propelled to Osadebey Avenue. In the history of Edo State politics, perhaps nothing compared to the organic and statewide outpour of joy, frenzy and celebrations that trailed the restoration of Oshiomhole’s mandate. It was seismic, with tremors felt all across the country. “Hurricane Adams” swept away the PDP and unclasped its grip on the state since 1999.

    As Governor, Adams Oshiomhole rewarded the faith of the people with people-focused policies and unprecedented infrastructure drive that transformed the three senatorial districts of the state. Roads were repaired and constructed, schools were built and equipped with modern facilities, security was improved and peace restored, jobs were created and sustained, investors were invited and seduced into staying by the good, responsive governance on show.

    Little wonder his re-election campaign in 2012 smashed all records as he became the only Governor to be returned to office with a definitive conquest in all 192 wards of the state. His victory was total and complete. It was a rousing rout. The people made a statement; Adams Oshiomhole was no ordinary leader and so he deserves to be returned back to office with a rare feat no one has been able to repeat to date.

    He continued his good works in his second term, particularly a systemic tackling of floods ravaging most parts of the state with a Water Storm Project that earned global commendation for its design and execution.

    In his last days as Governor, Adams Oshiomhole had invited leaders of the All Progressives Congress, the party his initial Action Congress had mutated to in a merger process, to the state to join in the inauguration of key projects as part of events to draw the curtains on a very successful two terms as Governor and to provide an account of his stewardship to the people of Edo State and other interested parties across the country, as he had become a model for effective and transformational governance.

    President Muhammadu Buhari, then the Presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress, was part of the APC leaders that visited the state to join in the inauguration. So impressed was President Buhari at what he saw and the fanatical love of Oshiomhole in the state that he told him he would be needed for continuous and advanced national service after completing his tenure as governor.

    President Buhari made good his promise when in 2018, he rallied behind Adams Oshiomhole to emerge as the National Chairman of the APC. Typical of him, Oshiomhole brought his talents to bear, reforming and repositioning the party, repairing broken ties and resolving internal contentions, and organizing all organs of the party behind its original ideological origins and electoral promise to the Nigerian people. Under his leadership, the party expanded its base of support in the next general elections, with President Buhari winning re-election as President with even greater numbers than he did in the previous election.

    Comrade Adams Oshiomhole’s life is a long and captivating story of resilience, hard work and rewards of integrity. He got his own fair share of life’s tribulations, one of the lowest depths being a painful loss of his first wife, Clara Oshiomhole, to cancer. But each time, he rose again, emerging from the ashes like a phoenix, with broader and adversity-tested wings, flying to even greater heights.

    To his followers, he is a guiding light, a shining example, and rich source of life and professional lessons. Indeed, his doors are open to all anywhere he finds himself in the country and beyond. He is a patriot and statesman who believes that those who love their country can change it.

    “Every country has its own problems and our task is to remind ourselves that Nigeria is for all of us to build,” he once famously said.

    Adams Oshiomhole is nothing short of a hero and as he turns 69 today, we congratulate and celebrate him, even as we pray to God to grant him good health so he continues his service to country and mankind.

    • Mayaki is an archivist, historian, documentalist, communication, culture and media expert (Coventry University, England).

     

  • TROUBLE IN THE KINGDOM: Search for new Olu of Warri polarises Itsekiri

    TROUBLE IN THE KINGDOM: Search for new Olu of Warri polarises Itsekiri

    Three months after the Olu of Warri Ogiame Ikenwoli joined his ancestors the news of his transition is yet to be formally relayed to the Itsekiri people. Even though the process to pick a successor has officially commenced it is being bogged down by intrigues and succession politics. Southsouth Regional Editor, Shola O’Neil, in this report deconstructs issues shaping the race, and why the underground current of fear and suspicion among two contending groups is threatening the process and the pushing the kingdom to the brink of collapse. 

    • Olu has ‘not’ joined his ancestors – Ologbotsere

    • Reigns of Atuwatse II and Ikenwoli x-rayed

    • Influence of deities, personalities

    The Itsekiri people, found in Warri South, Southwest and North local government areas in Delta State, but also scattered along communities and enclaves in other parts of the state as well as Edo State, are a close-knit group that takes pride in their common language (without any dialect) and united under the assured lordship of the Ogiame Olu of Warri.  In their affairs, the Olu emits an aura of infallibility and incontrovertibility, which is second only to God. He is the afomasin (one whose pronouncement cannot be invalidated). The Ogiame is the custodian of Itsekiri history, culture, custom and tradition. He is an epitome of honesty and fairness who encompasses everything they hold dear and is the centripetal force that dictates the motion of the tribe.

    Under the 19th and 20th Olus (Ogiame Atuwatse II and Ikenwoli) – this godlike aura around the throne has come under intense scrutiny, to the extent of being queried and demystified. The former, who reigned from 1986 to 2015, contended with many internal and external crises, including a costly tribal war with the numerically advantaged Ijaw ethnic group, which led to the loss of thousands of Itsekiri lives, as well as unquantifiable material and land losses. Itsekiri nation lost communities to the devastating forces of powerful Ijaw warlords; hundreds of other communities destroyed, those that were not totally overrun were abandoned and have remained desolate nearly two decades after. Atuwatse II was criticized for not using his vast fortune and influence to help the resettlement of thousands of families who fled their homes, and some have remained displaced unable to pick back the pieces of their lives again.

    The 19th Olu also flirted with a forced abdication of the throne when he attempted to impose Christianity on his subject and the throne in the infamous September 2013 ‘Royal Edict’ saga. The edict, among others, abolished the title of Ogiame (King of the River); stopped the performance of obeisance to the king, and banned the singing of the Ara Olorire (Itsekiri anthem), which eulogizes and affirms the Olu as a king. The edict also banned rituals and traditional rites that he considered ungodly.

    The 4th September 2013 declaration states: “Today, I renounce our allegiance to the Umalokun (god of the rivers) and other gods of the sea. I also repent from the title of Ogiame that my ancestors and I have borne as it connotes our allegiance to Umalokun and other deities of the sea, all of which are false.”

    The people said NO and their refusal set the tone for week-long resistance and occupation of the Aghofen (palace) by thousands of his subjects and representatives from all Itsekiri communities. The declaration and resistance shook and reverberated everywhere Itsekiris son and daughters live across the world to the extent that even his close allies and palace chiefs joined in the four-day protest and occupation of his palace. The protesters urged him to repeal the vexing edict or abdicate the throne. Beyond the edict, the peoples’ anger stemmed from long time disenchantment with the monarch’s style and perceived aloofness to their plights.

    Faced with the grim prospect of being forced out, Atuwatse II baulked and recanted the edict. He expunged every item on the contentious list, much to the joy of his opponents, but there was angst from Christian leaders, who had supported his move to make Christianity Itsekiri’s official religion.

    The unquestionable king had gone face-to-face with his subject and lost! Was the Afo masin demystified? “The answer is capital no,” Mr Amorighoye Sunny Mene, Benin-based educationist and member of the Itsekiri Leaders of Thought, told our reporter in response to inquiry on the matter.

    “For the pronouncement of the Olu to be irrevocable, there is a process that it must go through. That is why we (Itsekiri) would say before the ofo (word) becomes masin (incontrovertible), it must have gone through processes, which include its review by the inner caucus of the palace, Chiefs and others. That edict did not follow this trajectory, therefore, you cannot say the Afomasin has been demystified,” Mene told this reporter in 2013

    If the stool didn’t unravel, the Itsekiri monarchy and Ogiame Atuwatse, one of the most influential Olu in modern Itsekiri history was exposed. He joined his ancestors two years later. It was hard to tell if his death was quickened by the bruises of failing to instill his will on the people who he ruled for 28 years, or other causes.

    Ikenwoli, the Albatross of Ologbotsere, deities

    It was against that backdrop that Ogiame Ikenwoli ascension of the throne came with high hopes and expectations from his people. He arose to the throne on the hope of being a reformer of Itsekiri customs, culture and tradition that were relegated during his predecessor’s reign and he was expected return Itsekiri land to its age-long traditional practices.

    He was touted as the gods-chosen successor to his father, Ogiame Erejuwa II in 1986, and when he was overlooked by powerful forces in the kingdom in favour of Godwin Toristeju (Ogiame Atuwatse II), some felt the process was rigged.  Then the gods turned to him in 2015 and Itsekiri ethnic nation heaved a sigh of relief. His supporters said Ikenwoli had come to wipe out evil from the kingdom. He was expected to heal and restore order in the land, especially in Ugborodo, one of the richest in the kingdom, where a few live in astounding opulence at the detriment of the majority who wallow in penury.

    A year into his reign some of his most ardent supporters became disenchanted. There were whispers that the king had been pocketed by a few persons, from the first day when a chief stealthily guided him to pick a virgin uda (sword) in Ode-Itsekiri on the first day of his reign.

    “The new king was expected to be led by the gods (spirits) to choose a mace used by any past Olu, which would in turn indicate the name and direction of his reign. A virgin sword is usually added to those on display; if a monarch picks a fresh mace, he would then be known by his given-name. These processes are believed to be directed by the ancestors and that is why the monarch is usually blindfolded before being led to the row of ancient swords.”

    On 12th December 2015, an influential traditional titleholder was said to have surreptitiously guided the monarch towards the new uda and then ensured that his hand rested on the gleaming golden emblem of his office. Thereafter, shouts of ‘Ogiame suo ooo’ rented the air and Ikenwoli was announced as his official name. Keen watchers of what transpired were distinctly unimpressed, especially because of the owner of the hand behind the move. Chief Ayirimi Emami, was one of the closest bodies to the king on the day.

    The crack in the kingdom was brought to the fore when Ikenwoli, before the second anniversary of his coronation, ‘chose’ Emami as Ologbotsere, the highest ranking chief and one of the most powerful members of the Council of Chiefs. The last Ologbotsere was Chief Ogbemi N. Rewane, the no-nonsense older brother of Chief Alfred Rewane, the industrialist and NADECO chieftain. It was remarkable that the last public duty Rewane performed was the crowning of Ogiame Atuwatse II in May 1987. He died before the first anniversary of the monarch, who reigned for 28 years without an Ologbotsere. Some said it was a deft move to tighten his grip on power. Whatever his motive was Atuwatse II avoided the backlash that greeted his successor’s choice because although he reigned without Ologbotsere, he relied on the wisdoms and counsels of the Iyatsere, Chief Gabriel Mabiaku; the Otsodi, Chief Joseph Popo and many others. Reports of disagreements with these trusted inner members of his ‘cabinet’ were never made public.

    When the 19th Olu joined his ancestors in 2015, Chief Tesigiweno Yahya Pessu, the Ojomo of Warri Kingdom and oldest serving member of the Olu Advisory Council, ‘acted’ the role of Ologbotsere. He midwifed the process that produced a successor, until the final day when the golden crown was placed on the head of Ikenwoli by the Olare-Aja of Jakpa, Pa Ajofotan Oparokun. The octogenarian Pessu had borne the weight of the entire process on his aged shoulder for several months and sources said his ambition afterwards was to be named Ologbotsere by Ikenwoli.

    He was not alone in dreaming of the title. Chief Oma Eyewuoma, an oil magnate who retired as a director of CONOIL Nigeria Limited, and Chief Ayiri Emami, all from Iye stock of Ologbotsere family craved it.  But Chief Emami was viewed by many as a candidate with neither the experience nor the temperament for the position. Added to this was the fact that he was one of the youngest chiefs (both in age and investiture).

    Chief Emami, Chairman/CEO of A&E Group, an effervescent business mogul and chieftain of the All Progressive Congress (APC), is loved and unloved in almost equal measures by his supporters and opponents respectively within and beyond. He was made Ajuwaojiboyemi of Warri by Atuwatse II in April 2012, taking his late father’s seat in the kingdom

    Ironically, it was gathered that Ikenwoli was among Itsekiri leaders who kicked against the installation of Emami as a chief in 2012. In a volte-face, five years later, and before his second-year of his reign, he presented Emami as the kingdom’s highest ranking chief to the nation. Expectedly, he came under intense and scathing criticism for this. Those with knowledge of the matter said Emami thawed the king’s heart and became an integral part of his reign with his services before, during and after his 2015 coronation. A section of the kingdom refused to be swayed.

    Ikenwoli’s Spokesperson, Prince Oluyemi Emiko, while defending the monarch in a chat with this reporter in 2017, said the decision was not the monarch’s to make. “The Olu,” he said, “does not choose an Ologbotsere; he only works on the recommendation of the family,”

    Yemi said the issue surrounding the outcry against Emami’s as Ologbotesere was political. “Chief Emami is a known member of the APC and those instigating and mobilizing the protests are prominent members of the PDP. The family brought out the names and they decided that one is from a female lineage. So why are they trying to whip up issues?”

    Ikenwoli was forced into defending his action, “nobody should be aggrieved by the installation of Chief Ayirimi Emami; Ologbotsere is a family title and not a national issue.” He said Emami was qualified and chosen on his merit.

    The fractures resulting from that ‘family title’ divided the kingdom and the fault-lines surfaced communities, widening until the last days of Ikenwoli’s reign. Many notable chiefs boycotted social, cultural and traditional events at the palace.

    DID THE DEITIES FAIL IKENWOLI?

    For the traditionalists in the kingdom, Ogiame Ikenwoli lived up to his projection as a reformer of the traditional and cultural values of Iwere land. Shrines, deities and gods that were abandoned during 28-year reign of Atuwatse II got breaths of life. The Ogbowuru building, one of the oldest and most significant in Ode-Itsekiri, and seat of a deity, was reopened along with others in several communities. Yet, they failed to uplift the spirit or mood of a faction towards the king.

    The climax of some of his subjects’ disappointment in his reign was the manner and time of his transition. At just five years and a week on the exalted throne, the 20th Olu’s reign is the shortest in modern era.

    He joined his ancestors at a private hospital (names withheld) in Warri, on December 20, 2020, from what sources said was ‘possible complications from covid-19’, which he contacted during a lavish 5th year coronation anniversary celebrations. The ceremony was held against prevailing mood and counsels of some prominent members of his kingdom.

    “At a time when Nigeria, like the rest of the world, was battling the deadly corona virus we felt it was in bad taste to hold a lavish and crowd-pulling ceremony. The Olu, as leader of the people, should show good example by avoiding crowded places. The people that he listened to thought otherwise and they rolled out carpet to welcome people from various background including military chiefs, at a time when the dreaded COVID-19 was ravaging the military,” a member of the council said.

    But for others, there is more to the transition of the monarch than meet the eyes. “It is unusual for an Olu to transit as he did. For a traditionalist who opened up the deities and revered the gods, he couldn’t have died like that without a cause. There is more to it,” a community leader said. The line was toed by younger source who hinted that Ebura (ancestral deities) played a role in happenings in the lives of the people, especially for a king who swore allegiance to such gods.

    “If you remember, one of the last rites of the coronation of an Olu is the swearing of oaths; the king would go before the Itsekiri gods and swore never to betray the confidence reposed in him or do anything that is against the wish of the people while the people did their part. For him to die so soon could be because something went wrong somewhere and we should bife (ask the gods) very well, not in half measures,” our source added.

    OGIAME IKENWOLI WAS MISMANAGED – CHIEF LORI-OGBEBOR

    A furious Chief Rita Lori-Ogbebor, the Igba of Warri, fingered the monarch’s handlers for the manner of his transition. In a petition authored by an Abuja-based legal firm on her behest, she questioned the monarch’s handling by some persons. In the document obtained by our reporter she accused a trio of the late monarch’s closest confidantes and family members of irresponsibility.

    “Sequel to the widely circulating news … over the demise of His Royal Majesty, Ogiame Ikenwoli, on or about 20th day of December, our client (Chief Lori-Ogbebor) was mandated to immediately travel from Lagos to Warri as is mandatory for a chief of the palace,” the petition stated.

    The document alleged that the monarch was exposed to “situations and circumstances that were flagrantly in violation of COVID-19 protocols, allowed to attend prolonged social gatherings and meet with visitors some of whom were later found to be infected with the virus and also died.”

    Chief Robinson Ariyo, the Egogo of Warri, was named in the document as one of the chiefs who were unhappy with the handling of the monarch’s affair by the trio listed. Ariyo, when contacted, was noncommittal, even though he affirmed existence of the said petition.

    “I am not aware that anything has happened (to the king). The truth of the matter and where we are now (is that) there are very few people who have the mandate to speak publicly and those are the palace administrator and a few other persons. I need to get clearance from them (before I can speak),” he said. He was yet to get back to us three days after before press time.

    SEARCH FOR SUCCESSOR – THE INTERESTS, INTRIGUES

    Despite tight-lips from Ariyo and other Itsekiri leaders, Sunday Nation reliably gathered that frantic efforts were being made to produce a successor. The kingdom’s leader would rely on a 40-year-old document (Bendel State Gazette of September 1979), which lists conditions to be met before a candidate is named successors to a late Olu.

    The Ologbotsere, who was contacted about process to install a 21st Olu, was apparently not impressed by our inquisitiveness on Tuesday afternoon. He threatened to sue the paper for publishing reports about the transition of the monarch. He said he had intimated a very prominent person related to Vintage Press Limited about his threat. “Have I told you that the monarch has passed on? So why are you asking about the palace? Have you been invited to an Alejefun (traditional rite) where the death of the monarch is announced in Ode-Itsekiri)?”

    However, various other sources, including high ranking chiefs confirmed transition of Ogiame Ikenwoli, in confidence, stressing that official notice would only be made after processes are completed.”

    “It is only when a successor has been chosen and has gone through all the processes and is fully accepted to the oracles that the announcement of the Olu’s joining his ancestors can be made in Ode-Itsekiri (Big Warri). Then his successor can be declared as an Omoba (Olu-elect). But for now, no true-born Itsekiri will acknowledge the fact that Olu has transited,” a source said.

    Sunday Nation’s investigation revealed that the controversies that surrounded the reigns of the 19th and 20th Olus have become albatrosses in the search for the 21st.  Some interest groups are angling to play key roles in the process. Some individuals and leaders who felt aggrieved when Emami was named Ologbotsere are also poised to make their points by ensuring that he exhibits no influence in the process.

    Mr. Emmanuel Okotie-Eboh, scion of former Minister of Finance, Festus Okotie-Eboh, was chosen as Olori-Ebi (head of the ruling house), to execute the process. His appointment has also been enmeshed in a controversy of its own, which he refused to acknowledge in a short telephone chat with our reporter. It was learnt that one of those who was overlooked in the search of Olori-Ebi has challenged Okotie-Eboh’s position.

    Mr. Akoma Dudu who was bypassed (because his claim to the position is through a female parentage) in favour of Okotie-Eboh, has declared himself the Olori-Ebe. In a letter dated 19th February 2021, Dudu claimed: “I am Pa Akoma Dudu of the Iye descendant. I am the Olori-ebi of Ginuwa Ruling House.” This was seen as a clear move to counter the Okotie-Eboh’s process and the candidate that emerges therefrom.

    A source with knowledge of happenings behind the scene confided that a large section of the kingdom now favours the first son of Atuwatse II, Prince Tsola Emiko. Tsola who married the daughter of Bini business mogul, Capt Hosa Okunbor, in 2014, was knocked out of the race to succeed his father on the basis of his birth – having a Yoruba mother – in 2015.

    The second paragraph of the 1979 official document states: “Succession is limited to Olu’s Company i.e. descendants of the last three Olus (Otolus)… ordinarily, succession passes to a son of a demised Olu, failing which a suitable member of the Otolus provided that brothers are preferred to uncles and uncles to grandsons and grandsons are preferred to other relatives within the Otolus. Females are absolutely barred.”

    The 4th paragraph states: “To qualify a candidate’s mother must be an Itsekiri or of Edo origin and his father must be Itsekiri.”

    ORACLE, DEITIES AND SUCCESSION LAW

    It was against the backdrop of the above clauses that the emergence of Tsola is generating more uproar, despite some stakeholders’ insistence that he has been chosen by the oracle. A usually reliable source on the matter said: “Seventeen eligible male children were presented to and rejected by the ife. As the search continued, it was decided that that the name of Prince Tsola should also be considered among those to be sent to the oracle, since all the eligible ones had been considered but rejected by the uncle. Tsola’s name was accepted by the (Ife) oracle.”

    Other aspirant in the race are Oyeowoli (Ikenwoli’s son), who is reportedly favoured by the Ologbotsere; Jaiye Emiko son of Erejuwa (18th Olu), Samuel Gbesimi Emiko, and Bernard Emiko, the only Muslim in the race and Ikenwoli’s younger brother, who faced a steep climb on the road to the throne because his Muslim background.

    In a video clip exclusively obtained by our reporter, the chief priest of the oracle swore by the gods that Tsola was the oracles’ choice. Speaking in Itsekiri, he said at least a dozen others were rejected, for various reasons.  “There was a warning that the kingdom will be destroyed if a particular candidate was chosen. So we used Tsola’s name (swearing by egbejugbele deity), I don’t know him, I have not met him. But the oracle also warned that he should be cautioned about his stubborn mindset.”

    The chief priest cautioned the nation on the influence of money before declaring that if the kingdom accepts Prince Tsola, normalcy and progress would be restored. He further disclosed that one of the candidates would die if he is forced on the people. The chief priest’s avowal has not satisfied doubters who fear that the hands of the gods are being guided by men.

    “The normal tradition is that those who would consult the oracle should first present themselves to Umale Orugbo (Orugbo shrine) and swear that they would be above board in their duties, but these people have refused to do this. It is not enough to swear by any deity, but do the first thing, go to Orugbo (a riverside community) and swear to be truthful and honest in the quest in front of the shrine.”

    Our investigation revealed that the Orugbo shrine is feared among local religion practitioners because of its swift dispensation of justice and death to offenders.

    In spite of that, Sunday Nation is aware that final push is being made for Tsola. Okotie-Eboh, who is the widely accepted Olori-Ebi, wrote to the Ologbotsere to intimate him about the outcome of the oracle. But a photograph obtained by our reporter revealed how the letter was publicly shredded and returned via the same courier to the Olori-Ebi.  Okotie-Eboh would not be drawn to this issue during a telephone chat on Wednesday.

    A source at the scene insisted that the Itsekiri Prime Minister took the action in protest. “It is procedurally wrong for the Olori-Ebi to invite the Prime Minister to a meeting. He ought to seek permission to meet with him (Ologbotsere) at his convenience; that is the right thing to do as per the Gazette, which is explicit on the roles of the Ologbotsere, and he does not deserve to be treated the way he was.”

    Another source said the action of the Ologbotsere was the manifestation of the underground power play surrounding the factions for a role in the emergence of the Olu and by extension the influence they would have in is reign.

    “The Ologbotsere and his friend, Chief Thomas Ereyitomi (member representing Warri Federal Constituency in the House of Representative) have a bias for Prince Oyowoli, the son of the late Ikenwoli. Prince Tsola Emiko, on the other hand, is promoted by some chiefs and politicians, including former House of Representatives member, Mr Daniel Reyenieju (who Ereyitomi unseated in 2019), his close associate, Mr David Tonwe, among others close to the 19th Olu and father of Tsola. The two factions have their agenda – real or perceived – and partisan politics and political ambition of the actors cannot be ruled out. Those against Prince Tsola are afraid that he could be used by his backers against their opponent and vice versa.”

    Keen watchers of the unfolding drama in the kingdom are apprehensive that the matters could end up in protracted legal tussle, especially in view of the 1979 law which is explicit in choosing and crowning an Olu.

    Specifically, one source identified the use of an oracle to determine ‘acceptability’ as troubling clause in the law. “The Customary Law is clear, yet we now hear that a prince born by a Yoruba mother has been chosen by the oracle, even though that same prince was rejected on the basis of his mother’s background when he was naturally the front runner in 2015! The oracles don’t speak; they rely on priests, who could be manipulated by men. If the oracle knew he is qualified, why was he rejected five years ago?”

    “Again, the issue is not whether the oracles accepts a candidate or not, but can his name be legitimately considered after failing the first step that state his mother must come from a tribe or the other?”

    Feelers from Delta State Government House also points to concern by Governor Ifeanyi Okowa, who is said to be keeping a close tab on the events. “The governor has told those involved that the right thing must be done in line with laid down laws and guidelines.”

    At the time of concluding this report on Wednesday morning, an eerie calm pervades the kingdom, partly from the events and the death of two prominent chiefs, Chief Nelson Tetsola and Florence Rewane. The deaths added to the burden of a weary nation that is waiting to know who their next king would be.

    On the bright side, the Itsekiri Leaders of Thought (ILOT), a respected apolitical organ in the affairs of Itsekiri, led by Chief Edward Ekpoko, a lawyer, has taken up the task of restoring peace among all interests. Ekpoko, who was contacted by our reporter on Wednesday, confirmed that ILOT was searching for ‘amiable solution among interest groups in the kingdom. We are engaging all stakeholders as part of our peace advocacy approach towards breaking the impasse.”

    History is on the ILOT leader’s sail. Itsekiris are known to be a resilient people with a penchant for putting personal interests aside when pressing issues that affect their tribe are at stake. But whether the egos, personalities and agendas of today’s protagonists would allow them clear sight will ultimately be seen in how the issues are resolved.

    On his part, Chief Emami, amidst his outburst during his short telephone chat with our reporter on Tuesday evening, had hinted of his determination to lead by example: “The Itsekiri interests will always be greater than mine or those of anybody,” he said

  • IPODO…where drug dealers harvest  pleasure, profit from little girls’ bodies

    IPODO…where drug dealers harvest pleasure, profit from little girls’ bodies

    By Olatunji OLOLADE, Associate Editor

    • Underage sex, crack cocaine available for a token

    • Tracking hard drugs to Lagos from international highways

    • Meet the policeman who takes his six-year-old twin sons to crack joint

    This is the dream of a Lagos crack dealer: to see the sun rise daily in its silvery splendour while the city stirs to hustle and thrill seekers pursue a new kind of “jonzing.”

    His name is Kola but “customers” call him O’ngbana. At 49, O’ngbana swaggers through Ipodo like a cocky prince of the barrio. Amid the shanty in Ikeja, Lagos, he made a killing everyday until COVID-19 struck, dwindling patronage to a trickle.

    Business is at a scary low. A dribble here, a trickle there, makes O’ngbana very worried. “People don’t have money to eat let alone smoke crack (adulterated cocaine). But I have my loyal customers. Come rain or shine, they will always show up,” he said, and forlornly recalled the glory days of his hustle, when he made as much as N10, 000 in a day and about N50, 000 in a week, dealing crack and Indian Hemp.

    Before the pandemic, O’ngbana enjoyed cozy patronage as “students, teenagers commercial sex workers, street urchins, police officers and soldiers” thronged his stall for their daily fix. “Patronage often increased around midnight, especially on weekends, when customers (persons with drug dependence) sought me out,” he said.

    Proudly asserting his dominance in the seedy settlement, he led me down a rough tract into an alley, explaining how to locate him on a week day and a weekend. We walked down Ipodo’s dingy streets into a decrepit shed built as an outcrop from a begrimed bungalow.

    Outside, a smothering stench clung to the air, like a warning through the maze of heads and bloodshot eyes, burning holes into our frames. Inside, a  stunning stash of drugs — crack cocaine, ecstasy, heroin, authentic cannabis and its clones shimmered atop a wooden table. The hard drugs are designed to mimic the effects of Schedule I and II substances like unadulterated cocaine, heroin and amphetamines — and every single one of them is illegal.

    At the extreme left of the joint, a buxom girl crushed rocks of crack and ecstasy pills into a fine powder. Skillfully, she mixed them with cannabis and dusted the powder with a plastic spoon into jars containing psychotropic brews including omi gota (Gutter Juice), colorado, pamilerin.

    The owner of the lab, Ralph, who recognised me from a previous encounter at O’ngbana’s stall, approached me with a smile. He was eager to transact a prospective business venture – though fictive – with me. He relished the idea of supplying N80, 000 worth of crack and heroin for a supposed bachelor’s eve party for my best friend. “I will be expecting you,” he enthused as we departed his den.

    It was enlightening to watch Ralph work. He presided over his den with studious attention. Nothing evaded him. Within the five minutes that we spent in his den, he sold N38, 000 worth of hard drugs.

    O’ngbana revealed, that, having conducted due diligence on me, Ralph concluded that I wasn’t a cop hence his acceptance of my patronage. “Everybody here is wary of new faces. Nobody wants trouble from undercover drug police,” said O’ngbana.

    But for all his street smarts, O’ngbana has been reduced to just a middle man, a dispensable fragment of the Ipodo drug trafficking network. “The pandemic has ruined everything. I have lost the high level contacts that I struggled to build in the past four years. But I will get out of this place soon,” he said, vowing to join the big league in Europe and South America.

    Until then, the 49-year-old would focus on getting by and staying alive. To achieve this, he keeps a mane of menacing wit and killer instinct to lionise his feeble frame against the street elements.

    It’s a necessary performance of will cum survival in Ipodo, a neighbourhood brimming with drug dealers, cutthroat rivals, unforgiving henchmen, suicidal customers and corrupt law enforcers.

    “These days, I have resorted to hooking customers up with dealers. This barely fetches me N3, 000 in a week,” he said, stressing that the most sensible thing he had done in recent times, was to use his earnings to acquire an “oloso” (commercial sex hawker), whom he apprenticed to a madame and Ralph, a crack dealer. Her name is Happiness and she is 14-years-old.

    “I have invested over N30, 000 on her. But she is a fast learner. My friend, who is her boss said she has brought in more clients than bonafide members of his crew and the freelancers he employs to deal drugs,” said O’ngbana.

    There is no gainsaying Happiness has learned to play her part; the blithesome sheaf of spunk and baby fat exchanges sex for money while simultaneously dealing crack cocaine and heroin to some of her customers.

    A drug dealer
    mixes gutter juice
    with cocaine
    purchased in Ipodo

    At our first encounter, she sashayed, flailing like a rag doll bound in an extremely tight camisole and undersized skirt. Happiness hustled like a street-wise cougar. Striking a pose outside KO’s Gardens, a brothel, she canvassed for male customers promising to fulfill every fantasy and its fruits.

    Soon after she emerged from her room with a customer, she sidled beside a a middle-aged man sipping beer at a table by the brothel’s entrance. Happiness sat beside him teasing him with a smile.

    Sparse dialogue, crushing banality, you simply dismiss the likelihood of anything happening until she leaned in and reached for his member, tracing her fingers along its length “in search of the cap.”

    Seguing from street pidgin to neat English, she said, “Na street sense na,” she said, bragging that no man could refuse her “magic fingers” and teen-hellcat poise.

    “Some men are sick like that,” she segued to neater English. “Many of my customers pick me because I am a small girl and I am very good. But I know what I am doing. I hope to make enough money to buy my freedom and set up a small business,” she said.

    Until then, Happiness will serve as a sex slave to O’ngbana because he “saved” her from the streets and took good care of her. For instance, at her arrival in Ipodo, he introduced her to a madame who gave her “hustle clothing” (skimpy wears) for free.  He also negotiated on her behalf, an arrangement whereby she was exempted from paying the mandatory N3, 000 daily rent of the tiny room where she sleeps with customers for money.

    O’ngbana’s relationship with her is, however, guided by street wisdom. He knows he could only sell a rock of crack once to a customer or hook the latter up with a dealer for a paltry commission – and that is subject to drug demand and availability.

    But he profits off Happiness multiple times a day, by pimping her off to different customers, seven or eight times a day.

    A small rock of adulterated cocaine aka crack sells at N500 to N1, 000. But O’ngbana pimps Happiness to customers at N1, 500 per romp – often called three or five minute ‘short time.’

    Together with O’ngbana, the 14-year-old oils the wheels, and powers the chug chug of Ipodo’s narcotics sales engine and sex trafficking network. But teacher and student, pimp and sex worker, are mere fragments of the menacing underworld that controls and feeds Lagosians’ lust for hard drugs.

    At our first encounter, Happiness confidently laid her hands on me, stating, “Come, let me blow your mind.” At our second encounter, she suggested that we doped on gbana (crack cocaine) promising to “bless” me with heavenly delight. “I will take you to celestial heights,” she said.

    Asides hustling on the street and luring men into her dingy bed at KO’s Garden, a brothel, Happiness sells hard drugs to some of her customers. Sometimes, when business is hard, she requests a split in the cost of her sexual services, taking N1, 000 cash and between N500 to N1, 000 worth of crack. Officially, she declares N1, 500 as her earning on each customer, “But I often make more than that. Some pay me N2, 000, N3, 000. When I see complete mugu, I collect N5, 000 for short-time,” she said.

     

    Invisible in plain sight

    Happiness is simply one of several youths trapped in the rapture of hallucinogenic substances but ignored in plain sight by regulatory authorities. Between 2018 and 2019, nearly 15% of Nigeria’s adult population (around 14.3 million people) reported a “considerable level” of use of psychotropic drug substances, a rate much higher than the 2016 global average of 5.6% among adults.

    The survey was led by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) and the Centre for Research and Information on Substance Abuse with technical support from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and funding from the European Union.

    It showed the highest levels of drug use was recorded among people aged between 25 to 39, with cannabis being the most widely used drug. Sedatives, heroin, cocaine and the non-medical use of prescription opioids were also noted. The survey excluded the use of tobacoo and alcohol.

    It also excluded teenagers like Happiness mired in the stark wilderness of prostitution and the dangerous highs of crack cocaine.

    Crack cocaine
    seized by the NDLEA

    Few people would forget in a hurry, the heartrending story of Lizzy, the 26-year-old with a dependence on crack cocaine until her rescue by Dr. Tony Rapu, the founder of Freedom Foundation, an anti-drug dependence non governmental organisation (NGO).

    Lizzy said she had been taking crack cocaine and living with her captors for seven years before she was rescued by Rapu.

    She explained that she developed a hankering for cocaine seven years ago, while smoking weed with her boyfriend. The latter, she said, eventually revealed to her that he had been mixing her wraps with cocaine to her surprise, but it was too late as she got addicted.

     

    Extent of drug use by geopolitical zones

     

    There is no gainsaying many a life has been destroyed amid the bowels and drug dens of Ipodo, where crack cocaine and heroin are fast becoming a teen addiction and a fancy addition to the now ubiquitous psychotropic potions like gutter juice, pamilerin, colorado and so on widely accessed by youths across Lagos.

     

    Of the regions included in the NBS and UNODC study, Lagos and Oyo in the South-West recorded a higher past-year prevalence of drug use among the southern geopolitical zones (at range 13.8 per cent to 22.4 per cent) compared to the northern geopolitical zones (range 10 per cent-13.6 per cent).

    With approximately 6.4 million people aged 15-64 residing in Lagos State, the estimated past year prevalence of any drug use in South-West zone was established as nearly twice the national prevalence – an estimated 22.4 per cent or 4.38 million people of the Lagos population aged 15-64 had used drugs in the past year.

     

    How do hard drugs get to the streets of Lagos?

     

    There are several ways of getting cocaine from South America to Europe via Lagos, West Africa. In the past, there had been three main hubs in West Africa for receipt and redistribution of the cocaine shipments:  The northern hub, radiating from Guinea-Bissau, Guinea, The Gambia, and Senegal. The southern hub, centered on Nigeria, including Benin, Togo, and Ghana. And an eastern hub, encompassing Mali and parts of Mauritania, of particular use in receiving consignments by air.

    Once in West Africa, the drugs proceed to Europe along a number of routes. In the past, traffickers relied on large mother ships that offloaded cocaine onto smaller coastal craft.  Commercial air couriers can carry only small amounts, but their frequent use can offset this deficiency, and they also allow for great flexibility, moving drugs from any country in the region to any European destination.

    Cocaine shipments can also be trafficked onward by sea or by land across the Sahara to North Africa, where they are flown to Europe in light aircraft or shuttled across the Mediterranean in go-fast boats. As with the Atlantic routes, all of these approaches are utilized in parallel, with the preferred technique and routing changing in response to law enforcement efforts.

    Due to the free movement of people and goods throughout the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) region, drugs are often routed through member states without the hindrances of border controls.

    The drive from Lagos (Nigeria) through Cotonou (Benin) and Lome (Togo) to Accra (Ghana), for instance, is less than 500 km and can be completed in one day. Guinea- Bissau, one of the primary countries of ingress for cocaine, lacks commercial air links to the destination markets, and connections from Banjul (The Gambia) are not much better. As a result, most air couriers in the north depart from Dakar (Senegal) or Conakry (Guinea).

    Sachets of Cannabis
    •Sachets of Cannabis available at N100 each in Ipodo

    On arrival in Europe, the drugs may be sold to European or South American crime groups, or distributed through the extensive network of West Africans involved in retail cocaine distribution.

    South American cocaine transiting West Africa, however, comes from all three source countries: Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia.

    Setbacks in West Africa and the opportunities in Honduras after the 2009 coup led Venezuela-based traffickers to shift their attention to the US market. But if the flow from Venezuela has declined, where is West Africa getting its cocaine?

    Brazil may be the answer, particularly for West African- owned shipments. Brazil has long been a source for Lusophone Guinea-Bissau but it has since become a source for countries throughout the region. The amount of cocaine trafficked to and through Brazil has increased remarkably in recent years, as reflected in growing seizure statistics.

    Gbenga Mabo, the Director of Operations and Investigations of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) said in a recent interview that more than 80 per cent of the cocaine that comes into Nigeria comes from Brazil, through Highway 10.

    He argued that because Brazil is surrounded by Peru, Bolivia, Chile and others, a lot of cocaine gets into the country, and a syndicate of Nigerians operating in Brazil smuggles the hard drug into Lagos.

    Nigerians have long dominated commercial air couriering from Brazil: close to 90% of the mules arrested at the international airport in Sao Paulo report obtaining their cocaine from Nigerian groups.

    According to liaison officers in Brazil, Nigerian groups organize up to 30% of the cocaine exports by ship or container from Santos, Brazil’s largest port, up from negligible levels a few years earlier. The Sao Paulo-based Nigerian groups are also responsible for a very large share of the postal shipments of cocaine leaving the country.

    Amoo Kolawole, 51, for instance, got caught while trafficking cocaine from Lagos through Europe for a Nigerian syndicate. He was arrested while travelling by rail between Switzerland and France. The First Class graduate of Electrical/Electronic Engineering with a specialisation in Communications Control and Devices refused to embark on the mandatory National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) programme on graduation and instead chose to become a drug mule.

    Speaking to The Nation at his base in London, he said, “Due to my desperation to travel out, I joined a bad crew. With their help, I started trafficking cocaine. I got caught trafficking cocaine at the frontier between Switzerland and France. I got caught on a train. I was taken to a hospital and the cocaine I ingested was discovered in me after they opened my stomach. I was very lucky because some of it had spilled into my stomach. Consequently, I spent three years in a French prison.”

     

    A blizzard of seizures

     

    Recently, the NDLEA seized a consignment of cocaine and heroin worth N30 billion at the Murtala Muhammed International Airport, in Lagos. The spokesman of the agency, Jonah Achema, revealed that the drugs were seized from Onyejegbu Ifesinachi Jennifer, a 33-year-old lady, who arrived Nigeria from Sao Paulo, Brazil.

    According to him, the seizure weighing 26.840 kilograms is the biggest single seizure from an individual in the past 15 years. Achema said that the drugs were seized after she was searched in line with NDLEA protocol profiling passengers “from high risk countries”.

    •These capsules of cocaine were seized from a smuggler by the NDLEA at the Airport
    •These capsules of cocaine were seized from a smuggler by the NDLEA at the Airport

    “Field test was conducted on the recovered substances and proved positive to cocaine and weighed 26.850 kilograms. The suspect who is a hair stylist and based in Brazil was interviewed and she confessed to have agreed to smuggle the hard drug for the sum of N2m only,” said Achema.

    This development came on the heels of a similar one recorded two days earlier at the same airport, on January 25, 2021 when a red left-over luggage was declared to the NDLEA operatives as a left over at the E-Arrival hall after the inward clearance of passengers on Ethiopian airline.

    Based on information on the luggage tag, the luggage arrived Nigeria from Sao Paulo, Brazil, a destination classified as high-risk country going by records and trends of arrest and seizures.

    Subsequently, the NDLEA arrested suspects Abubakar Aliyu, Emmanuel Iyke Aniebonam, Onwurah Kelvin, while trying to retrieve the drugs on behalf of one Ikechukwu Eze.

    The detained bag, which was opened in the presence all the three suspects, reportedly contained whitish powdery substances were discovered neatly concealed and sewn inside five children duvets.

    Field test was carried out on the exhibits which proved they are cocaine weighing 8.400 Kilograms, with a street value of over N7bn.

     

    Hard drug economics

     

    As the prices paid for illicit drugs, and the profits to be made from them, are far higher in Europe and the US than in West Africa, large-scale traffickers generally seek to ship illicit drugs through the region to the international markets. However, in some cases low-level drug traffickers are paid in kind and lack the resources or networks to move the drugs across borders. Consequently, they flood the local market with illicit drugs, contributing to the growth in domestic consumption rates.

    A spike in heroin and cocaine production since 2016 is the likely explanation for the increase in the volumes of each drug type transiting through Lagos and other parts of West Africa.

    Following rudimentary economics of supply and demand, the increased supply of cocaine and heroin to the domestic markets in the region has led to falling prices and easier accessibility to the hard drugs.

    For instance, in 2017, the price for one ‘hit’ of heroin or crack cocaine, was just over US$2.16

    On average, cocaine users reported spending N 6,300 NGN (or 20 USD) per day on cocaine (N 7,000 by women or 22 USD spent per day). This amount is nearly half of the national minimum wage per month. Similarly methamphetamine users spent an average of N 4,000 (or USD 13) per day. The growing sophistication of drug-trafficking groups generally continues to outstrip the investigatory capacity of law-enforcement authorities. This has led a number of players in the international community involved in tackling the regional drug trade, together with members of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) and the police force, to predict that the situation will get worse before it gets better.

     

    Taming the dragon

     

    Recently, the Medical Director (MD) of the Federal Neuropsychiatric Hospital (FNPH), Yaba, Dr. Oluwayemi Ogun, raised the alarm over increasing prevalence of drug abused induced mental disorders among children, adolescent and adult Nigerians saying over 150 new cases are admitted at the hospital and its Child and Adolescent Centre, Oshodi Annexe every week.

    Reacting to teen addiction to psychotropic substances, she said, in an exclusive interview with The Nation, that: “Codeine, cocaine, Indian Hemp, Tramadol and Rohypnol are seriously dangerous to health the way they are abused.”

    She said, “There is need for a lot of counselling and education of the youths. They must be made to understand that taking psychotropic substances would have adverse effects on them and possibly wreck their lives. Since the lockdown, the number of people taking drugs has sky-rocketed. Many of them ended up as our patients at the psychiatric hospital. Troubled teenagers especially must understand that the good times are made, not sniffed, drunk or smoked.”

    The senior psychiatrist urged parents, schools and religious groups to complement government’s efforts at combating the trend. “ We must act fast before this thing engulfs us… Many resort to hard drugs to escape their daily problems, to forget their battles with unemployment, poverty and so on. But hard drugs do not take away problems, they add to the problems and compound them for users,” she said.

    Priscilla Benjamin-Olaoye, a mental health expert, stated that hard drugs only offer a temporary sensation. Once the drug wears off, individuals put themselves at risk of developing a dependence as they try to reach the same high and avoid withdrawals.

     

    Should parents resort to spiritual homes or visit orthodox psychiatric hospitals?

     

    Benjamin-Olaoye argued that although the first assumption to make is that drug addiction is a spiritual problem, substance abuse is actually a chronic relapsing disorder, leading to mental and behavioural challenges.

    Arguably, a spiritual problem, she stressed, is one in which the individual has no control over, but “in this case, substance abuse is one which the individual behaves themselves into.”

    You cannot pray yourself out of what you behaved yourself into, she argued, urging parents to implement a healthy balance of both. She said, “Don’t focus on the spiritual aspect, while the emotional needs of the child is left unmet.”

    Priscilla-Olaoye could save her homily for parents like Corporal Martins. A random trip to Ipodo unfurled with confounding imagery of the Nigerian police officer. Through the muck and mayhem of the drug den, the fair-complexioned man engaged O’ngbana, among others, in a heated argument.

    crack cocaine
    •This rock of crack cocaine costs N1,000 in Ipodo

    Martins, a self-confessed cannabis lover cut a curious picture lounging at a makeshift bar cum drug den with his twin sons. Although the latter are barely six-years old, he argued that he had done nothing wrong by bringing them to the drug den.

    “It’s better I expose them to what I do. What’s the big deal about it? They can’t beat me. And I would rather they find out from me that I smoke ganja (cannabis) and not from someone else,” he said.

    “Na only cigarette I no dey smoke again but I dey take ganja. If I dey work, I dey take ganja (I don’t smoke cigarette but I smoke cannabis. When I am at work, I smoke cannabis)” he stressed.

    Martins dismissed warnings that bringing his five and six-year-old sons to the drug den might wreak dangerous influence on them arguing, “Why should I hide my vices from them while I train them? They will be the one to train me when I age,” he said to wild applause.

     

    Captive in Ipodo

     

    In Ipodo, everything whim merges as one, and a vileness runs through it all. The Ikeja suburb is a constellation of people prowling various phases of drug dependence.

    Residents call it Lagos city’s open sore, a colony of society’s rejects steamy with lust and searing on the psyche like a blood-bursting blister.

    Within and around the drug den subsists a thriving market, the shrill blare of passing vehicles, noise from the music shops, the natters and wild altercation of thrill seekers occasionally spoiling for a fight spurred by the infinite of tang of marijuana, ecstasy, crack cocaine and heroin.

    Amid the chaos, Happiness makes a living as a sex slave and drug dealer, on the watch of a fierce madame, Ralph and O’ngbana.

    A radiant captive in a dingy brothel,  the 14-year-old  sheds her innocence in the warrens of Ipodo. She sleeps with seven to eight men daily. Sometimes 10. Even so, she would not sleep at night. “Menacing, ill-smelling patrons” bang on her door, intruding her private space, to ravage her paling body, under her madame and O’ngbana’s eagle eyes, till the wee hours of the morning.

    Speaking with The Nation, her voice occasionally flailed, leaving on the wind, a tinge of fatigue. To survive, she must strip to her bare flesh and work her supple behind to the bones, according to her patrons’ lustful wishes.

    Her hidden graces unclothed, men old enough to be her father drool to her door, day and night, to maul and harvest womanly fruits from her girly frame. To survive their ravage, she cradles dreams of freedom and fairer tomorrow. These days, all that’s left are a mop of faith and a grain of will in her arid body. She is just 14.

  • Economy: Cautious optimism amidst downturn

    Economy: Cautious optimism amidst downturn

    With most of the economic fundamentals and indices trending in the negative zone for much of the outgoing year due largely in part to the disruption caused by the ravaging global pandemic, Nigerians would rather the expectations for year 2021 are better managed amidst cautious optimism. In this report by Ibrahim Apekhade Yusuf and Charles Okonji, economic analysts and financial pundits attempt a prognosis of the economy against many uncertainties, challenges.

    Will Nigerians be poorer in 2021? Will the economy bode well for all? Will the economic managers be able to steer the ship of the state and successfully wade through all the landmines that literally brought the country to its kneels in the outgoing year? Will Nigeria exit recession? Will food be readily available and affordable just as pump price will remain stable and not priced above the reach of the common man?

    The foregoing are some of the genuine concerns deservedly raised by discerning Nigerians in all walks of life, especially many of who witnessed the economic turbulence of the past 12 months and cannot kid themselves that things would get better overnight.

    Can budget 2021 turnaround the economy?

    With President Muhammadu Buhari signing the 2021 Appropriation Bill of N13.588 trillion into law penultimate Thursday, indications are that things may give.

    The budget estimate increased by N505.61 billion from the initial N13.082 billion presented by the President to the National Assembly earlier in October. A breakdown showed that the recurrent expenditure is – N5.64 trillion, capital expenditure – N4.125 trillion, debt servicing – N3.324 trillion, statutory transfer – N496.528 billion. Recurrent expenditure (N5.64 trillion) represents 41.5% of the total budgeted amount while the N4.125 trillion budgeted for capital expenditure represents 30.4% of the total budget.

    The 2021 budget is tagged, ‘Budget of Economic Recovery and Resilience,’ will see oil revenue projected at N2.01 trillion, while non-oil revenue is estimated at N1.49 trillion.

    The signing of the bill before the end of the year indicates that the budget will run from January 1st to December 31st, 2021.

    The president’s action followed the earlier passing of the bill by the National Assembly on Dec. 21 during an emergency session convened for the purpose of passing the budget. The signing of the budget is also in line with the president’s promise to return the nation to the January to December Budget circle.

    Forlorn hope

    Analysts in KPMG Nigeria have stated that there are 10 macro trends that will determine the fate of the nation’s economy next year.

    This was disclosed by Olusegun Zacchaeus, Associate Director, Strategy and Economics, KPMG, during the American Business Council webinar recently.

    Zacchaeus explained that the modest recovery expected in 2021 is threatened by the second wave of COVID-19 pandemic. According to him, everyone should expect more pressure that will emanate from the global economy. For instance, the change of baton of the democratic government in the United States is expected to impact several economies, including Nigeria.

    He said, “The emergence of a new democrat president will have implications on the global economy. The bigger fiscal stimulus package totaling US$2.5 trillion from 2021 to 2024 is expected to drive recovery.

    “On oil price dynamics, bilateralism with possible easing of trade tensions between the US and China. Possible catalyst for distortion in oil prices given strong advocacy for shift away from fossil fuel.”

    KPMG added that OPEC is considering deepening oil production cuts amidst rising Covid-19 cases, and fresh economic lockdown in Europe Outflows from SSA between February and March totaled $5 billion.

    According to the firm, 47% of investors think emerging market economic activity will slow over the next 12 months, compared with 37% who think it will accelerate and borrowing costs are still high and financial conditions remain difficult.

    “WTO expects a significant downturn in global trade in 2020 between 13% and 32%, and some recovery in 2021 at 8%. Risks to the outlook include a second wave of COVID-19 with the results being very sensitive to the length of time that the Covid-19 threat remains in place or trade restrictions,” he added.

    It stated that the proposed 2021 budget provides indications of tight spending and worsening debt. KPMG projected that the Budget implementation will likely underperform in line with historical trends.

    According to the firm, Nigeria’s fiscal flexibility is constrained by a high interest bill as a percentage of general government revenue and by inefficient non-oil tax collection.

    Noting that the impact of new tax policies could be watered down by overall low economic outputs, KPMG advised that the Integrated Revenue Monitoring System (IRMS) needed to ease revenue recognition.

    In its Economic and Business Review for Year 2020 and Outlook for year 2021 released recently, the Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry (LCCI) warned that 2021 economic outlook is not very bright.

    It explained that there are no quick fixes for the structural issues and the desired regulatory and institutional reforms.

    The report, released by its Director General Muda Yusuf, the LCCI said shortage in foreign exchange (forex) available to businesses and end-users will remain one of the biggest hurdles in 2021.

    According to the report, while forex supply will face continued pressure in 2021 in the light of relatively lower dollar inflows from oil, foreign investment, and diaspora remittances, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) is expected to sustain its demand management strategies via rationing and restricting access to forex for food imports.

    “In year 2021, the CBN will most likely maintain and initiate more demand management policy measures to taper growing demand for forex amid weak dollar inflows,” it said.

    The LCCI said without bold policy pronouncements, constraints to the ease of doing business including foreign exchange shortage, escalating production costs, high regulatory costs, infrastructure inadequacies, and delayed cargo clearance, will persist into year 2021.

    Giving more insight into the report, Yusuf said: “These constraints will be more profound on businesses in the real economy. We believe the sluggish pace of recovery will continue to subdue consumer demand, albeit the impact on earnings performance will be disproportionate across sectors.”

    He added that while most Micro Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) will struggle to survive in the New Year amid unfavourable economic conditions, large corporates are expected to demonstrate resilience in the coming year.

    According to him, the economy will return to the path of positive growth in the second quarter of 2021 and this will expectedly impact on the macroeconomic environment which may ease some of the critical economic conditions currently impeding economic growth.

    “Looking ahead in 2021, we expect crude oil to sustain its dominance in Nigeria’s export while manufactured imports will most likely dominate the country’s import bill. We anticipate sustained trade deficit in agriculture, manufactured goods and raw materials goods in 2021,” he said.

    The LCCI boss said total capital inflows for year 2021 might likely range between $10 billion – $11 billion, below 2018 and 2019’s levels. The forex policies, security challenges, sustained fiscal & external risks, infrastructure inadequacies, policy credibility concerns and regulatory bottlenecks may keep capital importation subdued in the short-term.

    “Foreign Portfolio Investors (FPIs) are concerned about continual rise in negative real return rate on investment due to rising inflation and inability of FPIs to exchange naira repayments into forex. Given that these issues remain unresolved, we believe FPIs will remain cautious about naira-denominated investment securities in the short term,” Yusuf said.

    He pointed out that headline inflation is expected to remain elevated as the combination of food supply shocks, forex policies, higher energy costs, forex illiquidity, heightened insecurity in major food-producing states, will continue to mount pressure on domestic consumer prices.

    Echoing similar sentiments, the Director General, Odu’a Chambers of Commerce, Industry, Mines and Agriculture, David Awotipe submitted that the global economy witnessed a setback due to the ravaging effects of Covid-19, which Nigeria is not exceptional, adding that Nigeria is already in recession.

    Awotipe said, “In my own point of view, we know that the country is in recession and we are hopeful that the government would put in place policies that would make the country get out of recession on time. However, on the production level, the organised private sector is being known to be ever ready in pushing economic policies and commercial activities and all that. 2021 for us, we believe in more productivity and to expand our scope.

    “Our expectation is for the government to work the talk. We are hopeful that things would turn around despite the negative indices provided that all stakeholders put their hands together and when I mean stakeholders, I’m talking about the federal government that makes policies, take economic decisions.

    “In Nigeria one of the challenges we keep having is the disadvantage of the infrastructure especially the electricity which impedes our capacity to compete with all our counterparts. We are not expecting a rocket science solution to our power problems,” Awotipe noted.

    He stated that as the country is opening the African borders where counterparts would be competing with local manufacturers, stressing that these competitors have adequate electricity to boost their production at very reasonable cost, but in Nigeria, manufacturers spend a lot to get diesel, service your machines and when you add all the cost, you are at a disadvantaged position whenever you are bringing your goods to the market.

    Like the LCCI, Afrinvest, a leading investment banking firm headquartered in Lagos, in its macroeconomic note released in mid-October hold the view and very strongly too that the potential threat to oil demand from the second wave of the pandemic is putting downward pressure on prices.

    Explaining its position, Afrinvest said the slow and uneven recovery in global oil demand is also expected to linger till the end of 2021.

    This implies that oil prices would remain below 2018 levels while uncertainties still abound in the oil market due to global geo-political tensions.

    Beyond oil & gas exports which only accounts for 35.8% of current account receipts, Afrinvest stated that inflows from foreign investment and remittances are expected to sharply reduce.

    It noted that external reserve settled at $36.2 billion despite inflows from International Monetary Fund, still down 15.5% year to date.

    Afrinvest said the adjustments to the official exchange rate from ₦307.0$1.0 to ₦380.0/$1.0 in August and the slight weakness in the National Autonomous Foreign Exchange rate to ₦380.0/$1.0 from ₦360.0/$1.0 are too weak to correct the shock from weak oil prices.

    The firm also factored the economic impacts of falling remittances and reduced capital flows into the equation.

    “While we believe the subsequent adjustment to the official exchange rate to ₦380.0/$1.0 in August, removal of energy subsidies and the recovery in oil prices since Q2:2020 would have supported revenues in Q3:2020, we suspect that this would not be enough to significantly close the fiscal funding gap,” Afrinvest explained.

    Nigeria to exit recession Q1 of 2021

    It may be recalled that Nigerian economy slipped into a recession in the third quarter of 2020 following a GDP contraction of -3.62%. This is the second recession since 2016.

    Recessions in Nigeria have mostly been caused by a fall in the price of crude oil and the absence of large fiscal/monetary buffers in a structurally weak economy.

    With most Nigerians still living in fear of the worst form of credit crunch lingering in the new year, the Minister for Finance, Budget and National Planning, Mrs. Zainab Ahmed has assured that the country may exit recession in the first quarter of 2021.

    Speaking in Abuja last November, the minister stressed that the Nigerian government is working towards reversing the declining economic trend in the country.

    Mrs. Ahmed made this disclosure while speaking on the latest GDP figures released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) about the current recession in the country at the 26th Nigerian Economic Summit, organised by the Nigerian Economic Summit Group (NESG) and the Federal Ministry of Finance, Budget, and National Planning.

    While noting that the COVID-19-induced recession followed the pattern across the world, where many countries had entered an economic recession. “Nigeria is not alone in this, but I will say that Nigeria has outperformed all of these economies in terms of the record of a negative growth.”

    The country’s economy posted a second consecutive negative growth, contracting by 3.62% in the third quarter. This negative growth is much better than the 6.01% that was earlier forecasted by the NBS.

    What hope for oil and gas sector in 2021?

    The outbreak of COVID-19 significantly reduced the demand for crude oil due to lockdowns and movement restrictions.

    Production cuts by OPEC and non-OPEC countries as well as improved demand resulted in upward price movement in November and December.

    Indications are that the world oil demand won’t fully recover until after 2021, OPEC said, as the increase forecasted for next year still pales in comparison to the demand decline seen in 2020.

    Given the need to ensure a stable crude oil price, oil producers agreed in December to cut production for January 2021. The voluntary cuts in production was led by Saudi Arabia and Russia. Overall, producers agreed to cut back 7.2 million b/d.

    OPEC-10 had the highest share of 4.56 million b/d. Non-OPEC participating countries agreed to cut 2.64 million b/d.

    Nigeria is expected to produce 1.52 million b/d after a voluntary adjustment of -313,000 b/d. These cuts are expected to bring some stability to oil price in January 2021.

    Despite the challenges in the crude oil sector in 2020, crude oil still accounted for 81% of total exports, while non-oil exports declined, accounting for 7% of exports in the quarter.

    Given these statistics, Nigeria needs to urgently implement reforms that will improve production and exports of non-oil goods and services.

    What to expect in 2021

    There are some necessary conditions under which government interventions to drive recovery can be more effective. The federal government has intensified efforts to ensure that Nigeria achieves self-sufficiency in the domestic production and utilisation of its gas resources by the first quarter of 2021.

    In the view of Chief (Dr.) Kolawole Adewoyin, National President of Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN), one way to address the lingering problem of pump price of petroleum product is for the federal government to effectively privatise the refineries.

    “As an oil marketer, we want the products to be readily available for us. If the government wants to be sincere, it is supposed to make the oil and gas sector a fully deregulate the sector and hands off 100 per cent by this year. Another important thing is that the government seems not to be willing to repair the already dilapidated refineries that we are have. All the government needs to do is to privatise them immediately so that the price of refined products will come down drastically.”

    Enter Dangote refinery

    After many months of dithering, all is set for Dangote refinery, the 650,000 barrels per day (bpd) integrated refinery and petrochemical project under construction in the Lekki Free Zone near Lagos, Nigeria.

    It is expected to be the Africa’s biggest oil refinery and the world’s biggest single-train facility, upon completion in 2020.

    Speaking with reports in last November, Devakumar Edwin, an executive director at Dangote told reporters, hinted that “The refinery will be ready early in 2021 and we hope to reach full capacity before the end of that year.”

    Edwin further said the refinery will “dedicate 53%” of the projected 650,000 b/d refining capacity to the production of gasoline.

    Any hope for naira 2021?

    Central Bank of Nigeria has predicted that the Naira will further depreciate in January 2021. CBN disclosed this that a survey carried out by its Statistics Department recently

    According to the report titled, ‘December 2020 Business Expectations Survey Report,’ there may also be a steady rise in interest rate from December till the next six months.

    The naira witnessed a sharp fall in recent weeks, reaching its lowest on November 30, 2020, when it exchanged for N500/$1. Since then, the dollar has been hovering between N460 and N470. As of penultimate Friday, however, one dollar exchanged for 465 in the parallel market.

    But in the 11-page survey report, the CBN said it conducted the survey online from December 7 to 11, with a sample size of 1,050 businesses nationwide.

    It noted that a response rate of 91.3 per cent was achieved and that the sample covered the agriculture/services, manufacturing, wholesale/retail trade and construction sectors, adding that the respondent firms were made up of small, medium and large corporations covering both import-oriented and export-oriented businesses.

    The report partly read, “Respondent firms expect the naira to depreciate in the current month and next month but appreciate in the next two months and the next six months.

    “Inflation level is expected to rise in the next six and 12 months as firms expect the average inflation rate in the next six months and the next 12 months to stand at 13.24 and 14.51 per cent, while borrowing rate is expected to rise in the current month, next month, next two months and the next six months with indices of 19.2, 14.9, 14.7 and 14.3 points.”

    On the business outlook, the report showed that at -15.2 index points, the overall confidence index on the macro economy was pessimistic in December 2020 while respondents were optimistic in their outlook for the month of January 2021 with a confidence index of 29.4.

    The respondents also expressed optimism in the overall business outlook for February and June 2021 as shown in a greater confidence of the economy with 39.2 and 55.2 index points respectively.

    It added, “The pessimism on the macro economy in the current month was driven by the opinion of respondents from agriculture/services (-10.4 points), wholesale/retail trade sectors (-1.7), construction (-1.6 points) and manufacturing sectors (-1.6 points). “The major drivers of optimism for next month were agriculture/services (16.8 points) and manufacturing sectors (10.3 points). Further analysis revealed that businesses that were neither import and export-oriented (-9.5 points), both import and export-oriented (-3.4 points), importers (-2.0 points) and exporters (-0.2 points), drove the negative business outlook for the month under review.”

  • ‘Don’t borrow to fund 2021 budget’

    ‘Don’t borrow to fund 2021 budget’

    Dr. John Isemede, an international trade expert and economics analyst in this interview with Charles Okonji speaks on expectations from the tiers of government in 2021. Excerpts:

    What is your advice to the government for a better 2021?

    I am begging Mr. President not to borrow to fund the budget of 2021. We should tax ourselves because he who goes borrowing, goes sorrowing. We cannot continue to borrow, we have borrowed our own, we have borrowed that of our children and we are now dipping hands into that of the children yet unborn.

    2021 can only be good to us if MDAs, individuals are given targets and there is synergy and we run the country like the way other countries run their own. Those that we are importing from are producing; they are not borrowing or getting loans from others to send to us.

    The President should allow the minister of agriculture with target in place to run the ministry with greater target on how to curb appeal he food crisis.

    Secondly, as a nation, we should know that you cannot ban because of ECOWAS agreement, we cannot ban because of AfCFTA, and we cannot ban because of the WTO.

    Under AfCFTA, which is now a single market, what we have to is to produce and add value to be able to compete. We are not importing yam, we are not importing garri and we are not importing Mellon. So if we allow the Ministry of Agriculture with good funding in line with Maputo declaration, all these things would be put behind us and Nigeria will not import anything.

    Knowing that 2020 came with a lot of economic challenge, what should Nigerians be expecting in 2021?

    Agriculture is the hope and future of the Nigerian economy, because that is where we have comparative advantage. What are we producing? Is it aircraft that we are going to produce? Is it computer that we are going to produce, electronics or what? It is agriculture that we need to develop. We have to add value and develop the chain. We have to develop linkages and infrastructure.

    What are we expecting from agriculture?

    We have to develop big silos, because wastages are too much. The 2020 outlook was not good at all, because we were not prepared. There was carryover of some things from 2018 and 2019 into 2020, which is placing ban on the 45 items and wasting time on a single currency. It did not stop there, government has come up with a lot of Executive Orders, and no Executive Order has addressed the issue of those who are getting Dollar at N365 and selling at N500. There is little or no cost at the CBN, commercial banks. When you get to Lagos streets and across Nigeria, you will see people buying and selling currencies, which is not possible in other parts of the world. This is the major thing distorting the economy.

    What is your position on the recent announcement of the President on suspension of forex to agriculture?

    Towards the end of 2020, Mr. President has announced that there is no more forex allocation to agriculture. Firstly, agriculture is our main stay. That is where we have area of comparative advantage. Agriculture is on the concurrent list.

    The issue of agriculture should be domicile with the communities, with the Local Government, and not with the states. A very good example because of this over centralisation is the reasons that people are shouting that they cannot have maize. That is why the poultry farmers are crying. Why should poultry farmers cry if those running agriculture are at their communities and local governments?

    If you look at the GDP growth, it is just about 0.28 percent. We are looking at inflation at 18 per cent and it is tilting towards 19 per cent and 20 per cent, which is too high. The unemployment level is too high, because it includes all those in Nigeria who are unemployed. According to the statistics that the NBS has released, Nigeria is the fourth largest country with unemployment in Africa. Sad enough is that it is now difficult for the private sector to plan, because today petroleum price per litre is N155, and tomorrow, you will hear that it is N190. Electricity has not improved and we are now talking of food cost soaring higher, and this is caused increase in cost of transport. There are no silos; the wastage level is very high. We have numerous checkpoints and it adds to the cost of food.

    Also, nobody is looking at green house projects, but if you consider the size of Nigeria, you know that we are close to 1,996,000 square kilometres, and 80 per cent of it is arable land compared to Japan where there is no land, and people are planting on their roof tops. What of China where there is no land, they are using, places like the Lagos lagoon for farming. That is where they plant the rice that we are importing.

    What are the issues we should consider in 2021?

    When I was an SA on Agriculture, we carried out research on the number of tractors and we discovered that there are more SUV’s in Maitama District alone, than the whole of Nigeria. How many tractors do we have in Nigeria? What of the budget for agriculture for 2021? Where is the budget on agriculture? Is it enough, and is it utilised? Is it in line with Maputo declaration of 2003?

    What does Maputo Declaration of 2003 says?

    Maputo declaration of 2003 states that 12 per cent of the country’s revenue should be allocated to agriculture, so if Mr. President says there is no more forex allocation, then to agriculture, let us look at the value chain of agriculture, and not CBN running agriculture. We need to reposition the Ministry of Agriculture, the research centres, universities of agriculture and give them target.

  • Political cases to follow in 2021

    Political cases to follow in 2021

    Meanwhile, many political cases involving prominent Nigerians and leading political parties are going on in courts across the country. A good number of these will expectedly be dispensed with in 2021 with far reaching consequences for the political landscape of the country. They include the one involving the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), its candidate in the October 10 governorship election in Ondo State, Eyitayo Jegede, and the governor of the state, Rotimi Akeredolu; the certificate forgery case the All Progressives Congress (APC) filed against Governor Godwin Obaseki of Edo State; the legal ding-dong between Jarigbe Agom and Stephen Odey over the Cross Rivers North senatorial seat; as well as Hilliard Eta’s case against the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    Jegede vs Akeredolu in Ondo

    The PDP and Eyitayo Jegede, its candidate in the October 10 governorship election in Ondo State, are at the Ondo State Governorship Election Tribunal to challenge the declaration of Rotimi Akeredolu as winner of the election. Aside claims that the election was marred by irregularities, violence and intimidation, the petitioners are also faulting the APC governorship primaries that produced Akeredolu as flagbearer of his party.

    At the first sitting of the tribunal meant to hear the petition, some supporters of the Governor and those of Jedege engaged in a fight at the High Court Road, Akure, the state capital. Reports have it that the supporters of the two politicians engaged in a bloody fight outside the venue of the tribunal’s sitting. Many people were reportedly injured in the fracas. Residents and other people caught in the melee ran for their safety and there was no vehicular movement in the area for almost one hour due to the fight.

    The tribunal is still sitting while the two parties continue to express optimism. Last week, Jegede expressed optimism at the tribunal’s sitting that he would reclaim his mandate at the panel. The PDP candidate said he believes the judiciary will give him the victory stolen by the APC and Governor Akeredolu at the gubernatorial poll. But the APC on Wednesday said Jegede would fail at the state’s election petitions tribunal. The APC Director of Media and Publicity, Steve Otaloro, stressed that Akeredolu won the election because he was generally accepted by the people of the state.

    The case will continue in 2021 with the tribunal is expected to give its verdict soon. Not a few pundits and stakeholders are keenly following happenings at the tribunal.

    APC vs Obaseki in Edo

    Earlier this month, the Federal High Court in Abuja, adjourned further hearing on the certificate forgery case the APC filed against Governor Godwin Obaseki, sine-die (indefinitely). The adjournment followed an appeal which the governor filed before the Abuja Division of the Court of Appeal. He prayed the court to stay further proceedings in the substantive suit, pending the determination of the appeal. Though the APC and Edobor Williams, who is the 2nd Plaintiff in the matter, opposed the request, Justice Ahmed Mohammed, in a ruling, said he was minded to adjourn the case sine-die.

    Justice Mohammed held that “Where a lower court us aware of the existence of application for stay, it will be wrong to the trial court to proceed to hear the suit the application is seeking to stay proceedings on. This court must defer to the court of appeal. This court will not embark on a collision course with the Court of Appeal. This court will abide by whatever further direction the Court of Appeal may give. This suit is hereby adjourned sine-die to await the Court of Appeal’s decision on the 1st Defendant’s application for stay of further proceedings.” Irrespective of indefinite adjournment, hearing in the case will definitely resume in the New Year and it is expected that the lower court will pass a judgment soon. Whichever way it goes, it will be a landmark one.

    The APC and Williams had alleged that Obaseki lied about his academic qualifications. They accused him of forging the university certificate he presented to INEC, in aid of his qualification for the governorship election that held in Edo State on September 19. They equally told the court that there were discrepancies in the subjects that Obaseki claimed he passed in his West African Examination Council (WAEC) exam and subjects in his testimonial. Consequently, they are praying the court to declare that Obaseki’s claim in his INEC form EC9 at column C, sworn to on June 29, 2020, at the Federal Capital Territory High Court Registry to the effect that he obtained from the University of Ibadan in 1979, a Bachelor of Arts Degree in Classical Studies is false and contrary to Section 31 (5) and (6) of the Electoral Act, 2010. They also want the court to declare that Obaseki lied on oath when he swore to an affidavit on June 29, 2020 that he worked in Afrinvest Limited from 1994 to 2014 when he retired.

    Odey vs Jarigbe in Cross River

    Last Tuesday December 29th, the Court of Appeal, Abuja Division, rejected a request for a stay of execution of the judgement which affirmed Honourable Jarigbe Agom as the authentic candidate of the PDP for the Cross River North Senatorial Bye- election. Recall that Justice Peter Ige of the court had on December 17, 2020 affirmed the candidacy of Hon. Jarigbe Agom for the election. But his opponent at the primary election, Senator Stephen Odey and PDP approached the court seeking an order for a stay of execution of the judgement.

    Also, Odey, who was issued certificate of return by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the PDP sought to be joined in the matter.

    While the request of the PDP was turned down, that of Senator Odey was granted to continue the legal battle at the Supreme Court. Justice Binta Mohammed of the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) had in her judgment declared Jarigbe as the validly elected candidate of the party for the senatorial bye election.

    Dissatisfied, Odey, who had been sworn in as a senator, approached the Court of Appeal to set aside the judgment of the trial court. However, in a unanimous judgment, the appellate court dismissed the appeal as frivolous, vexatious and abuse of court process. Justice Peter Ige held that having not participated in the primary election of the party, the appellant lacked the locus standi to institute the suit. INEC was also ordered to give Hon. Jarigbe every other rights and privileges pertaining to his lawful qualification and nomination as the PDP candidate.

    But the Appeal court victory for Agom is definitely not the end of the ding-dong. Already, Odey has been joined in the suit and he is approaching the Supreme Court, for a revocation of the order of the Appeal court. The legal firepower will surely resume in the New Year.

     

    Eta vs APC

    Also, a former member of the now-dissolved Adams Oshiomole’s National Working Committee (NWC), Hilliard Eta has taken the APC to court. Eta sued his party over its delayed convention and other matters. He wants the court to proclaim him the acting National Chairman. He filed a lawsuit at the Federal High Court in Abuja requesting the current Caretaker/Extraordinary Convention Planning Committee of the party to leave office. He also wants a court order stopping the committee from organizing the party’s convention.

    Joined in the lawsuit are members of Buni’s caretaker committee and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). INEC, he said, was included in the lawsuit because it was no longer dealing with the legitimate members of the APC’s leadership. Eta also argued in his suit that Buni could not legally hold the position of governor and caretaker chairman of the ruling party at the same time. Following failed efforts to get him to withdraw the suit, Eta was sacked from the ruling party recently.

    But he has vowed to pursue the case to a logical end. Expectedly, hearing in the case will commence in 2021 and it sure promises to be an interesting one with far reaching consequences for the ruling party whichever way it goes.

  • Igbo presidency quest to gather momentum

    Igbo presidency quest to gather momentum

    Our Reporter

    Considering the calibre of Nigerians, especially Igbo leaders that in 2020 openly associated with the demand for the emergence of a Nigerian President of Igbo extraction in 2023, it seems certain the quest will get more vibe in 2021.

    It would be recalled that the agitation for a Nigerian President of Igbo extraction, which is an old quest, gained more voice in 2020 when Mamman Daura, an influential cousin to President Muhammadu Buhari, told the Hausa Service of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) that the North may not support the Southeast’s push to produce the next president of Nigeria.

    Daura had, according to later interpretations, said instead of abiding with the alleged gentleman’s agreement among the political leaders, to zone top political positions, merit should now be the criterion for sharing such plum offices; and that the next president can come from any part of the country.

    Although Daura’s political party, the APC, through its Deputy National Publicity Secretary, Yekini Nabena, immediately disassociated itself from the comment, saying: “That is not our position but a personal opinion by an individual who happens to be a member of our party,” the statement not only opened an old wound but also helped to renew demands for the emergence of a President of Nigeria of Igbo extraction.

    Most southern critics of Daura described his suggestion as ‘shifting of the goalpost when a game has already started.’

    Partly because of this development and the intrigues surrounding the forthcoming 2023 Presidential Election, top Igbo leaders, including the elders that have kept mum over this matter for some the years are now being directly associated with the agitation.

    For example, the 6th World Igbo Summit, which took place at the Gregory University Uturu, Abia State towards the end of 2020, themed, “Enduring Future for Ndigbo: Expectations and Challenges”, was forthright in its call for the realisation of the quest for the emergence of a President of Nigeria of Igbo extraction.

    It is instructive that the meeting, which was chaired by former Chief of General Staff, Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe (Rtd), was attended both virtually and physically by other great leaders of Igbo extraction.

    Other Igbo leaders that were part of the meeting include; the President General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide, Chief Nnia Nwodo, the Minister of Science and Technology, Dr. Ogbonnaya Onu; former Senate President and Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Senator Anyim Pius Anyim; General (Sen) Ike Nwachukwu, Professor Joe Irukwu, Professor George Obiozor, Professor Ihechukwu Madubuike, Professor Greg Ibe, Iyom Josephine Anenih, Dr. Ifedi Okwenna, Professor Godson Uwakwe and Dr. Okey Ikechukwu, among others.

    The leaders at the meeting called on all Igbo politicians to prevail on their different political parties to ensure the inclusion of rotational presidency clause in their respective constitutions. While insisting on restructuring of the country to achieve development, they read out a communique which read thus: “After a two-day deliberation, the Summit resolved as follows: “As Ndigbo, we shall continuously seek for a system or polity that guarantees and secures our social, political and economic interest in Nigeria, based on equality of citizenship, equity and justice. “That we shall diligently and boldly work hard to convince other Nigerians to support Igbo’s quest to become the President of Nigeria as 2023 is the right time for Ndigbo to occupy the seat of the Presidency of Nigeria. “To this end, the summit therefore urges Igbo politicians to ensure that their respective political parties produce candidates of Igbo extraction as presidential candidate of their respective political parties “We call Igbo legislators in the National Assembly to seek collaboration with members from other zones to amend the Electoral Act to accommodate a provision that compels INEC to ensure rotation clause in parties constitution, as a requirement for registration, while all our sons and daughters in any political party strive to ensure “rotation of Presidency” Clause in their party constitution. “The Summit urge Ndigbo to remain politically active and conscious to ensure that the about 26 million registered voting strength of Ndigbo all over Nigeria are effectively mobilised, through regular voter education to strengthen the capacity of the zone to negotiate and ultimately win the Presidency. “That Ndigbo know that they can only realise their aspiration through persuasion of other Nigerians and are therefore ready and are engaging other Nigerians and people, and are not antagonistic and abusive as some people are wrongly asserting. “The summit reaffirmed the urgent need for restructuring of Nigeria to allow for growth and development in line with resolutions of the 2014 National Conference and The Awka declaration of Ndigbo on the restructuring of Nigeria. “The Summit acknowledged the fact that Ndigbo has substantial investments and is doing business in various parts of the country; we call on the Federal Government to ensure the security of lives and property of all Nigeria, particularly Ndigbo, as they are usually the main target of hoodlums in times of crisis.”

    Earlier in 2020, sometime in August, the apex Igbo socio-cultural organisation, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, had pledged to drive the Igbo Presidency project. Articulating the view was the Deputy National Publicity Secretary of the organisation, Chief Chuks Iwegbu. Explaining his personal conviction on the way to go,  he said “For me, I would suggest that Ohanaeze Ndigbo build capacity and become very formidable by mobilising and organising Ndigbo politically (professionals, businessmen and women, traders, artisans, youths, undergraduates, Igbo diaspora) for a President of Igbo extraction that is in the collective interest of our people…

    “When we build capacity and become very formidable, Ohanaeze would determine who would represent us not the selfish Igbo political elites whose constituencies are their personal pockets,” Iwegbu said.

    Iwegbu said this even as Pan-Nigeria Presidency of Igbo Extraction Coalition (PANPIEC) disclosed that it would organise a five-million-man-march in parts of the country in support of the campaign for Igbo president in 2023.

    Iwegbu’s declaration was a reaction to the claim that the 2023 presidency should be open to all qualified Nigerians. He said such a development would be against the spirit of equity, fairness and natural justice.

    “For me, I would suggest that Ohanaeze Ndigbo build capacity and become very formidable by mobilising and organising Ndigbo politically (professionals, businessmen and women, traders, artisans, youths, undergraduates, Igbo diaspora) for a President of Igbo extraction that is in the collective interest of our people…

    “When we build capacity and become very formidable, Ohanaeze would determine who would represent us, not the selfish Igbo political elites whose constituencies are their personal pockets,” Iwegbu said.

    Coordinators of the planned march tagged: “Pan Nigeria Mass Movement (PANMMOV),” Igwe Apollo Emeka and Chief Larry Onah had noted in a press conference they held then that the planned rally will take place in all states and major cities in Nigeria.

    But as Iwegbu hinted, some of the challenges that will likely face the realisation of the emergence of a Nigerian President of Igbo extraction include achievement of unity of purpose among the Igbo elite must of who are politically selfish, strategic organisation on the part of the drivers of the project; their ability to reach out and win the support of other Nigerians and interest groups.

    The year 2021 offers another opportunity of assessing the handling of Igbo presidency project. It seems, as Dr. Francis Egu told The Nation during the week that “until recently, the Igbo presidency has remained a mere wishful thinking; a mere rhetoric used by political cheats to confuse the electorate for cheap political gains.”

    Egu, a political analyst and lecturer argues that the emergence of a Nigerian President of Igbo extraction is a fair development that can be achieved if the drivers are genuine and competent. “I believe Nigerians know what is fair and equitable. They will support the emergence of a Nigerian President of Igbo extraction if their fears are allayed; if they see the candidate as a credible Nigerian, ready to build a better Nigeria for all. Why not? Other Nigerians are afraid because Ndigbo may have been wrongly marketed by their leaders. Our leaders have to rise up to the occasion and together come up with candidates that would be acceptable to other Nigerians,” he said.

    In 2020, some names were touted by various interest groups as possible presidential aspirants of Igbo extraction. They include top politicians from both Southeast and Southsouth like Peter Obi, David Umahi, Rotimi Amaechi, Orji Uzor Kalu; Nyesom Wike; Ike Ekweremadu, etc. Although some informed observers dismissed some of these names with a wave of the hand; it is certain that in this 2021, more names will emerge and the seriousness or otherwise of the already suggested names would be ascertained.

  • ‘We need to focus on real sector growth’

    ‘We need to focus on real sector growth’

    Dr. Muda Yusuf is the Director General of the Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry (LCCI). In this interview with Charles Okonji he makes a projection on the shape of things to come in 2021 economic-wise. Excerpts:

    In summary, can we know your position about 2021?

    What we are about to see is an economy that is going to be much more competitive  than what it is now and for that to happen, some of the issues that we have always raised about the investment environment  needs to be taken more seriously in 2021. For our operators in the service sector, they seem to be a lot more competitive than our investors in the real sector. Already some of our investors in the service sector such as the financial services for instance, the telecoms, distributive trade, and transportation they are already doing fairly well especially in the West African sub-region and even in some parts of Africa, the same in our entertainment industry.

    How do you evaluate the real sector performance?

    The service sector appears to be well ahead of the real sector. What we will like to see in 2021 is more attention to support the real sector of the economy, so that they can be more competitive locally, sub-regionally and continentally because the real sector is very critical when you talk of value addition.

    How can we tap into backwards integration and value addition?

    Value addition is very critical when we are talking about building an inclusive economy because it is through value addition we can do backward integration and it is through backward integration we can achieve what we call multiplier effect in an economy and if you do not have production, it will be very difficult to get that kind of thing done and this is why you see our investors in agriculture, agricultural processing, manufacturing and the rest they will need to sit down and examine the constraints that they are facing and whatever we need to do very quickly, we should do it that is one way to recover very fast as an economy and another way in which we can be more competitive under the AfCFTA so that we do not regret signing the trade deal.

    What are the measures you want government to put in place?

    The reforms that the government is undertaking the government should also show more commitment to those reforms. They are talking of reforms in the oil and gas sector, but we are not seeing the investment we should see in that sector. We have been in the oil business for over 50 years, if you compare the period we have been in that sector and the amount of investment invested in that sector, you will know that we have not performed well at all.

    In terms of policy, will the existing ones move the economy to the next level?

    We are still operating at the primary level and unless we have the right kind of policy reforms the sector will not bring the right kind of value it supposed to bring to the economy, so I am talking about sustaining the deregulation that have started in the downstream sector, I am also talking about ensuring that we pass the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) and before the passage of the bill, we should properly engage our upstream oil sector investors so that we do not pass a bill that will discourage investment in the oil and gas sector, because that sector is now becoming very difficult to sell as it were. Globally, there is a shift of emphasis on fossil fuel into renewable. When you go to many countries, they have even set deadlines in which they will terminate the use of any vehicle that is powered by either PMS or diesel. People are migrating into electric so it is becoming less attractive, so if you go and pass a law that will make it difficult for people to invest in the sector  it will not be in the interest of our economy so the PIB requires proper consultation with the stakeholders so that we have the right version of the PIB to take advantages of the opportunities that we have between now and 18 years, because increasingly, the fossil fuel as a source of energy is gradually loosing relevance across the world.

    What are your fears about investment?

    Security is very critical to investment, we seem to be losing grip of the security situation. The government needs to have a very good handle of the security situation, because without security, we cannot build investor’s confidence either small, micro and large businesses because security is key and what is happening across the country is very saddening and if we are not careful, it could lead to an incalculable damage to the economy.

    In which areas do you think the economy has gotten it right?

    Of course, there are some bright sides in the economy in terms of liquidity. Interest rates are coming down and a number of investors are happy about it particularly those in production. We are talking about interest rate coming down to around 13 per cent time lending rate which is good.

    What is your assessment about the capital market?

    The capital market is bubbling now especially the stock market and a lot of investors are also smiling because they can now raise capital, some cooperate are already issuing commercial papers which is also an instrument of raising funds and some of them are able to raise funds at single digit, so that liquidity in the real sector is a very good thing that we have seen in the economy which we hope would also be sustained.

    Though, there are some of the silver lining and we need to deal with issue of foreign exchange liquidity which is a very big problem so that there could be more certainty and confidence in the foreign exchange market and there is also the need to review the current management in forex management because it will also help to improve the supply of foreign exchange outside of oil.

  • ‘Let’s avoid another economic lockdown’

    ‘Let’s avoid another economic lockdown’

    Director General, Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) Dr. Segun Ajayi-Kadir, spoke with Charles Okonji on his expectations for the economy. Excerpts:

    Based on the most recent economic activities of the country, what do you think the Nigerian economy will be in 2021?

    There is need to be optimistic in the midst of all the negative indicators. Chief among the concerns for 2021 is the second wave of Covid-19 which is rearing its head at the end of 2020 and just as if the damage it did to the economy in the first half of 2020 was not enough and we can see what is happening in more advanced economies. So you could imagine what it would be in developing economies like ours now that some states are already considering closing some aspects of the social economy. But we are hopeful that the government will not lock down the economy like it did in 2020 and because of the fact that some of our businesses have not yet recovered from the lockdown of 2020.

    Can you tell us what is expected in the sectorial levels?

    As a matter of fact, let me say about one and a half of just only two sectors out of the 10 sectors are able to operate for the most part of 2020. So you can imagine the state we are in. We cannot afford another lockdown in 2021. The government has to do its best to ensure adherence to Covid-19 protocols and how they can manage the economy without shutting it down.

    How do you intend to cope with Covid-19 protocols in manufacturing?

    As manufacturers we have mobilised our members and we are going to strictly abide by the protocols that we have set for ourselves and we tend to make it operational in all our industries across the country.

    Now that inflation is above 18 percent what is the effect on the economy?

    As for me, the inflationary rate is quite worrisome and it is a threat to economic growth. The foreign exchange apart from the unfriendly rates accessibility is also a challenge. Although some of the government’s intervention funds have been available to give succour to industries which we have not been able to access due to some administrative bottlenecks that have been put in place by the bank that is supposed to lend, saying that they have not had clear signals from the Central Bank of Nigeria. So in most cases, our members are unable to access these funds which could have given succour to the manufacturers. So they are entering 2021 with a challenging business proposition.

    How can we boost investor-confidence in 2021?

    The government needs to address issues of insecurity because you can hardly have a successful business plan if you do not feel secured and if you can’t guarantee the safety of those who work for you and the places where your factories are located are safe.

    What is your view on 2021 budget?

    2021 requires greater attention in order for us not to suffer major setbacks and as we have already seen, we are running a deficit budget and the average revenue is a little shy of N8trillion and the expenditure is N13 trillion, so already we have a N5trillion fiscal deficit that we are running and this would be financed by new borrowings which would be above N4trillion and proceeds from privatisation which is less than 1trillion, so I think that there is need for government to be more stringent in terms of its expenditure, we need to be able to get value for money in all our expenditure profile and wastages of unnecessary spendings should be completely gone away with.