Category: Law

  • Firm recovers Foreshore Towers, as court vacates order

    Firm recovers Foreshore Towers, as court vacates order

    Associated Property Development Company Ltd has recovered possession of 2A Osborne Road, Ikoyi, Lagos (Foreshore Towers) following an order of the Federal High Court sitting in Lagos.

    The order was made on September 13 by Justice Akintayo Aluko against six defendants/respondents – who were in alleged unlawful occupation – following an ex parte application by the firm.

    Justice Aluko made the order after hearing Abubakar Shamsudeen for the plaintiff/applicant who argued that the property had been taken over by the defendants following an order they obtained from the Lagos High Court contrary to the existing order of Justice Daniel Osiagor which was executed on  July 24.

    The first to sixth defendants/respondents are the Federal Ministry of Communications and Technology, Otunba Olusola Adekanola, Nigeria Telecommunications Ltd, Federal Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development, Implementation Committee on Alienation of Federal Government Property and the Attorney-General of the Federation.

    The order, among others, restrained the 2nd and 3rd Defendants (Otunba Adekanola, Nigeria Telecommunications), their principal, Bureau of Public Enterprises and any person acting on their behalf “including the Inspector-General of Police and all its subordinates from parading themselves as the new owners of the property at 2A Osborne Road, Ikoyi, Lagos State pending the full resumption of continuation of hearing of the substantive suit by the regular Court and hearing of Motion on Notice filed on 17th May.”

    Read Also: AA candidate heads for Appeal Court

    It also restrained the defendants from collecting any rent or further rent or charges or from ejecting, evicting, or in any manner whatsoever disturbing or further disturbing the quiet possession and enjoyment of the Applicant’s Tenants from the Applicant’s Tenant at the property.

    The firm, as plaintiff/respondent in the suit marked FHC/L/CS/4767/2008 executed the order on the Foreshore Towers premises comprising among others, the high-rise and Pee Galleria Shopping Mall buildings.

    Associated Property Development Company Ltd’s Human Resources/Admin Manager, Mrs. Joyce Ogala, who executed the order alongside court officials, noted that some of the property had been vandalised allegedly during the respondents’ occupation.

    She stated that this was the second time the premises would be “invaded” after a previous court order sacking the defendants from the property.

    Ogala said: “On the 24th of July we were here to carry out the first execution based on the court order that was given, but on the 28th of August we had a re-invasion by the said BPE and Co. They took over the property and they’ve been here for a while. But today, thank God we have a court order of September 13, 2023, and we’ve executed it.

    “It is disheartening to see what has happened in our offices. All the doors that we locked at the close of work were broken and accessed, the access control to our offices was all broken and destroyed completely, and the access security doors were broken and destroyed completely. For us to witness this, to see that things that we kept intact were vandalised by the said party is really disheartening.

    “CCTV cameras on the building were bound by them, so we unbound them. Some CCTVs in our personal offices were damaged or destroyed. At the penthouse, we found out that cutting machines and some fuses were missing from that office. So, a lot of damage occurred. We can’t quantify the damages right now, but we are sure that by the time we settle in gradually, we will know the extent of the damages.

    “The order of September 13 has been served on all the parties and they’ve received it.”

    The case resumes October 30.

  • Women lawyers push for equity, end to discrimination

    Women lawyers push for equity, end to discrimination

    What role can women lawyers play in national and personal development? These and more were the subjects of discussion at a parley by the African Women Lawyers Association (AWLA) Nigeria in Abuja, reports DELE ANOFI.

    Women lawyers must get to grips with the new and potentially disruptive technologies to thrive in the legal profession and contribute to development.

    They must also continue to push for the bridging of gender gaps in politics while working to end all forms of discrimination.

    Speakers at the 2023 Parley of the African Women Lawyers Association (AWLA) Nigeria stressed the need to advance the status of women and children, and to eradicate all forms of discrimination.

    The event, which was held at the Media Centre of the Moshood Abiola Stadium on the sidelines of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) Annual General Conference in Abuja, had the theme: “The role of the Nigerian woman in socio-economic and personal development: Getting it right, fixing the breach.”

    The parley also aimed to create networks and partnerships among African women lawyers and like-minded organisations and individuals.

    The speakers included Minister of Women Affairs, Mrs. Uju Kennedy-Ohanenye, who chaired the event; pioneer Chairman of NBA Section on Business Law, Mr. George Etomi; and a former Director-General of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), Dr. Roli Bode-George, who was the keynote speaker.

    Also present were Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP) Rita Oki-Emesim (in charge of the Gender Unit at Force CID, Abuja); a former lawmaker and presidential aspirant, Mrs. Olivia Agbajoh, among others.

    Bode-George said national development will remain in the realm of illusion without the robust contribution of women.

    Read Also: Over 340m females face abject poverty by 2030, UN Women warns

    Yet, she said women were still being undervalued and relegated to the background in the national scheme of things, with their substantial contributions through the years largely unappreciated.

    One way to reverse the narrative, she said, is to amplify the voices of women through a well-structured advocacy mechanism.

    To do this, women must equip themselves intellectually, emotionally and financially, she said.

    Bode-George believes women have more work to do by advocating for their rights and making it a point of duty to contribute to their cause in their spheres of influence.

    “Women in power and elsewhere should be bold to call out discrimination against women and the girl- child,” she said. 

    While she advocated for unhindered access to education for the girl- child, she urged women lawyers to provide free legal services for victims of gender or societal abuse.

    She also said all forms of abusive cultural traditions against women should be abolished by decision-makers.

    Bode-George urged the women to seek financial freedom through their in-built entrepreneurial gifts.

    Agbajoh called for the removal of debilitating obstacles that prevent women from taking their rightful place in the political affairs, such as the huge financial outlay required to contest elections, and widespread violence.

    The parley also featured a panel discussion. Chairman of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) Institute of Continuous Legal Education (ICLE), Mr. Tobenna Erojikwe, who underscored the resilience of the typical woman, said they can succeed against all odds.

    Citing a report by the International Bar Association (IBA), he noted that despite numerous challenges women face, they account for 40 per cent of lawyers in Nigeria, 33 per cent of whom are judges and justices.

    This, he believes, shows that with greater effort and more robust advocacy, women can  be better placed to contribute even more to development.

    Erojikwe emphasised the need for women to take self-development and empowerment more seriously, especially by getting to grips with new and potentially disruptive technologies, as well being conversant with the impact of globalisation and liberalisation on the business of law.

    He added that women should take advantage of their number to achieve their goals, support themselves and always speak up on issues affecting them.

    AWLA National President, Efosa Etomi, hailed the tenacity and industry of the Nigerian women, adding that everything must be done to elevate their social standing.

    She said: “This occasion is a vibrant tapestry woven to underscore the pivotal role of Nigerian women in shaping our nation’s socio-economic and personal advancement.”

    She stressed the need for stronger forms of advocacy to ensure that AWLA’s mandate is achieved in the shortest possible time.

    “As women step forward into their power and as we reach out and help those around us to do same, we are shaping the world as it should be,” she said.

    Minister: more needs to be done

     Mrs. Kennedy-Ohanenye, also a lawyer, lamented the socio-political and economic situation of Nigerian women despite their number and vibrancy.

    According to the minister, women still face discrimination in their private and public lives despite the long years of the country’s subscription to affirmative action.

    She said what the Nigerian women need is equity, adding that the odds were stacked high against their survival.

    Kennedy-Ohanenye said: “For instance, a 2018 statistics show that only 47 per cent of school-age girls (girls between 13-18 years) attend secondary school in Nigeria; many Nigerian women are underrepresented in formal salaried employment, 15 per cent of women are unpaid for their work, and the labour force participation of women in Nigeria is only 52.1 per cent.

    “Statistics also reveal that women who have full time jobs still spend disproportionate hours on housework when compared to men (this is unpaid work).

    “Men are more than three times as likely to own a house or land as women. (In fact, the World Bank reports that 89.3 per cent of Nigerian women do not own a house).

    “In 2020, it was observed that half of the women in business do not have access to formal financial services which can boost their business and income.”

    According to her, gender disparity suffered by women exists in public and corporate sectors.

    The minister said: “The IBA 2023 Report titled ’50: 50 by 2030: A Longitudinal Study into Gender Disparity in Law’ revealed that women make up 40 per cent of lawyers in Nigeria, while men make up the remaining 60 per cent.

    “Still, only four per cent of women have been conferred with the rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) since the institution of the rank.

    “As at 2021, there were only 29 female SANs out of about 690 SANs.

    “In the Judiciary, the picture, even if better, is still far from reflective of the numerical strength of women. Only six women have ever been on the bench of Nigeria’s Supreme Court.

    “Only one woman has ever been the Chief Justice of Nigeria and two women have been President of the Court of Appeal.”

    She stressed the need for gender parity in a much shorter time, urging the women lawyers to continue to demand equity.

    The minister said there must be an end to all forms of discrimination against all women and girls everywhere.

    “We must each remember that sometimes, equal treatment of women is not enough, what is required is equity.

    “We must continue to push for law reform; we must provoke gender policy formulation; we must intensify and expand our advocacy; we must take part in key discourses on gender parity and women rights.

    “We must champion a national awakening on the importance of recognising women’s rights and human rights; we must ensure our voices are heard and we must ensure that more women are in rooms where decisions are made, women must have a seat at the table where decisions are made.

    “We must seek more partnerships with the government and leverage that partnership and understanding to make a difference,” Ohanenye said.

    The event featured the cutting of the AWLA cake to mark the occasion, a lottery draw, as well as presentations of awards to individuals who have supported the association in its bid to promote the cause of women.

  • Three-man tribunal contravenes Electoral Act, Edo CJ told

    Three-man tribunal contravenes Electoral Act, Edo CJ told

    The Labour Party (LP) Chairmanship Candidate for Oredo in the September 2, 2023, local government election in Edo State, Daniel Ero, has urged the state’s Chief Judge, Justice Daniel Okungbowa, to set up a five-man Election Tribunal.

    Ero appreciated the CJ for setting up a three-man panel but argued that it did not comply with Section 78(3) & (4) of the Edo State Local Government Law, 2012 (as amended) on setting up a Local Government Election Tribunal.

    The law, he explained, provides that the tribunal should have a chairman and four other members.

    His September 15, 2023 letter was titled “Re: Urgent Request for the Immediate Establishment of a Local Government Election Tribunal in Line with Section 78 of the Edo State Local Government Election Law, 2012”.

    The letter reads in part, “My Lord, I am gratified to note that within 24 hours of my letter, which requested the immediate establishment of the Local Government Election Tribunal in response to the numerous concerns and grievances arising from the Edo State Local Government Election, a press release ostensibly dated August 31, 2023, and signed by the Chief Registrar of the Edo State High Court, Pastor Benson Osawaru, was posted on the Edo State Judiciary’s website on September 14, 2023, indicating the establishment of the Local Government Election Tribunal.

    “Additionally, banners have now been hoisted at the gate of the High Court Complex on Sapele Road, notifying the public of the existence of the tribunal. I appreciate Your Lordship for the prompt response in this regard.

    Read Also: Edo PDP senator returns to APC

    “May I, however, respectfully bring Your Lordship’s attention to a matter of utmost importance that warrants immediate consideration.

    “I have been informed by my lawyers that the press release in question, which may have been hastily drafted, contains a significant oversight.

    “Specifically, it asserts that the Chief Judge has approved the composition of a Local Government Election Tribunal comprising three members only.”

    Ero reasoned that the three-man composition of the tribunal raises concerns about the validity and legality of any decisions or judgments it may reach.

    He urged the Chief Judge to “take the necessary actions to rectify the composition of the Tribunal promptly”.

  • ‘Prioritise human rights in decision making’

    ‘Prioritise human rights in decision making’

    Chairperson of the United Nations Working Group on Business and Human Rights, Prof. Damilola Olawuyi, has challenged African heads of governments to mainstream human rights and environmental consideration into decision-making in all key sectors of their respective economy.

    Prof. Olawuyi also urged other stakeholders to accelerate and maximize the full potential of the green economy as a tool for promoting sustainable prosperity and green economic opportunities.

    The Senior Advocate of Nigeria, who is also the global vice chair of the International Law Association (ILA,), made these remarks in his High-level Opening Plenary address to the 2nd African Business and Human Rights Forum convened by the African Union in partnership with the United Nations, at the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The theme was “For Africa, From Africa”

    Read ALso: What U.S.’ll use United Nations Security Council presidency for, by envoy

    The continental Forum brings together African government leaders, development experts, business enterprises, civil society and academia to explore how to promote and ensure responsible business conduct in all key economic sectors in Africa.

    Prof Olawuyi commended governments of Nigeria, Uganda and Kenya for being the first few African countries to have adopted National Actions Plans on Business and Human Rights.

     He called for accelerated action to implement such action plans.

    He noted that a ‘ whole government approach’ is required to mainstream responsible investment into all economic sectors.

    While exploring progress made in addressing adverse human rights impact of business activities and investments in key economic sectors, Olawuyi called on African countries ‘not to stop at better when best is possible.”

    He emphasized that with less than seven years left to the 2030 target date for the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, global attention has shifted toward developing legal and institutional frameworks for “greening” national economies and promoting a progressive shift toward green growth and nature-based economic development.

    According to him: “The green economy approach emphasizes utilizing environmental protection, conservation, resource efficiency, and decarbonization as tools for promoting economic growth and development.

    “For example, by promoting “green jobs” through green financing, green technology transfer, green tourism, green transportation, and green procurements, countries can promote low carbon energy transition and green growth, while also fostering local eco-entrepreneurship and innovation.

     “The green economy model is the task and opportunity of the century for all forward-looking governments in Africa.

    “In my travels, I see that several investors worldwide are seeking new hubs for green investment, but are we ready for such green opportunities?”, he asked

  • Supreme Court, supreme crisis?

    Supreme Court, supreme crisis?

    In the coming days, the Supreme Court is expected to constitute a panel to hear the appeal arising from the judgment of the Presidential Election Petitions Court (PEPC. It will also resolve no fewer than 25 states’ election disputes. The justices also have a deluge of thousands of appeals from their regular cases pending before them. But, only 11 justices are on the court’s bench, out of a possible 21, raising fears of a potential crisis unless its vacancies are speedily filled, ROBERT EGBE reports.

    At the commencement of the presidential election petition proceedings in March, the Supreme Court comprised 13 justices. But, following the retirement of Justice Amina Augie on September 3 and the death two months earlier of Justice Chima Nweze, the apex court bench dropped to an all-time low of 11 justices out of a possible constitutional ceiling of 21.

    It is from these 11 that the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) Justice Olukayode Ariwoola is expected to select seven justices that will hear appeals emanating from the presidential and governorship election petition tribunals.

    This is in accordance with Section 230 (2) of the 1999 Constitution.

    The court’s second senior-most member, Musa Dattijo Muhammad, is due to retire on October 27.

    The Presidential Election Petition Court (PEPC) on September 6 affirmed President Bola Tinubu’s victory as the February 25 presidential election winner.

    His closest challengers, Atiku Abubakar of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP) have indicated their intention to reverse the PEPC’s decision at the apex court.

    The aggrieved parties had 14 days to file their appeals at the Supreme Court. The 14-day deadline elapses tomorrow.

    The Supreme Court is expected to announce its ruling within 60 days of receiving the petitioner’s appeal.

    11 Supreme Court justices

    Section 230 (2) of the 1999 Constitution provides that the Supreme Court shall consist of the CJN and such number of Justices not exceeding 21, as may be prescribed by an Act of the National Assembly. To be properly constituted in the hearing of any case, the court shall consist of not less than five Justices. However, the Supreme Court is only duly constituted when there are seven justices in any case where it exercises its original jurisdiction and where the nature of a case affects the fundamental rights of any person.

    In case of a presidential election, five Justices of the Appeal Court will determine the petition, while seven Justices will sit to decide the appeal at the apex court.

    The current 11 Supreme Court justices are CJN Ariwoola; Musa Muhammad, Kudirat Kekere-Ekun, John Okoro, Uwani Abba-Aji, Garba Lawal and Helen Morenikeji Ogunwumiju.

    The rest are Ibrahim Saulawa, Adamu Jauro, Tijjani Abubakar and Emmanuel Agim.

    However, Law Prof. Chidi Anselm Odinkalu warns in his article “The law of judicial back to the future” that “If there is an appeal from the judgment of the PEPC, the Supreme Court will notionally have 10 eligible justices, and that is before recusals or other potential conflicts, not to mention ill-health.”

    How apex court bench fell from 20 to 11

    Following former President Muhammadu Buhari’s elevation of eight justices at a go to its bench in November 2020, the number of apex court justices rose to an unprecedented 20, one shy of a historic 21. This was after the conclusion of the disputes arising from the 2019 presidential election. That was the last set of appointments to the Supreme Court.

    Read Also: Atiku, Obi risk losing at Supreme Court, says Clarke

    However, with the death of Justice Sylvester Ngwuta on March 7, 2021, and the retirement of Justice Rhodes-Vivour 14 days later, only 18 Justices were left on the bench.

    Before their replacements could be appointed, Justice Samuel Oseji died on September 28, 2021.

    Justice Mary Odili, who became the second most senior jurist of the court, retired on May 12, 2022, while Justice Ejembi Eko also bowed out of active judicial service on May 23, 2022.

    The retirement of Justice Augie and the death of Justice Nweze shrunk the apex court bench to 11.

    Consequences for election presidential election appeal

    One implication of having only 11 justices is that while seven of them are exclusively involved in hearing appeals emanating from the presidential and governorship election petition tribunals, only four of them will be left for other cases. The constitution provides that to be properly constituted in the hearing of any case, the court shall consist of not less than five justices. This raises the problem of a constitutional crisis, as the court may not be able to hear other cases unless more justices are appointed before the presidential and governorship election petition panel starts sitting.

     Already, the court is overburdened with a deluge of workload.

    Speaking at the investiture of 62 new Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SANs) in Abuja last November 28, Justice Ariwoola said 6,884 cases were pending at the apex court.

    Ariwoola explained that a year earlier in the 2021/2022 legal year, the Supreme Court could only handle 1,764 cases, comprising motions and appeals.

    It is expected that the number would have appreciated substantially this year, making the gross inadequacy of judges a danger to efficient justice dispensation.

    ‘Why depleted court may not do a decent job’

    United States-based international human rights lawyer and Nigeria Judiciary expert with the US NIGERIA LAW GROUP, in Washington, Emmanuel Ogebe compared the apex court to its US counterpart and concluded that Nigeria can’t perform at par.

    In his view, the problem of inadequate justices and other challenges means that the apex court in Nigeria has no institutional and technical capacity to do a decent job.

    He argued in his article “Time to reform the Nigerian judiciary” that the court must have its full complement of 21 justices.

    Referencing the Governor Ademola Adeleke gubernatorial election case in Osun State which took about 10 months to be resolved from tribunal to appellate courts, he wondered whether it was likely that the challenge of presidential elections conducted in 36 states “can be thoroughly adjudicated in less than 11 months more so when at least another 31 or so gubernatorial elections are also in play?” 

    Ogebe noted that essentially the Supreme Court “has to resolve potentially 32 (31 states and presidential) multiplied by the respective number of parties challenging the results.”

    He criticised “those who amended the constitution to allow gubernatorial appeals go to the Supreme Court rather than end at the Court of Appeal,” saying they did the nation a great disservice.

    The lawyer noted that the Court of Appeal has at minimum of five times the number of Supreme Court justices “yet we expect the Supreme Court of a dozen justices to do the same work as them in the same time frame?

    “Until we reform our election jurisprudence and overhaul our technical and human capacity, we can’t get great output with no inputs. The Nigerian Supreme Court should have a full complement of 21 justices minimum in an election year. This is a no-brainer.”

    ‘Supreme Court overburdened, needs more justices’

    A former chairman, House of Representatives Committee on Judiciary, Onofiok Luke, called for the appointment of more justices to the court to take the tally to 21.

    Luke in a statement, expressed concern about the “over-spending workload” the apex court justices are exposed to.

    “It is worth emphasising that the Supreme Court of Nigeria adjudicates over matters from different parts of the country,” Luke said.

    “In view of its overstretched nature, some matters have lingered in the court for over 20 years. All reasonable efforts to limit matters that get to the court, as it is obtained in other climes, have proven abortive.

    “More worrying is the fact that despite the overstretched nature of the Supreme Court, the court is yet to attain its full complement of 21 justices.”

    Luke also agreed that the expected retirements on the court’s bench, “leaves the court terribly short-handed and unable to optimally perform its adjudicatory functions, and more importantly, execute its policy-setting goal.

    “The situation is worsened given that this is a post-election season when the services of the court are often called upon. The effects of this unwholesome situation are unquantifiable.”

    The former Speaker of the Akwa Ibom House of Assembly noted that while the situation slows down the administration of justice, “it may also reduce the quality of justice delivery to the people as the court lacks the needed and adequate manpower to thoroughly consider matters before it”.

    “It is imperative that the necessary stakeholders in the Nigerian project intervene to save the judiciary, and indeed, the country,” he said.

    ‘How NJC should fill apex court vacancies’

    Activist-lawyer Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa (SAN) offered tips on how the National Judicial Council (NJC) should fill the vacancies.

    Adegboruwa said: “I think it’s important that we look at the issue of geographical spread as stated under Section 14 of the Constitution.

    “Now we have six geopolitical zones in Nigeria, I believe we should look at the ones that are presently there and the ones that are not represented and ensure there is quality representation in the appointment of justices for the Supreme Court.

    “So, the National Judicial Council should also look at the request of the Nigerian Bar Association and the Body of the Senior Advocates of Nigeria (BOSAN) to consider active legal practitioners who have made distinction and have reputation and integrity.

    “The NBA has filtered some of the list, working with the Body of the Senior Advocates of Nigeria and some recommendations have been made to the National Judicial Council through the office of the chairman who is the Chief Justice of Nigeria.

    “The people whose names featured on that list are people of integrity who we think will add value to the legal profession. I think that should also be considered.

    “And then we talk about gender parity so that it may also be important to consider having female justices amongst those to be appointed. Those who are qualified and, of course, I am sure there are many of them in the Court of Appeal presently and some other ones in practice who have indicated interest in that position.

    “So, my thinking is that it will be good for us because of our diverse nature as a county to give a sense of representation to everybody in all geopolitical zones and then also gender parity; it’s important.”

    Crisis looming

    Activist-lawyer Festus Ogun also backed the call for speedy appointment of justices to the apex court, noting that otherwise, regular cases would suffer while the election matters are being heard.

    “I would advise the NGC to put in machinery for the appointment of more justices, not just for the quick dispensation of electoral justice, but for the quick dispensation of the cases that are pending at the Supreme Court,” he said.

    The lawyer noted, among others, that the 11 justices are inadequate to form two panels of the court, which may precipitate a crisis.

    Ogun said: “We have 11, just 11. That means there is just one panel, and because it’s a constitutional matter, we must have not less than seven justices of the Supreme Court, if I’m not mistaken.

    “So that means you can’t have two panels. How are they going to do it?”

    NJC’s efforts to solve the problem

    Conscious of the problem, the NJC in June kick-started an appointment process to bring the court to its full complement of 21 justices

    CJN Ariwoola declared 10 additional slots on the Supreme Court bench vacant, bringing the total number of openings up for grabs to 10.

    He requested Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) President Yakubu Maikyau to nominate suitably qualified candidates to be recommended for appointment to the nation’s apex court.

    Other top officials in the legal profession, including the Justices of the Supreme Court and the President of the Court of Appeal also received the CJN’s call for nomination via two letters written on June 14 and 19

    Maikyau in a mail to lawyers seen by The Nation said the available slots were open to qualified candidates from all the six geo-political zones.

    The notice broke down the vacant slots by regions, being Southeast (two); Southsouth (one); Southwest (one); Northcentral (three); Northeast (one) and Northwest (two).

    It redistributed the available slots to the country’s six regions, correcting the imbalance in regional representation.

    But, days to the commencement of the presidential election petitions appeal hearing, the NJC is yet to announce its appointments to the apex court bench.

  • ‘Penalise inciting comments against judiciary’

    ‘Penalise inciting comments against judiciary’

    A lawyer, Chukwudi Enebeli, has called for laws prohibiting lawyers and others from making inciting comments against the Judiciary over cases in court.

    He also called for stringent laws against hate speech.

    Enebeli, partner at a leading law firm Pinheiro LP, said fake news, cyber bulling and hate speeches were very serious issues in Nigeria because of its diversity and high illiteracy rate.

    He stressed that the right to freedom of expression under the constitution is not absolute, adding that if not curtailed, anarchy will be the order of the day.

    The lawyer spoke at the 63rd Annual General Conference of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), which was held in Abuja.

    He was a panelist at a session on fake news, cyber bullying and hate speech.

    Enebeli condemned the abuse of the social media by its users.

    Read Also: Mixed fortunes for APC, PDP, Labour at tribunals

    According to him, though the Cybercrimes Prohibition Act and the Electoral Act have certain provisions to curtail hate speech, little has been done by the enforcement authorities.

    He faulted lawyers and non-lawyers who comment on judicial proceedings in a manner capable of inciting the people against the judiciary and the legal profession.

    “We have seen an unprecedented increase in the manner in which both lawyers and non-lawyers go to social media space to incite the public against the judicial officers and we are watching and no one is speaking.

    “What is so painful is the fact that these judges cannot speak for themselves,” Enebeli said.

    He believes new laws must be enacted  to regulate social media and the cyber space.

    Enebeli added: “Both the networks and the various social media platforms must be made accountable.

    “In promulgating new laws, we must create an offence aimed at prohibiting both lawyers and non-lawyers from disseminating any information before, during and after proceedings which are capable of inciting the people against the judiciary as it relates to matters in court.

    “There must also be stringent punishment. Section 97(1) of the Electoral Act should also be amended to include the punishment of deregistering a political party as well as banning any candidate that campaigns on the basis of tribe, religion or sectional reasons from participating in any election for a period of ten years.

    “It is the severity in the punishment that serves as a deterrent.”

    Other members of the panel were Director-General of the Nigerian Institute of Advanced Legal Studies (NIALS) Prof. M.T. Ladan; Founder of Consumer Advocacy Foundation of Nigeria Mrs. Sola Salako-Ajulo; a Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP), Uche Ifeanyi Henry, represented by Chief Superintendent of Police (CSP) Omaka Udodinma and Remi Afon of the Cybersecurity Experts Association.

  • How Atiku, Obi failed to upturn Tinubu’s victory

    How Atiku, Obi failed to upturn Tinubu’s victory

    The Presidential Election Petition Court (PEPC), which sat in Abuja, eventually rendered its verdict on September 6 on the three surviving petitions filed against the outcome of the February 25 presidential election won by the candidate of the All Progressives Party (APC), Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    Shortly after the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) announced the results of the election and returned Tinubu as the winner, aggrieved participants in the election filed petitions before the PEPC, seeking among others the nullification of the election.

    When the curtain fell on the filing of petitions at the PEPC (21 days after the declaration of the results), five petitions were lodged before the court.

    The petitions were filed by the Action Alliance (AA) and its presidential candidate Solomon David Okanigbuan; Action Peoples Party (APP) and its candidate Osita Nnadi; Allied Peoples Movement (APM), Labour Party (LP) and its candidate Peter Obi and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and its candidate Atiku Abubakar. 

    Two petitions (those by the AA and APP) did not make it to the stage of trial before they were withdrawn by the parties, leaving those of the APM, the LP and the PDP that were later consolidated and taken through the trial process, and on which a consolidated judgment was also rendered on September 6 by the court’s five-member panel, led by Justice Haruna Tsammani.

    In delivering the judgment, the court adopted the format of first reading its ruling on the various preliminary objections raised by the respondents on each of the petitions before determining it (the petition) on its merits.

    Obi/LP’s petition

    Obi and LP’s petition had as respondents, INEC, Tinubu, Vice President Kashim Shettima and the APC. It challenged the outcome of the election on three grounds.

    They were that Tinubu was, at the time of the election, not qualified to contest the election; that the election of Tinubu was invalid because of corrupt practices or non-compliance with the provisions of the Electoral Act, 2022 and that the 2nd respondent (Tinubu) was not duly elected by a majority of the lawful votes cast at the election.

    While ruling on the objections in this petition, the court categorised the preliminary objections into three groups – those seeking to strike out some paragraphs of the petition for being vague, generic and nebulous; those seeking to strike out the petition or some of its grounds, and those seeking to strike out the petitioners’ replies or some paragraphs of the replies. 

    The court upheld some of the issues raised in the objections and rejected others, some of which are outlined below.

    Why PEPC struck out some paragraphs of the petition

    The PEPC upheld some of the arguments by the respondents because the facts pleaded by the petitioners were unspecific, vague, and imprecise. It proceeded to strike out some paragraphs of the petition for violating the Electoral Act.

    The court held: “The law is clearly settled that specifying the particular polling units or places where irregularities are alleged to have occurred are material particulars in an election petition, and averments in an election petition which allege irregularities and malpractices, but fail to specify the polling units or places where the irregularities or malpractices occurred, are bereft of material particulars, and such averments are incompetent and liable to be struck out. 

    “A look at the averments in the petitioners’ petition shows that the petitioners have only alleged various irregularities and malpractices, but failed to specify the particular polling units or specific places where the alleged irregularities and malpractices have occurred.”

    The court noted, for instance, paragraphs 60 and 61 of the petition where the petitioners alleged that INEC suppressed the actual scores they obtained by deliberately uploading blurred Form EC8As on the INEC Result Viewing platform (IReV) in 18,088 polling units, but failed to specify the polling units. They only stated that they would rely on a spreadsheet containing the polling unit codes and details of the 18,088 polling units, as well as the authentic results in the said polling units. 

    The court also noted that in paragraphs 66 and 67 of the petition, where the petitioners alleged that INEC embarked on “massive misrepresentation and manipulation by uploading fictitious results in polling units where there were no elections,” they also failed to specify the polling units where they alleged there were no elections, the incorrect results that were uploaded and which were the correct results. 

    It held that it was only in paragraphs 62 and 64 where the petitioners alleged that INEC suppressed their lawful votes and inflated the votes of Tinubu and the APC in Rivers and Benue states, that they gave figures of the votes allegedly suppressed for the petitioners and those purportedly inflated for Tinubu and the APC and also stated what they claimed to be the actual figures scored by them and by the 2nd and 4th respondents. 

    The court declared that in a presidential election which was held in 176,846 polling units, 8,809 wards, 774 Local Government Areas, 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory, “it is unimaginable that averments in a petition, which merely allege irregularities and or malpractices, without specifying the particular polling units or particular collation centres where the irregularities or malpractices have allegedly taken place, will be regarded as proper merely because the respondent has not requested for further particulars.” 

    Inconsistent pleadings

    On INEC’s request that some paragraphs of the petition and certain reliefs be struck off on grounds of inconsistency, the court upheld the contention by the petitioners that they could plead conflicting facts in so far as they have claimed alternative reliefs.

    It held, among others, that “the settled law is that reliefs can be sought in the alternative and where so sought by a party, he is at liberty to plead conflicting facts in line with the alternative reliefs he has sought.”

    Challenge to Obi’s locus standi

    Tinubu, Shettima and the APC had argued that since Obi’s name was not on the register of members submitted by the LP to INEC 30 days before the election as required by Section 77(3) of the Electoral Act 2022 he lacked the locus standi to challenge the outcome of the election.

    The court, in rejecting this ground of objection, held: “The courts have consistently held in a plethora of cases that the issue of membership of a political party is an internal affair of the political party. It is not justiciable and the courts have no jurisdiction to entertain same. 

    “The provision of Section 77(3) of the Electoral Act, 2022 which only mandates every political party to submit the register of its members 30 days before its party primaries cannot be invoked by the respondents for the purpose of challenging the 1st petitioner’s (Obi’s) membership of the 2nd petitioner (LP). 

    “It is only the 2nd petitioner that has the sole prerogative of determining who are its members, and having sponsored the 1st petitioner as its candidate for the presidential election, the 1st petitioner has satisfied the requirement of being a member of the 2nd petitioner as provided for in Section 131(c) of the 1999 Constitution. It is not within the rights of the 2nd, 3rd and 4th respondents to question the 1st petitioner’s membership of the 2nd petitioner,” the court said.

    Obi and LP’s non-joinder of Atiku, PDP as parties

    Tinubu, Shettima and the APC had queried the court’s jurisdiction to entertain the petition as constituted because Atiku Abubakar and the PDP (who came second) were not made respondents to the petition. 

    The court rejected this argument on the grounds that only statutory respondents provided in Section 133 of the Electoral Act are necessary parties to a petition, adding that the petitioners were not under any obligation to join Atiku and his party.

    It added: “By the import of Section 133 of the Electoral Act, 2022, the contest in an election petition is strictly between the petitioner who challenges the outcome of the election, the person who was declared the winner of the election, and the commission that conducted and declared the outcome of the election.

    “This means that every candidate who lost the election and who is desirous of challenging the outcome of the election is expected to file his own petition against the winner of the election, and in so doing, he is not required to join any other candidate who lost the election like himself.

    “In this case, Abubakar Atiku and Peoples Democratic Party, who were only runners-up in the presidential elections, are not necessary parties, as they are not statutory respondents to this petition, and the petitioners herein have no obligation to join them in this petition.”

    Introduction of new facts in petitioner’s reply to respondents’ replies

    The court agreed with the respondents that the introduction of new facts in some paragraphs of the petitioner’s reply violated Paragraph 16(1) of the 1st Schedule to the Electoral Act as it amounted to an attempt to amend or add to the petition.

    “The law, as encapsulated in Paragraph 16(1)(a) of the 1st Schedule to the Electoral Act… forbids new additions or amendments by a petitioner which are not contained in their petition because such new additions or amendments will prejudice the respondents and breach the respondents’ fundamental right to fair hearing guaranteed by Section 36(5) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, since the respondents will have no opportunity to respond to those new additions or amendments.”

    Rejection of 10 of the petitioners’ 13 witnesses

    The PEPC upheld the respondents’ argument that 10 out of the 13 witnesses called by Obi and the LP did not have their written statements on oath filed along with the petition, a development they argued, violated Paragraph 4(5) of the 1st Schedule to the Electoral Act 2022.

    It also agreed with them that the documents tendered through the 10 witnesses could not also be admitted because they were not front-loaded as required by the electoral law.

    The court held that the firm position of the law is that by the combined provisions of Section 285(5) of the 1999 Constitution, Section 132(7) of the Electoral Act, 2022 and Paragraphs 4(5) and (6) and 14(2) of the 1st Schedule to the Act, every written statement on oath of the witnesses which a party intends to call must be filed along with the petition within the time limited by Section 285(5} of the Constitution and Section 132(7) of the Electoral Act, 2022…

    “It is pertinent to observe that the above 10 witnesses subpoenaed by the petitioners were all witnesses who were available to the petitioners at the time of filing the petition.

    They are neither subpoenaed as adversaries nor subpoenaed as official witnesses. 

    “It is therefore beyond controversy that the witness statements on oath of those witnesses filed after the time limit for presentation of the petition had elapsed, are incompetent and the said witnesses had no vires to testify in this petition. Their testimonies as embodied in their respective witness statements on oath, being incompetent, are accordingly struck out,” the court said.

    The court also rejected petitioners’ witnesses and their evidence on grounds of being persons interested. It found that some of them were persons interested under Section 91(3) of the Evidence Act, who are not detached from the case, but stand to benefit from its outcome.

    It noted that PW4, who described himself as an expert, was contracted before the election to carry out data analysis on the results of the presidential election; PW7 who was presented as an expert witness and claimed to be a Cloud Engineer and staff of Amazon Web Services (AWS), was a member of the LP, who contested the House of Representatives seat in Cross River State as an LP candidate; PW8 said he was a cyber security expert, who admitted to have equally been contracted by the petitioners to produce a report during the pendency of the case.

    Rejection of petitioners’ contention that subpoenaed witnesses were those of the court

    On this issue, the court noted: “The petitioners have tried to argue that the said witnesses are witnesses of this court. With respect, this argument is misconceived, because the subpoenas in respect of those witnesses were issued upon the request of the petitioners.

    “The applications for the issuance of the subpoenas were duly filed at the Registry of this court by the petitioners’ counsel and the requisite fees, including filing fees and service fees, as assessed, were duly paid by them, before this court approved and issued the subpoenas.

    “Therefore, those witnesses are the petitioners’ witnesses and not witnesses of this court. Indeed, the procedure for calling of witnesses by the court is by summons as stipulated in Paragraph 42(1) of the 15th Schedule to the Electoral Act, 2022.  

    Rejection of 18,088 blurred result sheets

    The petitioners had, while justifying their failure to specify the polling units to which the 18,088 blurred result sheets it tendered related, claimed it was impossible because they were unreadable.

    The court however found that the petitioners deliberately refused to specify the polling units to which the blurred result sheets, which it tendered through PW4, who claimed to have downloaded them from INEC ReV, related.

    The court noted that PW4, who testified that the primary source of the data he used to produce the report of the analysis of the election results for the petitioners was the IReV portal, was silent on how he was able to determine the particular polling units and the impacted votes, accredited voters and number of PVCs collected.

    While also noting that PW4’s report was concluded on March 19, a day before the petitioners filed their petition, the court held that it was obvious that Obi and his party were aware of the polling units to which their complaints related before they filed the petition.

    Viewed from another perspective, the court wondered why the petitioners, who claimed it had agents across the country that signed result sheets after the election and obtained copies, could not rely on the copies given to their agents to identify the polling units to which the blurred result sheets related.

    “So, their theory of ‘impossibility’ which they invented around the 18,088 blurred results is misconceived and an obvious misadventure.

    “Having clearly admitted that their agents signed and collected duplicate copies of the result sheets, their contention that they are unable to determine the polling units from which the blurred results emanated is untrue. 

    “In fact, this admission reinforces the need for the petitioners to specify all the polling units in respect of which they have made complaints since their agents were availed with copies of the results of the polling units.” 

    In determining the petition by Obi and the LP on its merits, the court identified four issues:

    1.            Whether having regard to the provisions of Section 137 of the Constitution, Section 35 of the Electoral Act, 2022 and the evidence before the court, the 2nd and 3rd respondents (Tinubu and Shettima) were qualified to contest the presidential election of February 25, 2023. 

    2.            Whether having regard to the evidence adduced by the parties, the petitioners have established that there was substantial non-compliance with the provisions of the Electoral Act, 2022 and that the non-compliance substantially affected the results of the election.

    3.            Whether from the totality of the evidence adduced, the petitioners have proven that the presidential election held on February 25, 2023, was invalid by reason of corrupt practices. 

    4.            Whether from the evidence adduced the petitioners have established that the 2nd respondent was not duly elected by a majority of lawful votes cast at the election. 

    $460,000 question and why Tinubu, Shettima were qualified to contest

    The petitioners had argued that Tinubu was not qualified under Section 137 of the Construction, to contest the election on grounds that he was allegedly fined $460,000 by a United States district court in relation to an offence involving dishonesty, namely narcotics trafficking.

    They also claimed that Shettima was not qualified under the provision of Section 35 of the Electoral Act on the ground that he allegedly had a double nomination.

    The respondents, however, argued that the issue about whether Shettima had double nomination or not had been settled in the judgment by the Supreme Court delivered on May 26 in the appeal marked: SC/CV/501/2023 between the PDP v. INEC & 3 others.

    They argued that the apex court having held that Shettima had no double nomination, the petitioners could no longer raise such issue again under any guise.

    The court agreed with the respondents that “the legal position as determined by the Supreme Court in PDP v. INEC (supra), clearly shows that the petitioners in this case who belong to a different political party from the 2nd, 3rd and 4th respondents (Tinubu, Shettima and the APC) have no locus to complain about the nomination of the 3rd respondent. 

    “Hence, they cannot use same to challenge the qualification of the 2nd and 3rd respondents to contest the Presidential election. 

    “On the petitioners’ allegation of double nomination of the 3rd respondent, the Supreme Court specifically held in PDP v INEC & 3 ORS (supra), that there was no such double nomination.”

    The court equality agreed with the respondents’ lawyers, including Chief Wole Olanipekun, SAN (for Tinubu and Shettima) that the order from the US court emanated from what could be classified as a non-conviction based forfeiture, which is a forfeiture not associated with criminal conviction and sentencing.

    It held: “A careful perusal of Exhibit PA5, relied upon by the petitioners, shows that the case was in the civil docket of the US District Court, Northern District of Illinois and it was a civil forfeiture proceeding against funds in specified accounts with First Heritage Bank and Citibank N.A. Exhibit PA5 is actually an action in rem against the funds with First Heritage Bank and Citibank. It is not an action in personam against the 2nd respondent.”

    Relying on some earlier decisions by the Supreme, the PEPC held that the “sentence of imprisonment or fine for any offence involving dishonesty or fraud” envisaged in Section 137(1)(d) of the Constitution is one imposed upon a criminal trial and conviction. 

    It added: “In the instant case, the petitioners have failed to show evidence that the 2nd respondent was indicted or charged, arraigned, tried and convicted, and was sentenced to any term of imprisonment or fine for any particular offence.”

    The court further held that since, in both Paragraphs (d) and (e) of Section 137(1) of the Constitution, a sentence for the offence involving dishonesty is mentioned, “but in Paragraph (e) a limitation of ten years has been introduced, then it means in respect of sentence for offence of dishonesty, the two paragraphs must be read together, such that for conviction and sentence for an offence involving dishonesty, it must be within a period of less than ten years before the date of the election in order for such a conviction and sentence to be used for disqualifying a presidential candidate from contesting the election.”

    The court equally held that even if it was a criminal conviction in a foreign country, the provision of Section 249(1)&(2) of the Evidence Act must be complied with to effectively establish such conversation in Nigeria.

    Read Also: Mixed fortunes for APC, PDP, Labour at tribunals

    It held: “The petitioners have evidently failed to establish their allegation that the 2nd respondent is disqualified from contesting the presidential election under Section 137(1)(d) of the 1999 Constitution because he was fined the sum of $460,000.00 by US District Court, Northern District of Illinois. 

    “As shown above, the order of forfeiture in Exhibit PA5 on which the petitioners have relied does not qualify as a sentence or fine for an offence involving dishonesty or fraud within the contemplation of Section 137(1)(d) of the 1999 Constitution. 

    “From all the foregoing, it is clear that having regard to the provisions of Section 137 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 as amended and the evidence led before this court, the 2nd respondent was not disqualified from contesting the presidential election held on 25th February 2023.”

    Petitioners’ allegation of substantial non-compliance with Electoral Act

    The petitioners had argued in their petition that INEC “was mandatorily required to electronically transmit or transfer the results of the polling units directly to its collation system” and equally “mandatory required to use the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) to upload a scanned copy of the Form EC8A to the 1st respondent’s (INEC’s) result viewing portal (IReV) in real-time.”

    INEC and the other respondents denied that the electoral body ever had an electronic collation system; that collation was done manually and that INEC’s plan to upload scanned copies of the Form EC8A directly from the polling units in real time was frustrated by the glitch experienced on its system in relation to the presidential election.

    In resolving this issue, the court held among others, that contrary to the petitioners’ claim, no law mandates INEC to electronically transmit or collate election results.

    It noted that a suit marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/1454/2022 filed by the LP against INEC on the same issue was decided against the political party in a judgment rendered on January 23, 2023, by Justice Emeka Nwite of the Federal High Court, Abuja.

    It added: “With the judgment of the Federal High Court in Exhibit X1, the excerpt of which has been reproduced above, it is evident that the Federal High Court had decided the issue against the petitioners herein, by holding that the 1st respondent cannot be compelled to electronically transmit election results.

    “There is no evidence before this court that the 2nd petitioner (the LP) against whom the judgment in Exhibit X1 was given has appealed against that decision. 

    “It is settled law that unappealed decision of a court remains subsisting and binding upon the parties. It is also trite that the doctrine of issue estoppel is that where an issue has been decided by a competent court, the court will not allow it to be re-litigated by the same or different parties.”

    The court also took note of a judgment of the Court of Appeal, Lagos in an appeal marked: CA/LAG/CV/332/2023 where the court upheld the decision by Justice Nwite.

    The appeal was filed by the APC against a judgment obtained by the LP from the Lagos division of the Federal High Court after it (the LP) lost before Justice Nwite.

    The PEPC added: “By virtue of Section 122(2) of the Evidence Act, this court is entitled to take judicial notice of the decision in appeal No. CA/LAG/CV/332/2023: APC v Labour Party & 42 others. Not only that, this court is, by the doctrine of precedent, bound by that decision. 

    “Since the above judicial pronouncements have decided that, under the Electoral Act and INEC Regulations and Guidelines for the Conduct of Elections, the 1st respondent (INEC) cannot be compelled to electronically transmit election results, the petitioners are clearly estopped by those decisions from contending in ground two of this petition that the 1st respondent is mandatorily required to electronically transmit the election results to the collation system.”

    Despite finding that the petitioners’ claim of non-compliance hinged on a wrong footing, the court still proceeded to consider it on the merits by examining all the evidence led on this issue.

    In the end, the court found that the petitioners failed to discharge the burden of proof required of them under the law.

    The court found that not only did the petitioners field wrong witnesses, who tendered mostly inadmissible documents, their letters to INEC to request the release of election materials were wrongly addressed.

    It added: “A look at the letters in Exhibits PCQ1 – PCQ6 shows that they were all addressed to the Chairman of INEC instead of the Resident Electoral Commissioners in the states as required of the petitioners by Section 74(1) of the Electoral Act, 2023. It is therefore clear that the petitioners have failed to follow the clear legal procedures for requesting for those documents. 

    “More so, when the record shows that the subpoenas which they claimed to have served upon the 1st respondent (INEC) were also served on the Chairman of the 1st respondent and, as stated by the officer who answered the subpoena, same was served only the previous day to her appearance in court.”

    The court, while resolving this issue against the petitioners, held: “It is therefore clear from the above that the petitioners were unable to establish their allegation of non-compliance by INEC with Section 73(2) of the Electoral Act, 2023. 

    “The evidence PW12 and Exhibits PCQ1 to PCQ6 have not been able to rebut the presumption of regularity which inures to the 1st respondent under the law, which can only be rebutted with cogent and credible evidence.”

    The court further held that from the totality of the evidence adduced on this issue by the petitioners, they “failed to prove substantial non-compliance with the provisions of the Electoral Act, 2022.”

    About their claim that the presidential election was invalid because of corrupt practices, the petitioners made allegations of suppression of scores, unlawful reduction and inflation of results, among others. The petitioners claimed, among others, that the 18,088 blurred result sheets were created by INEC to suppress their lawful votes in the polling units to which the blurred result sheet related.

    In its judgment, the court held that the blurred result sheets, which the petitioners claimed to have downloaded from IReV were not certified and therefore, not admissible.

    The court found that the petitioners fell short of the level of proof required of them under the law, noting for instance, that the petitioners, who alleged falsification of results, failed to present two sets of results – one genuine and the other false – as required under the law.

    It noted that while the petitioners promised to call 50 witnesses to prove their case, they ended up calling only 13, out of which only three – PW1, 3 and 12 – had their statements filed along with the petition as required.

    It held: “Of the 13 witnesses they called, only two are presiding officers, who were present at their polling units. Hence the petitioners have not been able to establish any of those malpractices which they alleged. 

    “The evidence of the witnesses which the petitioners called as experts to try to establish that the 1st respondent is mandatorily required to transmit election results for purposes of collation or to link the delay in the upload of the presidential election results to IReV by the 1st respondent to any of the malpractices which they alleged, are devoid of any value. The petitioners’ allegations have remained mere speculations.”

    Claim of mandatory 25 per cent votes in the FCT

    On the fourth issue, the petitioners claimed that Tinubu was not duly elected by a majority of lawful votes cast at the election because he allegedly did not score up to 25 percent of the votes cast in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

    The petitioners had claimed that the provision of Section 134(2)(b) of the Construction made it mandatory that a candidate in a presidential election must score a minimum of 1/4 or 25 percent of the votes in the FCT to be lawfully declared a winner.

    But the court agreed with the respondents that the FCT lacked any special status in computing presidential results as claimed by the petitioners.

    It held that contrary to the position of the petitioners, by the express provisions of Section 299, the provisions of the entire Constitution shall apply to the FCT as if it were one of the States of the Federation.

    This, it said, implies that Section 134(2)(b) of the same Constitution, requiring a presidential candidate to poll at least a quarter of the votes cast in two-thirds of the states of the federation in order to be returned elected, means nothing more than that the FCT shall be taken into account in calculating the said two-third of the states of the federation.

    The court added, “In other words, the FCT is no more than one of the states of the federation for the purpose of that calculation. Nothing more than that can be implied or inferable from Section 134(2)(b) of the Constitution.”

    It added that if the framers of the Constitution had wanted to make scoring one-quarter of votes cast in the FCT a specific requirement for the return of a presidential candidate, they would have made that intention plain by using words that clearly separate the scoring of one-quarter of votes in the FCT as a distinct requirement. 

    It added: “As expressly stated in Section 299 of the Constitution, for the purposes of fulfilling the requirements of Section 134(2)(b) of the Constitution for the return of a presidential candidate as duly elected, the FCT is to be treated as one of the states in the calculation of two-third of the states of the federation, such that if the candidate polls 25 percent or one-quarter of the votes in two-thirds of 37 states of the federation (FCT Abuja inclusive), the presidential candidate shall be deemed to have been duly elected, even if he fails to secure 25 percent of the votes cast in the FCT, as the 2nd respondent (Tinubu) did.” 

    The court declared that, in a presidential election, polling one quarter or 25 percent of total votes cast in the FCT is not a separate precondition for a candidate to be deemed as duly elected under Section 134 of the Constitution.

    Atiku/PDP’s petition

    Listed as respondents in the petition by Atiku and the PDP were INEC, Tinubu and the APC.

    The petition challenged election on four grounds – “the election of the 2nd respondent is invalid by reason of non-compliance with the provisions of the Electoral Act 2022; the election of the 2nd respondent is invalid by reason of corrupt practices; the 2nd respondent was not duly elected by a majority of lawful votes cast at the election, and that the 2nd respondent was, at the time of the election, not qualified to contest the election.

    While ruling on the preliminary objections, the court also struck out some portions of this petition, rejected some witnesses and a number of documents tendered.

    Vague pleadings, non-frontloading of documents.

    As it did in the petition by Obi and his party, the court found, in most instances, that Atiku and the PDP made allegations of irregularities, malpractices and corrupt practices without supplying the necessary particulars and facts to support their claims as required under Paragraph 4(1)(d) of the 1st Schedule to the Electoral Act, 2022.

    It also found that, although the petitioners claimed that the particulars of their allegations were contained in the report produced by their statistician, the statistician’s report was not front-loaded and filed along with the petition as required by the Electoral Act. 

    The court said: “A statistician’s report that is supposed to contain missing particulars in a petition but which was only filed in the middle of hearing of the same petition, long after the time for exchange of pleadings had closed and even after petitioners had called as many as 16 witnesses in proof of their case, as happened in this case, cannot serve that purpose of audi alteram partem (let the other party be heard too). 

    “In short, the tactics employed by the petitioners in this case as regards their pleading and the statistician’s report referenced in it is, to say the least, most unfair and definitely negates the current practice regime that emphasizes frontloading of processes. 

    “Such dishonourable practice can only be likened to the unlawful boxing tactic of hitting one’s opponent below the belt or from behind, which in the sport of boxing, is penalised promptly with a deduction of points. 

    “It cannot be different here. The said Statistician’s Reports, which is Exhibits PAH1, PAH2, PAH3 and PAH4 in this proceeding, must be and is hereby discountenanced. That conclusion should make the resolution of this issue on the imprecision of the petition fairly easy.”

    Non-inclusion of Obi and Kwankwaso

    INEC had argued that since the petitioners prayed the court to void the results in Lagos and Kano states won by Obi and Kwankwaso they ought to be made parties to the petition.

    The court upheld the petitioners’ argument that both presidential candidates were not necessarily parties to the petition.

    On the suit filed at Supreme Court by six PDP states to stop the election process.

    The APC had argued that the substance of the petition was the same as the suit, marked: SC/CV/354/2023 filed by the Attorneys General of the six PDP-controlled states, to challenge INEC’s alleged failure to electronically transmit results from the polling units, was the same as the petition, and therefore amounted to an abuse of court process.

    The court agreed with the petitioners that the suit cannot qualify as an abuse of process because they could not be blamed for the action of the plaintiffs states – Adamawa, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Delta, Edo and Sokoto states – noting that the suit was even withdrawn before the petition was filed.

    Rejection of petitioners’ evidence on Tinubu’s alleged non-qualification 

    The court, in upholding the respondents’ objection to the late introduction of evidence on the US forfeiture case, alleged dual citizenship and questions about his academic history, held that the evidence was introduced in violation of Paragraph 16(1)(a) of the 1st Schedule to the Electoral Act.

    It added: “No details whatsoever were given by them (petitioners) of what they meant by 2nd respondent’s non-qualification in their petition… it is now, through their reply that petitioners, who themselves seemed to have had no clear idea of what they meant by 2nd respondent’s non-qualification for the election or simply deliberately kept it back when filing their petition, want to now introduce through their reply at a time when respondents have no further right of responding to them. 

    “Such unfair tactics cannot, and is not, allowed by our law. Still, on this issue, I must also not fail to point out that the petitioners were only being clever by half when they claimed in paragraph 2.1 (b) of their reply that they were simply giving, as they put it, ‘further details’ of the non-qualification of 2nd respondent by averring to the conviction, fine, certificate forgery and dual citizenship of 2nd respondent that they raised in their replies. 

  • Why we agree with lead judgment, by four PEPC justices

    Why we agree with lead judgment, by four PEPC justices

    The Presidential Election Petition Court (PEPC) judgment of September 6 on the three surviving petitions filed against the last presidential election not only affirmed the victory of President Bola Tinubu, it did so by a unanimous decision of its five justices. ADEBISI ONANUGA and ROBERT EGBE report that while Justice Haruna Tsammani delivered the lead judgments, four others Justice Stephen Adah, Justice Misitura Bolaji-Yusuf, Justice Moses Ugo and Justice Abba Mohammed were in “full agreement.

    Justice Stephen Adah

    I am in full agreement with the lead judgment delivered by my learned brother Haruna Simon Tsammani, JCA in these three consolidated Petitions which are petitions No: CA/PEPC/03/2023,  CA/PEPC/04/2023;  CA/PEPC/05/2023.

    These Petitions were filed against the election into the office of the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, which election was conducted in Nigeria on 25th February 2023.

    I agree also with the consolidated rulings on the various objections and other interlocutory applications relating to the competence of witnesses and the documents tendered in the three Petitions.

    I also agree with the reasoning and the conclusions arrived at the rulings on the preliminary objections and the substantial issues raised therein.

    In any concluded Election, there are bound to be a winner and losers. While the winner celebrates victory, an aggrieved loser may come before the Court to ventilate his grievances. This is made possible by the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) which in Section 6 empowers Courts to determine disputes, including election disputes.

    It is well settled that an election Petition by nature is sui generis, of its own kind or class. It is not like going to Court to make a claim of debt, contract or tort. It has its own character and it is unique by its nature. The slightest non-compliance with a procedural step which otherwise could either be cured or waived in ordinary civil proceedings could result in a fatal consequence to the Petition.

    Election Petition as a special proceeding is specifically regulated by the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, the Electoral Act and other Rules of procedure such as the Federal High Court Civil Procedure Rules and Practice Direction of the Honourable President of the Court of Appeal for the hearing of the Election Petition and the Election Petition Appeals.

    By Section 285(5) of the Constitution, an Election Petition shall be filed within 21 days after the date of the declaration of result of the Election; and by Section 285(6) thereof an Election Tribunal shall deliver its judgment in writing within 180 days. These time lines are sacrosanct and cannot be extended by the Court.

    It is trite that under the 1st Schedule of the Electoral Act, the election petition to be filed is well regulated. See Paragraph 4(5), (6) of the Electoral Act, 2022 which provides as follows:

    “(S) The election petition shall be accompanied by- (a) A list of the witnesses that the petitioner intends to call in proof of the petition, (b) Written statements on oath of the witnesses, and (c) Copies or list of every document to be relied on at the hearing of the petition.

    (6) A petition which fails to comply with subparagraph (5) shall not be accepted for filing by the Secretary.

    (7) An election petition, which does not comply with subparagraph (1) or a Provision of that subparagraph is defective and may be struck out by the tribunal or Court. “

    The word ‘Shall’ used in this Legislation makes it mandatory for a Petitioner to comply with that provision of the law. Failure to comply is fatal.

    Election Petitions are fought on pleadings, competent and credible witnesses. Where a Petition is deficient in pleadings and evidence, it is difficult to prove the Petition. In the instant Petitions, the Petitioners’ pleadings were deficient. While they complained of non-compliance with the Electoral Act against 1st respondent, their own Petitions were massively deficient in compliance with the Act.

    The lead judgment has elaborately dealt with these issues. When a Court is called upon to determine an election dispute, he is called upon to do justice. Our notion of doing justice is not that of doing justice according to the whims and caprices of the judges or the parties. It must be justice according to law. Justice according to law is also that which is neither based on technicality nor justice according to the suggestive clout of pressure groups, but such as substantially meets the demands of justice. This, with all respect, is what we have done in the lead judgment.

    I therefore concur with the leading judgment that these three consolidated Petitions having not been proved are hereby dismissed.

    I abide by the consequential orders as made in the lead judgment.

    Justice Misitura Bolaji-Yusuf

    I have read the lead the rulings and the judgments of my learned brother, HARUNA SIMON TSAMMANI, JCA in the above consolidated petitions. I agree with his reasoning and conclusion in the ruling and judgment in each petition and adopt same as mine. I add a few words for emphasis.

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    Ground 1 of the petition is that the 2nd respondent was, at time of the election, not qualified to contest the election. The 1st complaint under this ground is that “the purported sponsorship of the 2nd and 3rd Respondents by the 4th Respondent was rendered invalid by reason of the 3rd Respondent knowingly allowing himself to be nominated as the Vice-Presidential Candidate whilst he was still a Senatorial Candidate for the Borno Central Constituency.” The controversy about the 3rd Respondent knowingly allowing himself to be nominated in more than one constituency was the subject matter in P.D.P V. INEC & ORS (2023) LPELR- 60457(SC). The Supreme Court per OKORO, JSC, AUGIE, JSC, OGUNWUMIJU, JSC and AGIM, JSC in their concurring opinions held that the 3rd respondent having withdrawn his nomination and personally delivered the notice of the withdrawal to his party (The respondent in this petition) on 6th July, 2022, he was no longer a candidate for the Borno Central Constituency Senatorial election and his subsequent nomination as the Vice-Presidential Candidate for the presidential election was not multiple nomination.

    The opinion of the Supreme Court per OKORO, JSC, AUGIE, JSC, OGUNWUMIJU, JSC and AGIM, JSC is not a comment or observation made in passing. It is an exposition of the law on withdrawal of a candidate from an election and the allegation that the 3rd respondent knowingly allowed himself to be nominated as the Vice-Presidential Candidate whilst he was still a Senatorial Candidate for the Borno Central Constituency.

    The 2nd complaint is that the 2nd respondent was at the time of the election not qualified to contest for the office of the president as he was fined the sum of $460,000 for an offence involving dishonesty, namely narcotics trafficking by the United States District Court, Northern District of Illinois, Eastern Division, in Case no. 93C 4483 on 4/10/1993. The contention of the learned counsel for the petitioners is that the order of forfeiture made by the court is a fine under Section 137(1) (d) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

    It is a settled principle of interpretation that where the words used in the provisions of the Constitution are clear and unambiguous, same must be given their plain and ordinary meaning unless to do so will lead to absurdity. The context in which the word “SENTENCE” is used in Section 137(1) (d) of the Constitution connotes a formal pronouncement awarding punishment after conviction for an offence. Conviction is a finding of guilt after an indictment, arraignment and trial.

    Therefore, the words “sentence”, “imprisonment” and “fine” used in Section 137(1) (d) of the Constitution definitely connotes only a punishment imposed on a defendant following an indictment, trial and conviction for an offence.

    In civil forfeiture or a non-conviction-based fo1eiture proceeding, the government only needs to show by preponderance of evidence that the property is a proceed of crime or was used to facilitate a crime. Criminal forfeiture on the other hand is seizure of a property connected with a crime after obtaining conviction and as part of sentence or punishment for the crime. Civil forfeiture is not a verdict of guilt after an indictment, trial and conviction.

    A forfeiture order by a foreign court can only be accepted and recognized by a court in Nigeria for the purpose of Section 137(1) (d) of the Constitution if it is made after an indictment, trial and conviction and properly proved as required by Section 249 of the Evidence Act. In addition, the conviction and sentence must be shown to have been a product of due process of law. Compliance with due process of law has to be determine by the procedure and standard set by Section 36 (5) and (6) of our Constitution. The forfeiture order being relied on by the petitioners has not been shown to be a result of a process similar to the one set by our Constitution for trial of a defendant for an offence

    The 3rd ground of the petition is that the 2nd respondent was not duly elected by majority of lawful votes cast at the election having not obtained 25o/o of the votes in FCT.

    The interpretation of Section 134 (2) (b) of the Constitution being urged on us by the petitioners is an unjust manipulation of the Constitution to create inequality of votes. It negates the principles of Equality and Justice, democracy and social justice and participation of the people in their government enshrined in our Constitution. It strikes at the very foundation of our Constitution. It is capable of further dividing the citizens of this country. The politicians are good at using all sorts of means and sentiments to divide the citizens of this country. The interpretation being urged on us is their latest invention in that regard and unfortunately, they found a ready alliance in those who should know better. The Interpretation being urged on us is squarely against the letters and sprit of Our Constitution and it is hereby rejected.

    Based on the above and the fuller reasons lucidly explained in the lead judgment, I too dismiss the petition.

    Justice Moses Ugo

    I had earlier read in draft the Rulings and Judgments of my learned brother Haruna Simon Tsammani, J.C.A. in this Consolidated Petition Numbers CA/PEPC/03/2023, CA/PEPC/04/2023 and CA/PEPC/05/2023. I am in complete agreement with His Lordship’s reasoning and conclusions on all of them.

    First, for Petition No CA/PEPC/04/2023, I am of the very fixed view that the issues agitated by the petitioner therein concerning 3rd Respondent’s alleged disqualification for the 2023 Presidential election by reason of matters connected to and surrounding his running mate’s (4th Respondent’s) nomination and relinquishing of his earlier nomination by his party, the APC, for the Borno Central Senatorial District, having been settled on their merit by the Supreme Court in its judgment in Appeal No: SC7CV750172023. Peoples Democratic Party v. INEC & Ors in 3rd and 4th Respondent’s favour herein, with the apex court even holding that the said issues did not disqualify them, that decision constitutes issue estoppel.

    In short, the allegation of the petitioners that INEC shut down its IREV to manipulate votes for 2nd Respondent just does not add up for me. If anything, the probabilities arising from the results INEC declared nationwide as X-rayed above rather seem to me to eloquently support INEC’s position that its inability to upload the polling unit results real- time as earlier promised was not deliberate but caused by technical issues outside its control that afflicted its e-transmission system, which issues it claims made it impossible for its e-transmission system to map the uploaded polling units results for the Presidential election to any specific State.

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    Justice Abba Mohammed

    I have read before now the draft of the lead judgment just delivered by my learned brother, HARUNA SIMON TSAMMANI, JCA in the three consolidated Petitions Nos. CA/PEPC/03/2023, CA/PEPC/04/2023 and CA/PEPC/05/2023. I am in agreement with and I adopt all the reasons and conclusions stated therein, both in respect of the rulings on the objections and the merits of the three consolidated Petitions.

    Having also found no merit in all three Petitions Nos. CA/PEPC/03/2023, CA/PEPC/04/2023 and CA/PEPC/05/2023, I join my learned brother Tsammani, JCA in dismissing all three Petitions. I abide by the consequential orders made in the lead judgment.

  • DSVA takes campaign against SGBV to Ikorodu

    DSVA takes campaign against SGBV to Ikorodu

    The Lagos State Domestic and Sexual Violence Agency (DSVA) has taken its advocacy against Sexual and Gender Based Violence (SGBV) to  Ikorodu.

    The joint advocacy walk which held last Thursday involved a tour of the ancient town including the main motor park, Sabo, Ebun Oluwa, Alinson, Ladega and Benson markets, the Palace of Ayangburen of Ikorodu, and Oba Kabiru Adewale Shotobi, amongst other places. The theme was, SGBV: not in my Lagos.

    The walk was carried out in conjunction with officers and men of the Lagos State Police Command.

    In attendance were the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) Ikorodu Branch Vice Chairman Bemigho Elijah, the Child Protection Network and the Good Women, amongst others.

    DSVA Executive Secretary Mrs Titilola Vivour-Adeniyi disclosed that between August 2022 and July 2023, the agency attended to over 5,383 cases ranging from domestic violence to sexual violence, rape, incest, sexual assault and defilement.

    Vivour-Adeniyi  said for the past four or five years, Ikorodu has been one of the top five local government areas with the highest incidences of domestic and sexual violence and child abuse.

    Explaining the Command’s involvement, she said it was  because most times, the police serve as the first point of contact with cases of domestic and sexual violence and because it is important for the people to have confidence in the system.

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    “This actually came from the Commissioner of Police who was of the opinion that there was a need  for members of the public to see that there is collaboration between the Police and government, working together towards a common goal which is ultimately to ensure that when people experience violence, they have confidence in the system and are able to report atrocities, most especially because we know in most cases, police serve as first responders.”

    She assured residents of the readiness of the government and the police to intervene in the malaise in the town and reverse the trend.

     “Ikorodu, light has come. We want you to know that there is help for you, we want you to know that you should not suffer in silence. In Ikorodu, we have at least three divisions, that is two designated Police Stations, where you can report cases to; the Igbogbo FSU, Owutu FSU.”

    The Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP) Khan Salihu said the Lagos State Command is keying into the advocacy against SGBV in order to sensitise and send a message  to Ikorodu community that gender-based violence must become a thing of the past.

    Salihu said that is why the Lagos State government sees it as a priority to eradicate SGBV in the state.

    He assured the people of quick response from the police anytime a case of domestic and sexual violence is reported. 

     DSVA Head of Field Operations, Mrs. Oluwakemi Bello told the people  that cases of husbands beating their wives or vice versa are no longer a family matter but a criminal offence.

    She warned residents against all forms of sexual violence, explaining that any one arrested and charged to court after due diligence and investigation, particularly for child defilement,  would be sent to life imprisonment.

    The head, Gender Desk of the Lagos Police Command, Chief Superintendent of Police (CSP) Grace Agboola, who lamented high incidences of sexual and domestic violence in Ikorodu, urged the victims not to be afraid to speak out when they are violated, even if the perpetrator is their father, brother or neighbour.

    “If they tell you that you will die or threaten to kill if you expose them, don’t be afraid to speak out. It is when you keep silent that you will die. Even if it is your father, speak out”, she admonished them.

  • Court orders preservation of res in suit involving police, couple

    Court orders preservation of res in suit involving police, couple

    Justice The Federal High Court in Lagos has directed the Lagos State Command of the Police to preserve the Res of a human rights enforcement application filed by one Mr. Peter Ogochukwu Adaba pending the hearing and determination of a substantive application before the court.

    Justice Akintayo Aluko granted the order while ruling on an ex-parte motion filed and argued by Adaba’s counsel, James Alara.

    Adaba, in his August 9,2023 motion in suit FHC/L/CS/1201/23, sought  an order restraining the Commissioner of Police, Lagos State Command or it agents from infringing his rights pending the determination of his originating summons.

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    In the alternative, the petitioner sought an order maintaining status quo as of August 9, 2023 when the applicant was not in police custody.

    In the affidavit filed in support of the ex-parte application, the petitioner averred that on August 9, 2023 officers of the Command’s Special Squad arrived at his residence and insisted on gaining, according to him, “unlawful entry” into the premises.

    He alleged that the respondents later laid siege to his residence for hours making it impossible for him to enter or exit the premises as a result of which his aged mother and sister who came to visit him from the United States were traumatised.

    Adaba claimed that the incident has its roots in a dispute between he and his estranged wife over their joint properties

    He added that the issue of ownership of the joint properties is the subject of litigation in suit ID/11760WD/2022 between Abimbola Adenike Adaba versus Peter Ogochukwu Adaba.

    Consequently, Justice Aluko adjourned hearing of the substantive motion till September 26, 2023.