Category: Insight

  • ‘No-go-area’puzzles and wish lists

    ‘No-go-area’puzzles and wish lists

    BESIDES the controversies over the proposed modalities for the national dialogue, Nigerians, individuals, groups and geo-political blocs, are also deeply concerned about the issue of content.

    Already, many geo-political organisations across the country are meeting to fine-tune what they intend to take to the negotiation table for discussion whenever the confab is congregated.

    Expectedly, age-long issues such as marginalisation, distribution of the national wealth, restructuring of Nigeria into a truly federal state, domination by some ethnic groups, citizenship question, the place of the ethnic nationalities, federal character, as well as the state of the union, are atop the wish lists.

    Of importance is the fact that nearly all commentators on the would-be agenda of the conference want assurances that there would not be any “no-go” areas as far as issues to be raised at the conference are concerned.

    Speaking on the issue, Yinka Odumakin, National Publicity Secretary of Afenifere, the pan Yoruba organisation, said the group intends to agitate for true federalism, parliamentary system of government and state police, among others, at the conference.

    “Processes will start across our region and we will collaborate with other regions that think like us so that we can harmonise our positions and ensure that this once-in-a-life-time opportunity, we do not miss it to give this country a good constitution. So consultations have started.”

    Multiple agenda

    “Our agenda is very clear. We believe through this conference, we should save Nigeria from crash-landing and give Nigeria a soft-landing. We can forge an agenda for us to live in peace and harmony and our own response to the issue is that all delegates to the conference must first answer the question: Do we still want to live together as a people? If the answer is yes, then on what terms?

    “For us in Afenifere, ours should be on the basis of federalism and once we agree that Nigeria should be a true Federal Republic of Nigeria, then the next thing to do is to draft a constitution that will spell out whether we want to continue to live together in harmony. We also believe in Afenifere that this federal structure is too costly, it promotes a lot of corruption, and we should go parliamentary. For us, federalism, parliamentary, state police, devolution of powers and derivation principles are the key issues that we believe that the national conference must address so that this country can regain its lost glory,” he said.

    To the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF), the conference need not be sovereign in nature. National Publicity Secretary of the ACF, Mr Anthony Sani, who made this known recently, said the group is waiting for more clarification on the recently released modalities before coming out with its agenda for the talk shop.

    “The north was not averse to any “national dialogue that can help strengthen the Nigerian project, provided such dialogue is not in the form of Sovereign National Conference that amounts to vote of no confidence in our democracy and its institutions, which no group has the right to do anyway,” he cautioned.

    “I have told you that the problem of Nigeria has nothing to do with the structure of the country, it has nothing to do with the form of government, and it has nothing to do with the law. It has more to do with the ways we do things. Even up till today, we have made that very, very clear. But, when we are saying it, you people will say the north doesn’t want conference, it doesn’t want the country to disintegrate, and so on.

    “Do all the countries in the world live on oil? The oil is about finishing; and you think the north will be so stupid to allow oil to determine the national agenda or northern agenda? It is a perishable commodity, it is not an outcome of hardwork. So, the opposition of the north against sovereign national conference, for instance, is that nobody should be allowed to think he has the right to set the national agenda and pass a vote of no confidence in our democracy and its institutions. Nobody has that right.”And the opposition against disintegration is borne out of conviction that in the final analysis we shall be better as a united Nigeria than being in a dismembered situation. It is not that people are afraid.

    “Japan doesn’t have oil, but the country is on the move. There is this principle that says necessity is the mother of invention, so they think if there is no oil, we will not survive or what? You think we would just sink.

    “God has not made the world like that. So, people who are just talking about some of these things don’t even know what they are doing. How many conferences have we had as a country? Many of them. But the resolutions of those conferences have not really been on how to make this country perform,” he explained.

    Also, Igbo Leaders of Thought, led by renowned constitutional lawyer, Prof Ben Nwabueze, recently met to discuss the content of the proposed conference. Rising from the meeting in Enugu, the leaders said they want a national conference of ethnic nationalities that will produce a new constitution which will be approved by the people through a referendum. Prominent Igbos in attendance at the meeting included former Central Bank Governor (CBN), Prof. Charles Soludo, a Biafran war veteran, Col. Emma Nwobosi, Prof. Felix Oragwu, Chief H.B.C. Ogboko, HRH Prof Vincent Chukwuemeka Ike and Engr. Obi Thomson of World Igbo Congress, USA. Others were: Prof. Uche Azikiwe, Prof. Ben Obumselu, Arc Bishop Anikwenwa, Prince Emeka Onyeso, Sen Anyim Ude, Sen Offia Nwali, Prof Nwabueze, Prof. Enechi Onyia, Dr. Chu S. P Okongwu, among others.

    A former governor of Imo State, Chief Achike Udenwa, wants Ndigbo to go to the conference and say they want Nigeria to remain as one entity. According to him, a lot of people have been thinking that the Igbo want the country to break.

    “They say we want a situation where we secede, but I don’t see it that way; I don’t think the Igbo want secession now. At the time we wanted secession, there was a reason for it. There was insecurity of our lives and property. We had no other hope and couldn’t exist in any other part of this country at that particular time. So, the circumstances are quite different from the way they are today. I don’t think the Igbos will talk about secession; we want one Nigeria. In fact, the Igbo have the highest stake in the country called Nigeria, having the highest investments outside our homeland than any other ethnic group. Secondly, we have our fears. The conference must strengthen the issues of citizenship and residency. As a Nigerian, if I reside in Abuja, what are my rights? Yes, the constitution provides for freedom of speech, association and all that, but we know practically what happens.

    “For instance, if I want to be the chairman of Abuja Municipal Area Council (AMAC), will there be anything inhibiting me? What of a man from Kano State residing in Imo and wants to be the governor of that state, can he be? He cannot be under the present circumstances. These are things we must strengthen in this conference; that wherever you choose to live in, you have all the rights and privileges of a citizen of that place. There should not be anything called indigene,” Udenwa said.

    On its part, the Ethnic Nationalities Movement (ENM) said the upcoming national conference should adequately address the relationship among ethnic groups that make up the country. Speaking in Abuja recently, National Co-ordinator of the group, Solomon Asemota, said that addressing the manner of the relationship among the ethnic nationalities would eliminate mutual suspicion and promote national unity. He said the conference should afford the nationalities the opportunity to discuss on how each of them could bring their strength to bear with a view to promoting peaceful coexistence and integration.

    “We are peoples of independent Nigeria, who are indigenous on account of our descent from the nationalities that constitute Nigeria. With the discussion on our relationships, the distinction between colonisers and colonised would be buried for all time, we need our own Nigerian dream,” Asemota said.

  • Questionable composition,modalities

    Questionable composition,modalities

    AS it becomes increasingly clear that the federal government will go ahead to convoke the National Conference, notwithstanding complaints and criticisms as to the kind of conference it tends to convoke, there are fears the process of nomination approved for the proposed conference, as well as modalities released for its convocation, might turn it to an exercise in futility.

    Already, many Nigerians who had previously called for faith in the proposed National Conference now feel let down. Our investigation shows that their disappointment bordered on many grey areas, especially two factors, which they described severally as critical.

    First is the issue of composition of membership for the conference. The delegates to the conference, according to modalities released by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Senator Anyim Pius Anyim, would be nominated.

    Nomination, not election

    For many Nigerians, the decision to nominate the delegates is a misnomer. The questions they are asking are: how will those meant to represent the people at a critical exercise as a National Conference be nominated instead of a more acceptable option of organising an election? How come the common people will not have any input or say on who represents their aspirations and views? How can they pass on their aggregated views to people whose loyalty to them cannot be determined?

    By opting for nomination as against election of the delegates, many Nigerians believe they have been shortchanged by the current administration. Spokesman of the Northern Elders Forum (NEF), Prof. Ango Abdullahi, faulted the resort to nomination of delegates. He said this was probably to achieve predetermined objectives of the President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration.

    According to him: “The recommendations that was in the first draft was that delegates should be elected by Nigerians from their various constituencies as agreed so that people that will participate will be people representing their various constituencies based on election. This was what was recommended but was rejected.”

    He added: “From all indications, this is a conference belonging to the president, not belonging to the people of Nigeria. We wanted a conference for Nigerians and that is why we agreed with him that the committee he set up should go round the country and measure the reactions of people, not just on the conference but what sort of things they want to discuss at the conference.”

    The nomination option takes Nigerians back to the pre-independence era where constitutions were drafted without considerations for the locals. Until the 1951 Macpherson Constitution, most delegates to the regional and federal assemblies were hand-picked by colonial masters. The delegates were more loyal and committed to the hand-picking authorities rather than the Nigerian people they were purportedly representing.

    There are fears the same scenario would play out at the National Conference. By not having as little as a say, by way of election, in those who will discuss pertinent issues affecting them, the delegates, observers say, will have no sense of duty or responsibility towards the citizens. Rather, they would be more disposed to doing the bidding of the current administration.

    But even the nomination option carries a lot of misgivings. The process, observers say, is skewed to satisfy certain entrenched interests. According to the released modalities, the president will nominate not less than 48 delegates to the conference. They include 37 elder statesmen, comprising one each from the 36 states and the FCT. Jonathan will also nominate the Chairman, Deputy Chairman and Secretary for the conference, three key posts that could well determine the outcome of the exercise right from the outset.

    He is also entitled to nominate six other judicial officials, not currently on the bench for the conference. With the sweeping presidential powers, many believe Jonathan can easily influence the nomination of not less than 200 of the 492 delegates. He only needs to pull certain strings to get his own men to the table, they allege. They point at certain slots ostensibly created for him to achieve this.

    These slots include: The 20 seats to be filled by The Federal Government of Nigeria, out of which six must be women; the eight slots for Nigerians in Diaspora (Europe, America, Africa, Asia, and Middle East); six seats for People Living with Disabilities, one per geo-political zone; the 18 slots for Nigeria Youth Organisations (NYO); National Youth Council of Nigeria and National Association of Nigerians Students (NANS) and Outstanding Youths and Role Models.

    Others are the 13 delegates drawn from traditional rulers; the six slots for retired civil servants from each of the geo-political zones; the 90 slots for socio-political/ cultural and ethnic nationality groups, among others.

    Ekiti State governor, Kayode Fayemi, is one of those who believe Jonathan can easily get 200 delegates to the conference. He said: “I read in the paper that the president nominates 48 delegates and that the governors nominate 108. But from my analysis, the president would not nominate less than 200 delegates.”

    It is commendable that the civil societies and professional groups are well represented in the composition. But the reservation of only 110 slots for ethnic nationalities casts a big shadow on the exercise. Nigerians have always wanted a conference where the divergent groups can sit and conveniently discuss on peaceful co-existence. But this dream is fading away with less than 30 percent of the representation based on ethnic grouping.

    A member of the Presidential Advisory Committee on National Dialogue, Solomon Asemota, believes ethnic groups deserve proper representation. He said: “We are going to look into our 100 years of existence and the ethnic nationalities as the real owners of the land and so forth. Now, if you look at it, they don’t want ethnic nationalities to select people but it is all part of the problem because we don’t want to throw away the baby with the bath water. However, at the same time, we want the baby to be properly cleansed.”

    For ethnic nationalities, nominating proper representatives might turn out to be a booby trap that could well be more divisive than unifying. This is because of the large number of such groups that exist and the attendant bad-blood such nomination process might generate among them.

    Already, there are confusions over who nominates delegates for the South-East considering the prominence of other groups like Igbo Leaders of Thought vis-a-vis the apex Igbo socio-cultural organisation, Ohaneze Ndigbo. Ohaneze Ndigbo President-General, Chief Gary Igariwey, has repeatedly said the body is the only recognised apex Igbo socio-cultural group, a view some Igbo elders think may not apply in this very matter.

    The fact that delegates nomination process is not also spelt out clearly convinces many that it could well be a simple random picking of yes-men and women. When the nomination process is concluded by February 20, there would be better informed comments on the suitability or otherwise of individual delegate.

    More issues on modalities

    Senator Anyim Pius Anyim had said the conference would hold for three months. But there are doubts over whether such weighty assignment can be completed within such a short time. Will there be extension that could lead to more allocations and expenditures? Even then, the timing is also a subject of controversy. Why the current administration chose to finally allow such a conference less than one year to general elections still beats many. Won’t the conference distract delegates and the nation from preparations for the elections? Can we afford to undertake such a big task when all attention should be on the electoral process? These are some of the questions that are being asked.

    To constitutional lawyer, Yusuf Ali (SAN), the conference is certainly ill-timed. He said: “I have always maintained that this is not the appropriate time for such a dialogue. But if they want to go ahead, let them continue. We can’t stop them.”

    Even then, there is nothing yet on ground as to when the conference will actually start. This means the nominees, many of whom do not even know themselves now, will have a very limited time to prepare position papers and views for the exercise. The uncertainty over when the conference will begin is surely a big dent on the exercise.

    Consensus at what cost?

    The modalities stated that decisions at the conference shall be arrived at by a consensus. This is as unambiguous as loose. What really is consensus? Can the 492 wise men and women agree on every issue tabled for discussion? Well, the federal government has pegged such consensus at 75 percent of the total membership of the committee. This appears like a tall order, considering the divergence that would play out during discussions. By insisting only decisions that enjoy 75 percent acceptance will scale through, it means 369 of the delegates must agree on issues. How this is possible in a democratic setting remains to be seen, concerned Nigerians say.

    Perhaps, the most controversial decision of the government so far is the declaration that the resolutions would not pass through a referendum but ratification by the National Assembly to be incorporated into the constitution. Constitutional lawyer, Prof Itse Sagay, said: “I had high hopes when it was announced that we are going to have a National Conference but you can see progressively that because of the manner the Okurounmu’s committee limited the scope of the conference and the possibility of saving the country from crisis, the whole thing looks as if it’s going to fail. This is because anybody that wants success of the conference would not subject it to the National Assembly, which represents status quo.

    “They should have said a new constitution will emanate from the conference. They should have made it to have fewer scope, rather than issues like nomadic education and all that that were included which would distract the people. There are too many civil societies and they will go there and talk about human rights rather than issues that will make the states powerful and make them control their resources.”

    Another of the foremost advocates of genuine National Conference alive, Professor Ben Nwabueze, the Chairman of The Patriots and leader of Igbo Leaders of Thought, had told The Nation in an earlier interview last week that any national conference that would not adopt a new constitution for Nigeria is a waste of time and resources. “The solution is to have a genuine National Conference, where we will sit, discuss and agree on a new constitution. If the conference is not to discuss and agree on a new constitution, it’s a waste of time, a waste of everybody’s time,” the top constitutional lawyer said.

    Afenifere leader, Ayo Adebanjo, is also displeased with the decision that the resolutions from the conference will not be discussed at a referendum. According to him: “We are not satisfied that we are going to give the outcome to the National Assembly. We believe we can convince the government that we should go for referendum.

    “How can we sit down and discuss a problem and you now tell us to give the solutions to the cause of the problem? Just as we convinced him (President Jonathan) to hold the conference, we will continue to persuade him to convince him on why what he is doing is not the best.”

    Nwabueze is also emphatic that except the government bows to the demands of the people to subject the resolutions of the conference to a referendum, it would amount to nothing. As he puts it, “We have never had a constitution adopted by the democratic process of going through the people. You go through the people by first having a national conference specifically (convened) for the purpose of adopting a constitution and when you have concluded that, the thing must go to a referendum of the people. The people will vote. It is a simple yes or no referendum. Do you agree or do you not agree with this constitution? When you have done that, and that is what more than 85 percent of the countries of the world have done since 1989, take it from me, more than 85 percent of the countries of the world have done this. When you have done that, you now have a democratic constitution, a constitution adopted through a democratic process by the people.”

    Except Jonathan bows to the mounting pressure, the conference may never be subjected to what experts term democratic process.

  • Questions before the confab

    Questions before the confab

    As the government and various stakeholders prepare for this year’s National Conference, Sam Egburonu, Dare Odufowokan, Remi Adelowo and Sunday Oguntola report that inherent contradictions, doubts and near irreconcilable expectations of the government and the people are threatening the talk shop even before its take off

    IT inception, it was an independence anniversary gift to Nigerians. October 1, 2013. President Goodluck Jonathan, while addressing Nigerians in a national broadcast to mark the country’s 53 years of independence, had named Senator Femi Okuroumu as chairman of the National Conference Advisory Committee, a body he set up to formally plan and advise him on how his government can convoke a National Conference.

    Given the long-drawn agitation by ethnic nationalities and activists across the country for a genuine dialogue on how to live together as a nation, Jonathan may have expected overwhelming applause for the anniversary gift.

    But from that day, the conference has remained a subject of heated controversy, doubts and outright condemnation. While some critics doubt the sincerity of the Jonathan-led government, others question his ability as a leader to supervise a genuine national conference that will allow Nigerians to talk freely on how to co-exist.

    When the federal government finally endorsed the recommendations of the Okorounmu-led committee earlier this month, the doubts and the debate only deepened.

    Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Senator Anyim Pius Anyim, while expressing government’s final positions on the proposed conference, assured that the indivisibility and indissolubility of Nigeria would be the only no-go area for the planned National Conference.

    He was flanked by the Chairman and Secretary of the Presidential Committee on National Dialogue, Senator Femi Okurounmu and Dr. Akilu Indabawa, respectively.

    Instead of dousing the tension on the proposed conference, the modalities finally approved by the government for the conference have only thrown up more areas of contention, thus deepening the controversy.

    Will this conference amount to a mere jamboree? Will the president listen to the fresh issues raised by experts and stakeholders and adjust some of the already approved recommendations? These and some other questions seem poised to puncture the big dreams of Nigerians that a new Nigeria would be given birth to at the end of the conference.

  • ‘Why government must abolish Almajiri system’

    ‘Why government must abolish Almajiri system’

    Dr Samuel Uche, was installed as the new Prelate of the Methodist Church Nigeria last November. In this maiden media interview, he spoke with Sunday Oguntola on national issues as well as the controversies that trailed his election last August. Excerpts:

    SINCE you assumed the headship of Methodist Church Nigeria on November 1, 2013, what has changed?

    Well, I won’t say anything has changed but I know we have increased the tempo of evangelism and outreaches. For instance, we have not been having crusades during the inauguration of our dioceses and archdioceses but we had one in Okitipupa, Ondo State. One, we raked in many souls. Two, there were healings and deliverances for pregnant women. In fact, there was a child named after me after the crusade. He was named Chukwuemeka.

    Across the country, so many positive things are happening and there are further proposals to develop the church’s infrastructure. I just signed a paper to approve the opening of a micro-finance bank to empower young people.

    What would be the bank be called?

    It is simply Methodist Church Nigeria Micro-finance Bank. It will be sited in City Mission, Surulere, Lagos. Yesterday, for the first time in the history of the church, we empowered six people. There were four widows and two young people. We realised we cannot leave the poverty alleviation measures to government and that every endowed Nigerian should play a part in empowering people. If we do, the challenges of prostitution, armed robbery and insurgency will be reduced to the barest minimum. We held the empowerment in Enugu under the aegis of Hear and Touch Ministries. My wife is also coming up with an NGO for Methodist women called Feed My Lamb Charity Mission.

    This administration also is proposing to go into agriculture. We have vast arable lands that could be cultivated. So, we want to start planting special fruits and seeds in special parts of Nigeria. We are thinking animal husbandry should kick start the project in January or February next year. We are registering Methodist Farm Ventures to handle that.

    What have been your experiences on the job in the last three months?

    I told my predecessor that the job is very onerous and strenuous. The work is so demanding and one needs good health to do it. One needs to be healthy spiritually and physically to be able to do the work and we are praying to God to help us out. You see as you are coming out of a programme, another is waiting for you. And this is covering the whole of Nigeria, it is not easy. I believe since others were able to cope, I would be able to cope too. Once one relies on Him, He will carry one through.

    Did you ever imagine when you were setting out as a priest that a day would come when you would become prelate of the church?

    No, I must say I never knew. When we entered, we had only one president. He was Rev. (Professor) Bolaji Idowu. We had seven district chairmen and a number of superintendents. So, ministry was not attractive then. In fact, when we entered, ministers were laughed at as people who have chosen to be poor. I was just compelled to stay put immediately I left secondary school. I came out at the time there was Universal Basic Education (UBE) and our colleagues were recruited to teach. They were paid N98.30k. The same year we were received into full-time ministry. Can you imagine how much we received? N8. There was a difference of N90 between us and our colleagues. At that time, we could buy a new motorcycle for N156. That was 1974. You buy a new Beetle then for N1, 533. So, most of our colleagues bought Beetles and motorcycles while we could not buy anything. But I continued. We were 15 admitted into the ministry. But when the UBE came, about nine left. The remaining six, some were involved in womanising; some were involved in embezzlement of church funds.

    By the time we went for the last screening to be admitted into the ministry, we were only two left. Only myself from the east and Odunbanjo from the west survived. He went to Immanuel College while I went to Trinity College. That was to tell you how tough it was then.

    It was when we were on trial in the ministry that they started talking about the new constitution, which was adopted in 1975 at Calabar Conference. That caused division in the church that lasted for 14 years and six months. We remained in Methodist Church Nigeria until the end of the crisis. God helped the church to resolve the crisis on its own. We had the 1990 constitution and the 2006 constitution, which we are running now.

    We are at the verge of reviewing the constitution. So there was no enticement to go to the ministry then at all. There was nothing appealing about it.

    What is your position on the proposed national confab considering that many say it will just be another talk shop?

    Why don’t we give it try? You know people were calling for Sovereign National Conference and the National Assembly said that cannot happen when they exist. So people said ‘why not a national dialogue?’ No military government allowed it. Now that government is willing for us to talk, why not give it a try?

    But can anything good come out of the resolutions since the National Assembly will still need to ratify the outcome?

    They are not stupid people and I believe we can give them an idea of what we want. They represent us and some of them attend religious organisations. I believe I can influence most members of the National Assembly that are my friends. I can influence at least 20 of them. If other church and religious leaders influence as much, they will have no choice but to listen to us.

    Let me tell you, it is good to dialogue. You don’t lose anything by talking. Talking reduces tensions and creates understanding. We saw what happened with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in South Africa. When we talk, there is no way something will not go into our laws, at least to an extent.

    The signals are not too positive in the run-up to the general elections in 2015. Do you think the country can survive the likely violent reactions and consequences from the polls?

    I don’t believe this country will disintegrate and I mean it with all my senses. I believe we can overcome whatever challenges. But there won’t be problems if the polls are free and fair. That is why we must all work towards it. All the political parties must cooperate and make sure there is no violence before and after the election.

    Is Nigeria working?

    Why not? In your family, don’t you have times when there are problems? Sometimes, people die in the family. Sometimes, there is no food. Sometimes, there is one problem or the other. It does not mean the family will frizzle away. It is the same in Nigeria. Sometimes, people will cause one problem or the other. Sometimes, there could be natural disasters. That doesn’t mean Nigeria is not working. We eat everyday and live in relative peace.

    Corruption remains a big challenge in the country and there are talks that even churches and religious organisations are not helping matters…

    … Yes, I agree some of our churches are corrupt and fuelling it. I am sorry some of us are corrupt. Some of us can collect any money we see. Some of us start changing our sermons when we see money. We give rich men knighthoods and call them brothers. We give them special seats. So, we are part of the corruption. So, yes, the church is part of the corruption. Religious leaders have to be careful what we do and say. We have to lead by examples. Churches should not accept any type of gifts and offerings.

    It seems your church has been insulated from the insurgency in the north…

    No o… We lost somebody, a steward at Bama. We lost two people in Maiduguri and others in Jos. So, we have been affected one way or the other. I believe government needs to be serious and honest to tackle the insurgency in the north. First of all, we have to abolish the Almajiri system.

    Really?

    Yes, we have to. I have lived in Kano for 10 years and can tell you those boys are vulnerable. Some Mallam feeds them and sends them to beg for money. It is shocking they never hold back a kobo no matter how hungry they are. They remit everything. They are ignorant and easily manipulated. If you tell my son to go and throw a stone at someone, he won’t do it. He’d ask you why and you will hardly convince him to do it.

    But, not these boys because of the indoctrination and dependence among them. If you tell them to go and burn down a church, they will do it without asking any questions. It is a matter of orientation. So, I believe the Almajiri system should be abolished immediately.

    Your emergence created a little misunderstanding in the church. How did you take it?

    I took it with magnanimity because those who were deciding were there. You know my emergence proves that there should be no room for godfathers and that was what brought about the misunderstanding. Some people came into the election with certain candidates in mind but when they came, they were disappointed. They realised there was freedom for those qualified to contest. Some people were disappointed that their candidates did not emerge. That should teach Nigerians a lesson that only God chooses.

    It is good to allow God choose. If God does not choose a person, that person will crash. Up till today, I shiver and have a sense of bewilderment the way the election went.

    You mean you were not sponsored by anybody?

    No, I wasn’t expecting anything. I was even discouraged because I had nobody to sponsor me. I had nobody to back me up. I was not inordinately ambitious. I only took to prayers. I told my wife when I was leaving for the election that I was ready to work with anybody that emerged. I wouldn’t because of me drag the church through the process of crisis.

    Incidentally, when everything happened, I had about eleven lawyers who volunteered to take up everything in court. The Igbo nation saw it as a challenge. I want to tell you even governors were involved. But I told them I was never interested in suits. Eight lawyers from the South East and three from the South West said they would file the suits without any cost to me. I said no.

    Three professors called and asked me what happened during the election. I told them and they asked if certain persons voted. I told them he did three times. Then, they said leave the case for us and we would go to court. Eventually, I convinced them because it would have been hurtful to me if there was a crisis after my election.

    Don’t you think the involvement of Ohaneze and eight lawyers of eastern extraction probably confirmed the insinuation in some circles within the church that your emergence was a balancing act to pacify the South East?

    Well, I don’t know but I think it was God’s choice for the church. Let me reveal to you why they wanted to go to court. There were serious meetings in Enugu. They said nobody from the Igbo nation has been prelate for 151 years. Why must it be now that our man emerged that there will be problems? So, they took it up. Even those in the Diaspora took it as a challenge; they wanted to fight to the finish. But I told those they sent to me to stay action. That even if the church wanted it back, I was willing to let go.

    You really were?

    Yes, I was, so that there would be peace. What are we fighting for, anyway? Being a prelate, pope or anything does not guarantee eternity. It’s possible to become one and go to hell. The main thing is to make Christ known and make heaven. That is what bothers me, not any title.

    What kind of a prelate do you want to be?

    I want to be a servant prelate; I want to be a prayerful prelate; I want to be a caring prelate. That is all I want to be.

    When you were in Enugu, you were critical of government’s policies and actions. But it seems you have mellowed. Is this because of your new vantage position?

    (Laughs) When government does anything well, I commend them. But when they go out of place, I am ever ready to take them up because they are not paying me. No government pays me. I am in the payroll of God and the church, so I am never afraid to bare my mind.

    We need courageous prophets like Nathan and Elijah. I want to be a prelate who can speak to authorities with boldness.

    Yes, people are worried we have too many palace prophets who are only interested in Ghana-must-go honorariums…

    … I am seeing that also.

    You mean you see those things in your meetings?

    Yes, it is there. People are only after their tummies. But I have vowed to stand for God. I am in a class of Methodist preachers who condemn and commend at the same time.

    Will you be willing to lead a protest march should the need arise?

    Why not? We published a communiqué last week after a meeting of Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) with some Muslim leaders where we are planning a road march on the insecurity in the country. That day will be very serious. It will hold in Lagos, Abuja, Ibadan, Enugu, in fact all the former capitals of regional Nigeria. We want to register our displeasure with the insecurity in the country.

    Where do you want to leave the church when you are handing over?

    Well, we must have added to the membership of the church. We must grow geometrically. We must bring back all our young members that left. Is it not the Bible that they are teaching where they went? What is the magic there? If there is Rhema in your sermons, people will listen and stay back. The sheep don’t graze where there is no good vegetation. So, we want to grow the church in all ramifications.

    Our 4-point agenda is to grow the church spiritually; grow the church numerically; grow the church financially and grow the church’s infrastructure.

    Have you forgiven those who were against you during the voting?

    Me? I didn’t have an enemy o. I still don’t have any. Every Methodist is a friend. Those who should be my fathers are my fathers. For instance, Makinde is my father; Mbang is my father. And we love ourselves. There are no problems. We fraternise; we have visited ourselves. Methodist church is one. There is no crisis anywhere. Even those who left in 1962 have come back. We have a united, formidable church again.

  • National  Conference, an alternative  to chaos

    National Conference, an alternative to chaos

    The late Chief Gani Fawehinmi was an unrepentant advocate of the Sovereign National Conference (SNC). At a press conference on March 22, 2000 he addressed many of the frequently asked questions about convoking  the SNC. Excerpts:

    THE root cause of our national tragedies is the fundamental defects that have always afflicted the process of determining every constitutional frame-work of the polity. Our constitutional arrangements since 1914 to date (2000) have never truly reflected the political, economic, social, cultural and religious realities of the country.

    Above all, the people of the country have never had the opportunity to make inputs into, accept or reject any constitutional frame-work through a referendum. Consequently, the masses of our people have always been treated as aliens in all constitutional processes from 1914 to 1999 as all constitutional frame-works have always been imposed on them whether or not they like them.

    Principled policies of governments, loss of moral sensitivity.

    SNC as solution to grievances

    There are so many grievances and accusations against Nigeria and by Nigerians which the Sovereign National Conference must consider and resolve with the sole objective of designing a new Constitution (the Peoples’ Constitution) for the country which will cast into extinction all the evil tendencies which have conspired to make Nigeria’ a virtual ‘ghost’ country, deeply and invidiously polarised in all directions since 1914 to date and more seriously since January 15, 1966. We must pull Nigeria back from the brink and from the precipice with a Constitution made democratically by Nigerians through the SNC and affirmed in a referendum by Nigerians. The alternative to this path of sanity is to continue disastrously to pretend that pious political preaching, posturing and exhortations and the use of governmental power of brute force will contain the mounting crises. They will not. It is time to call a spade a spade and face the reality of our fate squarely, sincerely and courageously, so as to prevent a disintegration of the country.

    The Sovereign National Conference being advocated is to rebuild this single sovereign nation from its collapsing foundation, not to tear the country into several sovereign nations. If we don’t, I shudder to think of the catastrophic consequences to the very existence of the country and its horrible effects on the black race, Black Africa and the world at large.

    Let us move away from the brink. The answer is the Sovereign National Conference. We must prevent the experiences of Rwanda, Burundi, Srilanka, Somalia, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Kosovo, Croatia and Bosnia from happening in Nigeria.

    The only opportunity we have to do this is the convocation of a Sovereign National Conference. We need to talk, talk and talk ourselves to true peace, genuine justice and appropriate peoples’ Constitution in which all Nigerians will find a fulfilment of their hopes and aspirations and unshaken guarantee of peace, stability and prosperity.

    How to convoke a Sovereign National Conference

    The Sovereign National Conference, which is the only option left to save this country from sliding into disintegration, must be convoked as quickly as possible.

    The Sovereign National Conference is not to govern the country but to find solutions to all the problems that afflict the polity. All the governments under the current constitutional dispensation should be preliminarily involved in the process of convoking a Sovereign National Conference. Consequently, the President of Nigeria, the President of the Senate, the Speaker of House of Representatives, all the thirty-six (36) Governors of the states of the federation and the thirty-six (36) Speakers of the thirty-six (36) state assemblies must quickly meet jointly to set up the Sovereign National Conference Planning Committee. The National and State Assemblies should promulgate laws in support of the SNC so that fresh elections are held at the expiration of the tenure of the existing government in year 2003 on the basis of the Constitution that will be drawn up by the SNC and subjected to a referendum of the people.

    Composition of SNC Planning Committee

    We recommend that the Planning Committee should comprise 50 members – 25 officially selected and 25 non-officials who will be selected across the country based on their track records of patriotism, honesty, integrity, hard work, and ability. The Chief Justice of Nigeria will swear this committee into office as members of the Sovereign National Conference Planning Committee.

    Duties of the Planning Committee:

    The SNC Planning Committee should be mandated to: (a) Conduct elections in collaboration with the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), into the Sovereign National Conference. (b) Determine the venue of the Conference. (c) Ensure the full inauguration Conference.

    Composition of Sovereign National Conference

    (a) We must use what we have to achieve what we want. By virtue of section 3(6) of the 1999 Constitution, there are seven hundred and seventy-four (774) local governments in Nigeria. Each local government area will elect a member into the Sovereign National Conference. But such election must not be on party basis.

    (b) There are important interest groups which cannot be involved in the election at local government level but whose views could be of paramount importance in the resolution of grievances that could come before the Conference. These groups include: The Judiciary, the Army, the Navy, the Airforce, the Police, the Customs, the Prisons, the Immigration, interest groups, professional and trade associations such as those of teachers at all levels of educational system; Lawyers; Medical Doctors; Pharmacists; Nurses; Engineers; Sociologists; Political Scientists; Administrators; Secretaries; Accountants; Bankers; Architects; Quantity Surveyors; Journalists; Students; Farmers; Market women and petty traders; Artisans; Organised Labour; Employers; Chambers of Commerce and Industry; Women; Religious bodies, including Christians, Moslems and Traditional worshippers; Civil Servants at local, state and federal levels; Human Rights Community and pro-democracy organisations; Ethnic organisations fighting for self-determination; and Traditional Rulers, etc. Each of these groups will in its respective organisation elect representatives to the Sovereign National Conference based on its numerical strength. The modalities for doing this can be easily worked out by the Sovereign National Conference Planning Committee.

    SNC not just an assembly of nationalities

    The import of the recommended composition of the SNC above is that the SNC should not be conceived solely as an assembly of nationalities. Multiple nationality is just one of the realities of Nigeria as a plural society. Other realities of Nigeria such as religious differences, social stratification, gender subjugation, professional and economic interests must also be considered.

    Observer status at SNC

    Observer status should also be given to international bodies such as the UNO, OAU, ECOWAS, EU, Commonwealth, National and International Human Rights and Media Bodies, etc.

    Primary function of the SNC:

    The primary duty of the Sovereign National Conference is to address and find solutions to the key problems afflicting Nigeria since 1914 to date. The concern is to remove all obstacles which have prevented the country from establishing political justice, economic justice, social justice, cultural justice, religious justice and to construct a new constitutional frame-work in terms of the system of government – structurally, politically economically, socially, culturally and religiously. Furthermore, the conference is to receive and deliberate upon all grievances and whether contained in memoranda or letter from individuals or groups within and outside Nigeria. The Sovereign National Conference will be enjoined to discuss and deliberate on everything under the sun with regards to Nigeria and how to preserve the country in which Nigerians will have fulfilment of their hopes and aspirations. In other words, a Nigeria where every ethnic group will find succour; and where the masses, the neglected, the persecuted, the deprived and the cheated will find solace. In short, the Sovereign National Conference is to rebuild the country called Nigeria from the scratch and to establish a new constitutional structure for a new Nigeria.

    Referendum

    The Constitution made by the people’s Sovereign National Conference will be subjected to the people’s referendum for the first time in the history of Nigeria.

    Economic Restructuring

    It is perhaps imperative to stress that contrary to the conception of some new organisations and individuals who have just woken up to appreciate the necessity of the SNC, the work of the SNC should not be limited to political restructuring based on ethnic factors. A key concern of the SNC is economic restructuring.

    The SNC should discuss and resolve the character and nature of the economic system that can ensure sustained improvement in the material lives of the ordinary people. The SNC should be concerned with establishing an economic system that will guarantee economic rights of Nigerians, whether rich or poor.

    The ordinary people must enjoy the right to work or unemployment allowance in the absence of jobs, cost-free housing, education, health, water, electricity, etc. In a restructured polity, access to social services by the masses should be regarded as fundamental rights. An obligation ought to be imposed on all levels of government to provide social services such that citizens constitutionally, legally and politically can challenge the government in the event of non-provision. If the provision of social services is made to the constitutional responsibility of all tiers of government, then national resources will be utilised meaningfully in the interest of the larger society. Accountability of government to the people will equally be promoted because governance will acquire a focused and definitive character. When a government has so many constitutional responsibilities and the people are aware of their constitutional rights and are prepared to fight for them legally and politically, looting, stealing, misappropriation of public resources will be minimised, if not eliminated.

    Relationship of Sovereign National Conference to the current Constitutional Dispensation

    The Sovereign National Conference is not to govern the country. It is to find solutions to the problems of the country. It will therefore not interfere with the governance of the country at the federal level, in the states and at the local governments. Those to govern the country have been elected in 1998/1999 to do so for four years and their tenure will end in the year 2003.

    Those elected on December 5, 1998 to the local governments, on January 9, 1999, to the states and on February 13 and 27 to the centre are now functioning within the confines of a fundamentally defective constitutional arrangement, which was made on the 5th of May 1999 after their elections. Since the military-imposed 1999 Constitution is fundamentally defective and is incapable of satisfying the aspirations of the people, there is a need for a democratically drawn up Constitution through the SNC. The existing Constitution has proved incapable of containing national chaos and steady decline into catastrophic and bloody disintegration in which the teeming poor masses will bear the brunt while the rich, many of whom have looted public treasury, will find succour and solace in foreign countries. It would be foolhardy to want to protect such a Constitution. It is in the interest of democracy, in order to avert the impending disaster that a new Constitution be drawn up through a mass participatory process.

  • Public parking pains

    Public parking pains

    For many vehicle owners in Lagos, getting a parking space is as difficult as a donkey passing through the proverbial needle’s eye, reports Sunday Oguntola

    Kingsley Paul, a marketing executive in one of the leading pharmaceutical companies, finally arrived the all-important presentation in Ikeja, capital of Lagos State, two hours behind schedule. By then, the clients were already on their way out. This was the kind of embarrassing lateness he had planned to avoid.

    When he had left his Ikotun residence around 7am, he was doubly sure he would make the 10am presentation. He already factored in the usual traffic snarls and bottlenecks which have come to define Lagos roads during peak hours. After managing to navigate the chaotic traffic in less than two hours, he was proud of his time-keeping skill. It has served him well for several years. But he was wrong this time around.

    When he got to Obafemi Awolowo way in Ikeja, he realised the parking lot of the firm where he was to make his presentation was already full. The public parking lot at the popular Computer Village was also jammed. Thus began his long search for a parking space, one that eventually took over two hours of rigmarole. When he managed to find one offered by street urchins, popularly known as area boys, he had spent over two hours in the same neighbourhood.

    Woes of car owners

    He was stuck in the same vicinity despite being just about five minutes’ walk from his appointment venue. Exhausted and exasperated, Paul simply returned home to rue the loss of a major contract that would have boosted the profile of his firm and career path.

    According to him: “This is a most painful experience that I would never forget. It is so saddening that I lost the contract just because I could not get a parking space for my vehicle. Who knows how more tragic losses have been incurred through such?”

    Bayo Adejare was a little luckier. He got to the venue of his appointment on time after finding a parking space on Lagos Island. When he returned to pick his car, he found it had been vandalised by suspected hoodlums.

    “The car I locked so securely had been broken into. My valuables were taken away. The body of my vehicle was also scratched by another vehicle, I understood the driver was trying to avoid a head-on collision with another approaching vehicle,” he lamented.

    Paul and Adejare’s predicaments typify what an average car owner in Lagos goes through almost every day. Hemmed by a burgeoning population and a tiny land mass, the nation’s commercial nerve city is easily becoming too unbearable for car owners. Many of them have tales of one frustration or the other to recount in parking their vehicles.

    The excitement of owning a vehicle is gradually turning to a nightmare. James Ogunbayo resides in Maryland but works in Marina. The central car park in Marina fills up as early as 7:45am every day. This forces many vehicle owners to patronise parks operated by area boys. Ogunbayo opts for the latter option, which comes with a lot risks.

    “One is not totally sure the car is safe but you really don’t have any choice, if you don’t want to be late for work. The boys charge more and sometimes make away with valuables. But it is a choice one must make if you don’t want to have your vehicle towed for parking just anywhere,” he stated.

    A visit to most markets and shopping malls in Lagos showed many of them do not have enough space for their customers to park. This has left buyers and shoppers with no choice than to utilise adjoining open or residential spaces. Most vehicles have been lost in the process.

    Where is the parking lot?

    It is the same with most public buildings in the city. The old domestic wing of the Murtala Muhammed Airport, Ikeja, offers a messy insight into how parking space has become such a headache in Lagos. The small space provided by the authorities cannot accommodate up to 200 vehicles at a go, a painful reality for an airport of such size and flight traffics. Though the alternative parking lot at MM2 is serving as a breather, it comes at a very high price.

    Travellers are most times forced to drop their vehicles at home or hire drivers to return their vehicles home. Those who insist on driving down end up missing their flights, especially during peak hours. Yinka Oladeji has been in such unpleasant situations most times.

    “These days when I am travelling, I just get a taxi to Ikeja and walk down despite the obvious inconveniences,” he began. “The last time I tried to brave it, I ended up missing my flight with the attendant headaches.”

    During peak hours, vehicles move at agonisingly snail rate because most drivers are frantically looking for spaces to park. Those who manage to get also cannot wait for too long. Last week, the vehicle of Mrs. Beatrice John was impounded for allegedly not leaving it on neutral drive. John, who was at the airport to purchase a travel ticket, ended up paying a fee of N5, 000 after hours of delays.

    Lamentations

    She recounts her experience: “I secured a small space where I parked and moved to the hall to get a ticket. I came out almost an hour later only to realise my vehicle had been crammed. When I asked why, they said I parked at a spot where I should have left my car at neutral drive so that they can move it for other vehicles.

    “I was fined for an offence I did not commit and made to suffer for something I knew nothing about. It is a shame that an airport like this does not have enough parking space for travellers and users.”

    This situation is much the same at the international wing of the airport, especially during peak periods. Vehicles spend hours dropping off passengers and waiting for arrivals at the small parking lot operated by the Federal Airport Authorities of Nigeria (FAAN). What is said to be a new ultra modern parking lot has been under construction for years thus contributing to the agony of getting a parking space.

    At the Lagos State University Teaching Hospital (LASUTH) in Ikeja, it is the same pain all the way. Though the authorities have made concrete steps to providing parking space, the measures remain largely insufficient. Vehicular movements in and out of the hospital remain slow and time-consuming.

    At the General Hospital in Orile Agege and Ifako, the challenges of parking vehicles remain quite worrisome. Vehicles are mostly parked on the streets around the hospitals because the premises fill up in no time. This, most times, impedes access for patients with emergencies.

    Lagos’ neighbourhoods with event centres and halls also suffer headaches during occasions and events. This is because most of the facilities do not have enough spaces for vehicles to park.

    Ajayi Olawale, a resident of Abule Egba, said the situation has become a pain in the neck. “On most weekends and Sundays, it takes several precious minutes, sometimes hours, to drive on roads that should take not more than ten minutes. Vehicles are parked on all sides, blocking vehicular movements and making passage difficult.

    “Some of us are becoming irritated and are having a rethink about where to live. These days to determine where one lives, it is best to ensure there are no event centres or halls to guard against such unnecessary gridlocks,” he said.

    Dr Bayo Adebiyi, a town planner, said the challenge of providing a parking space is one that is best addressed long before structures are built. “The thing is most of our cities and streets are jammed. There was no adequate provision for spaces where vehicles should be parked. Since development has overtaken provisions, such challenges are inevitable,” he explained.

    He said the only remedy for a city like Lagos is to regulate indiscriminate building of event centres and business complexes. “The Ministry of Physical Planning should not approve buildings that cannot provide enough parking spaces. This should ensure future explosion and contingencies are taken into consideration.”

    The Commissioner for Physical Planning and Urban Development, Mr Olutoyin Ayinde, acknowledged that parking space is a huge challenge in the state. He, however, stated that this is expected because Nigeria lacks an efficient public transportation scheme, which leaves individuals with no choice than to acquire vehicles.

    He also blamed the situation on poor attitude to mobility, a development which he explained makes Nigerians drive to everywhere instead of trekking. According to him, “The average Nigerian wants to take his cars to everywhere he is going, even if it is within a walking distance. Note that most of our churches are within the neighbourhood and walking distance of worshippers, yet most of the worshippers drive there. If a church has 500 congregation and 200 of them have cars, how much space will it be able to provide?”

    Ayinde added: “The way I always see a parking lot is like a housing allowance. Your company gives you housing allowance just to augument whatever you have. Allocation of parking lot is to give a relief to what would have been if there were none.”

    On plans to ameliorate the situation, the commissioner said: “We look more into the planning and approval process. We can do more if we tax on-street parking. The Ministry of Transport can actually designate a space for it. It’s done everywhere else. In the UK, you park on the streets but pay. In Singapore, you are given a parking lot and you know you have to sell off the other cars you have.”

    He said the ministry is also considering several proposals to build high-rise and multi-level parking lots in different parts of Lagos. “We are already looking for space for high-rise parking. In the Lagos Island West Redevelopment Scheme, we already have that in mind. We’d provide the infrastructure and the private sector can go to invest. We have a proposal for multi-level parking that will operate on commercial basis.”

    He advised Lagosians to avoid idle parking, saying the situation is responsible for parking congestion. For shoppers, he called for adequate time management, saying “the more you pay for idle parking, the more you realise you need to get anything you need to do and get out on time.”

    The Commissioner for Transportion, Kayode Opeifa, was not available when our correspondent called. But a top official in the ministry confided that the state has noted the “compelling needs to have an omni-bus parking policy scheme.”

    The official hinted that a policy in that direction is already at the stage of implementation. Dubbed the State Wide Parking Policy, the official said the scheme attempts to evolve a workable system to address challenges and opportunities of parking.

    The scheme, it was learnt, will operate on a public-private arrangement with operators serving as concessionaires for multi-level car parking. The official assured it will address several challenges on the issue, stating the scheme will be unveiled any moment from now.

  • The battle for Taraba

    The battle for Taraba

    Associate Editor, Sam Egburonu, locates the current power battle between Governor Danbaba Suntai and Acting Governor Garba Umar within the context of the explosive Taraba State politics, exploring possible options to douse the fire

     

    The political fire that is currently raging in Taraba State may have been lighted formally on Wednesday, August 28, 2013, when Governor Danbaba Suntai, who just returned a few days earlier from his sick bed abroad, announced immediate dissolution of the state executive council, thus declaring his resolve to take back power from the Acting Governor, Alhaji Garba Umar, and other political godfathers that may come his way.

    But it has become obvious, from the texture of the political conflagration, that the dry logs and the oil, fueling the raging inferno, have been prepared long ago, awaiting the final lighting.

    So, aS soon as the yet- to-recover governor announced the dissolution of the executive council and the appointment of a new Secretary to the State Government (SSG) and two others, it was not surprising that the state political theatre caught fire.

    The fire also gained immediate momentum as Umar openly rejected the governor’s directive, dismissing the announcement as the handiwork of a cabal, not that of the governor, desperate to hijack power for itself.

    He, like the state House of Assembly, therefore, insisted that the governor, who suffered head injuries in October 2012, after a Cessna light aircraft he was piloting crashed near Yola Airport and was taken to a trauma and brain injury center near New York City for treatment, should go back to the US to continue his treatment.

    Umar and majority of the lawmakers argued that Suntai has not recovered well enough to be entrusted with the task of governance. But Suntai and his confidants insist he has recovered well enough to regain his constitutional responsibility as the elected governor of the state.

    At this point, the political stalemate has become obvious, even to the most naive political observer. The battle line was finally drawn as Taraba suddenly found itself in a deep political dilemma, not certain whose orders to obey or who should be regarded as the authentic Governor of the state: the elected governor, Suntai, whose health condition is still a matter of serious debate or his erstwhile deputy and ally, Umar, who became the Acting Governor since Suntai was away in far away United States of America, receiving treatment?

    The confusion

    Although the first signs came on Monday, 26, 2013, a day after Suntai’s return, when he wrote the Taraba State House of Assembly, informing the House of his return and readiness to resume work as the state governor, the dilemma became manifest as soon as the disagreement of two principal officers of the House, Hon. Haruna Tsokwa and Hon. Joseph Albaso, over the political development, blew open. Tsokwa, the Speaker of the House, after taking a critical look at the governor, had resisted the demand to return power to him. According to Tsokwa, Umar should continue to act as Governor until the house deliberate on the letter and become convinced that the governor had recovered.

    But Albaso, the Majority Leader of the House, said the governor had fulfilled the constitutional requirement, which, according to him, was to notify the House of his return and readiness to resume work.

    Since then, the nation has been burdened with the puzzle of who is right? The matter came to a controversial end on Friday, when National Assembly members from Taraba threw their weight behind the state Assembly, insisting that Suntai is not yet fit to govern the state and as such, he should go back to US to continue his treatment, while Umar should continue to serve as Acting Governor.

    But it seems this firm position of the lawmakers has not settled the dust.

    This is because some questions that have arisen from the political crisis remain unanswered.

    For example, observers, taking into consideration similar scenerio that played out at the federal level, when the late President Umar Musa Yar’Adua was critically ill, are worried that, as was the case then, the implications for the state and country’s political future may be threatened, except the matter is handled wisely. There is still disagreement if the Taraba case has so far been handled wisely by the major officers concerned.

    For example, there is argument as to if the Governor has the right to go on vacation or sick leave for as long as it takes him to recover, or if there is a limited period of time he must not exceed? All that section 189 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) said is: (1) The Governor or Deputy Governor of a State shall cease to hold office if (a) by a resolution passed by two-thirds majority of all members of the executive council of the State, it is declared that the Governor or Deputy Governor is incapable of discharging the functions of his office; and

    (b) the declaration in paragraph (a) of this subsection is verified, after such medical examination as may be necessary, by a medical panel established under subsection (4) of this section in its report to the Speaker of the House of Assembly.”

    Today, legal luminaries are still airing defferent views on how the dilemma leaves Taraba in view of the constitutional provisions.

    Observers are also wondering if the Assembly has power to declare Suntai medically unfit when they are not doctors or the panel of medical examiners required by the constitution?

    Former Minister of Justice and Attorney- General of the Federation, Chief Richard Akinjide is one of the legal luminaries that commented on this aspect of the confusion during the week. According to him, “The constitution is clear on cases like this. – there should be expert report. They can’t resolve the crisis without it. The onus falls on medical report.”

    This implies that political considerations, which have so far guided most of the decisions so far taken by the actors may not suffice. It also suggests that the matter is yet to be over and may soon move to medical theatres.

    That political reasons have dominated the debates so far shows also that what is playing out in the north-east state of Taraba cannot be fully appreciated without a grasp of the political realities that informed the actions of the major actors

    The politics of Taraba

    One of the major questions that has been asked since the political crisis in Taraba peaked is whether it was proper for Suntai to dissolve the executive at the time he did? There are issues also on the actions of the Acting Governor so far?

    Our investigation shows that these major actors are acting out scripts informed by the political history of the state and the camp they currently belong to.

    Taraba is a strictly polarised state, politically. When Suntai emerged as a Governor, it was with the full support and sponsorship of former Governor Jolly Nyame, a fellow Christian. But there was an allegation that the agreement between Nyame and Suntai was that Suntai would not seek re-election. When he eventually did, he, in collaboration with some powerful political forces, including Senator Aisha Jumai Alhassan, had to edge out Nyame. Today, both Nyame and Alhassan, are no longer in the same camp with Suntai as Alhassan has reportedly become one of the major opponents of Suntai within Taraba PDP.

    Other powerful senators, like Abubakar Umar Tutare, are also alleged to have been looking for a way of paying back Suntai, whom he once accused of trying to stop his senatorial ambition.

    So, politically, Suntai operated under a well divided political party. This was well demonstrated when Umar was to be sworn in as Acting Governor. Then, he was still seen as Suntai’s ally and opponents allegedly hatched a plot to prevent his swearing in as Acting Governor when the governor got involved in the plane crash. Today, Umar is the major political opponent of Suntai.

    Besides this, the politics of Taraba State has been polluted by religious divide. With Christians forming the majority in the state, and the two civilian elected Governors, Nyame and Suntai, all Christians, Muslims are highly agitated and there have been claims of marginalisation. “When Suntai had the plane crash, some elements in the state, who obviously wanted to perpetuate hatred claimed it was Muslim fundamentalists that planned the accident. This will show you the extent people can go here to mix up religion and politics,” said Jamui Hassan, a resident in Yola. Hassan told The Nation yesterday that Muslims see Umar as the opportunity of the Muslims to also produce governor of the state. Such circumstances had also led to the emergence a Christian governor in a northern state that has Muslim majority and have always had Muslim governors. According to Hassan, it is this sentiment that has garnered support for Umar.

    Besides religion and PDP intrigues, ethnicity seems to be also contributing to increasing sentiment against Suntai. In the state, which has nine big ethnic groups, only two, Mumuye and Chamba have produced elected governors, in the persons of Nyame, a Mumuye and Suntai, a Chamba. Allegations against Suntai, according to sources, is that he is planning to instal another Mumuye as his successor.

    Options available for settlement

    To resolve the political dilemma in the state, experts and observers have suggested several options. They include impeachment, state of emergency, doctrine of necessity, among others.

    Although there are allegations of each camp planning to initiate impeachment proceedings for either Suntai or Umar, it seems most experts say Suntai can only be stopped if a medical report confirms him unfit and he is subsequently impeached.

    If this option proved difficult because of the complications arising from the political intrigues, some observers are already suggesting a repeat of the implementation of the Doctrine of Necessity, which the National Assembly used to save the nation at the peak of the late Yar’Adua’s sick saga.

    Aside these, peace lovers are already urging President Goodluck Jonathan and PDP to intervene and resolve the matter.

    At the weekend, Jonathan and the party reportedly agreed to step in. If their peace efforts fail, security experts, who spoke to The Nation yesterday, said state of emergency would be needed to save the state and the country, taking into consideration the current security crisis in the north-east zone.

     

  • WHAT 1999 CONSTITUTION SAYS

    Permanent incapacity of Governor or Deputy Governor

    SECTION 189:

    (1) The Governor of Deputy Governor of a State shall cease to hold office if –

     

    (a) by a resolution passed by two-thirds majority of all

    members of the executive council of the State, it is

    declared that the Governor or Deputy Governor is

    incapable of discharging the functions of his office; and

     

    (b) the declaration in paragraph (a) of this subsection is verified, after such medical examination as may be

    necessary, by a medical panel established under

    subsection (4) of this section in its report to the

    Speaker of the House of Assembly.

     

    (2) Where the medical panel certifies in its report that in its opinion the Governor or Deputy Governor is suffering from such infirmity of body or mind as renders him permanently incapable of discharging the functions of his office, a notice thereof signed by the Speaker of the House of Assembly shall be published in the Official Gazette of the Government of the State.

     

    (3) The Governor or Deputy Governor shall cease to hold office as from the date of publication of the notice of the medical report pursuant to subsection (2) of this section.

     

    (4) The medical panel to which this section relates shall be appointed by the Speaker of the House of Assembly of the State, and shall comprise five medical practitioners in Nigeria –

     

    (a) one of whom shall be the personal physician of the

    holder of the office concerned; and

     

    (b) four other medical practitioners who have, in the opinion

    of the Speaker of the House of Assembly, attained a high

    degree of eminence in the field of medicine relative to the

    nature of the examination to be conducted in accordance

    with the foregoing provisions of this section.

     

    (5) In this section, the reference to “executive council of the State” is a reference to the body of Commissioners of the Government of the State, howsoever called, established by the Governor and charged with such responsibilities for the functions of Government as the Governor may direct.

    Acting Governor during temporarys absence of Governor

    SECTION 190:

     

    Whenever the Governor transmits to the Speaker of the House of Assembly a written declaration that he is proceeding on vacation or that he is otherwise unable to discharge the functions of his office, until he transmits to the Speaker of the House of Assembly a written declaration to the contrary such functions shall be discharged by the Deputy Governor as Acting Governor.

     

  • How Suntai can bounce  back, by medical expert

    How Suntai can bounce back, by medical expert

    This man is so severely, mentally incapacitated that he may just have become a child all over again. Learnt he was taciturn even before his accident. He is just lucky to be alive. He needs to have serious Nigerian Medical staff to manage his occupational therapy; Reason being that the brain is such a wonderful organ that can be manipulated to do what we want.

    The essence of having Nigerian staff is that they will re-orientate him to the environment he is familiar with. I bet if I was the one working with him, I would have been showing him all the pictures of those assembly members, such that he would have fooled them when he came home.

    I will talk to him and make him learn or rather practise being a governor again. It is a lot of hard work, but it’s worth it. Watching those useless movies from Nollywood will not be a bad idea either. It will trigger his memory since we are manipulating nature to do what has been lost to the dead brain cells from the accident.

    It takes only 3-6 minutes for brain cells to die without adequate perfusion. He was at the accident scene for a while, more than two hours before he was evacuated to Yola and then Abuja. He must have lost a lot of neural cells.

    Did you see the front of his head, cranium? You will see that laterally, he had a half moon incision. I am sure that was where they opened up his head for craniotomy to manage his swelling brain. Otherwise, since the cranium is some bony cage, if there is no outlet for a swelling brain, it will get to a point that the cranium will be too small for it and the patient will just expire. That is the essence of craniotomy. Craniotomy plus Mannitol will do the trick.

    His recovery will drag out if he continues to use Oyibo occupational therapists. The reason is that they do not know his environment, his culture and traditions. Therefore, they will manage him based on their own environment. I wish medical experts can talk to the wife, but they are going to be her enemy in her warped mind for telling the truth.

     

  • From Yar’Adua to Suntai

    From Yar’Adua to Suntai

    Deputy Editor, Olayinka Oyegbile, writes on the link between the Taraba crisis and the late Yar’Adua’s sick drama, wondering why we must allow a repeat.

    Power is the ultimate aphrodisiac – Henry Kissinger

     

    History, that veritable subject, which those who draw our school curriculum have decided to chuck out of our school system, is about to repeat itself, this time around in Taraba State.

    Why is it that Nigeria is a country in which those in power decide to cling to it no matter what assails them? The drama going on in Taraba is too soon for anyone not to have learnt any lesson. Was it not in this country a few years back that we had a president who was so sick that it would have been better for him to abdicate power and attend to his health than cling on to it to his own peril?

    It was clear that the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua was no longer able to have any control over his health. However, those close to him and who profit from his ill health were determined not to allow their “pot of soup”, if you excuse that term, to go. They knew that if he was not there they would never be able to feather their nests because a new person would come with his new friends, hangers on and favourites.

    At the end of the day, they ferried the man back home under the cover of darkness and were determined to hole him up there until God said it was all over. Now, because we failed to learn from history the same thing is playing itself out in Taraba State.

    Why are those surrounding Governor Danbaba Suntai bent on making him go through the stress of administering a state when it is crystal clear that he has no state of mind to do so? Is it not a case of them not wanting their “pot of soup” taken away from them because power is like a revolving door, you are either in or out. You can never be in-between.

    The power behind

    Women are known to be powers behind the throne and in this ugly and macabre dance in Taraba, what role is Hauwa, the wife of the governor playing? Is it not good for her to have sought guidance and knowledge from Mrs Turai Yar’Adua? Would the former First Lady not have been of good assistance to her to let her know that there is abundant life after power? I am sure she would have given her the benefit of her own hindsight to let her know that those who are trying to wail more than her do not love her husband more than her. They are only interested in their own selfish gains.

    I am still trying to fathom what Mrs Suntai thinks she is going to gain by allowing herself to join the band of those fair weather friends who corralled her to agree to bring her frail husband home when in actual fact it is clear that he cannot, at least under his present state of health, withstand the rigours his office demands. Or is there anything the court jesters are trying to let us know? Is it that occupying an office in Nigeria does not in any way demand any stress or effort?

    Why are people always afraid to leave the corridors of power? Years ago in Cameroun, former President Ahmadu Ahidjo gave up power when he was advised by a team of doctors that he could no longer cope with the strain. The same thing happened a few years back when the fiery Fidel Castro of Cuba ceded power to his younger brother. Today, Castro is still alive and his brother is presiding over the affairs of the country. Ahidjo lived for several years before he died.

    So, why are the jesters surrounding Suntai trying to force a man who is clearly under lots of personal trauma cling unto power till he drops dead?