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Category: Law

  • Lagos gets protocol for child sexual abuse investigation, interview

    Lagos gets protocol for child sexual abuse investigation, interview

    Lagos State government in collaboration with CeCe Yara has launched a new protocol for investigating and interview protocols for child sexual abuse.

    The launch of the 41-page document, “The Lagos State Child Sexual Abuse Investigative and Interview Protocol” held on Thursday at the Conference Room of the Ministry of Justice, Alausa, Ikeja and attractive several stakeholders.

    The unveiling of the Child Sexual Abuse investigative and interview protocols has again put Lagos ahead of other states in the protection of the child.

    Speaking at the launch of the document, Lagos State Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, Lawal Pedro (SAN), stressed that the state remains resolute in its commitment to justice reform and child protection.

    Pedro emphasised that protecting the children is not just a legal responsibility but that it is a moral imperative in the state.

    “This protocol embodies the best practices in forensic interviewing—trauma-informed, developmentally sensitive, and legally sound.

    “It ensures that when a child speaks about abuse, their words are recorded accurately, without undue influence, and with the care necessary to protect their well-being.

    “It will fortify our evidence, strengthen investigations and prosecutions, and prevent wrongful conclusions by ensuring that decisions are based on facts rather than speculation, sentiment, or assumption.

    “Most importantly, it minimises further trauma to children by creating a safe, neutral, non-leading environment for their testimony.”

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    Pedro emphasised that  the launch of the ‘Child Sexual Abuse Investigative and Interview protocol’ – “is not the beginning of a conversation, but the culmination of a journey—one that began with the shared recognition that our children deserve a justice process that listens to them, protects them, and treats their voices with dignity.”

    He appreciated the generous support of the Rule of Law and Anti-Corruption Programme (ROLAC), implemented by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), and the tireless work of CECE Yara Child Advocacy Centre, the Domestic and Sexual Violence Agency (DSVA), the Police and other dedicated stakeholders who have contributed to  child protection and justice delivery in the state.

    He also recognised and appreciated the newly trained and certified forensic interviewers.

    “You have undergone intensive, globally benchmarked training through the Zero Abuse Project, and you are now equipped to serve as frontline champions for children.

    “Your expertise, compassion, and professionalism will be critical to bringing this protocol to life.

     “The true measure of this protocol will be in the safety it brings to our children, the confidence it restores in their families, and the justice it secures against those who seek to harm them.

    “Let us ensure that this is more than a document. Let it be a living, breathing part of our justice system—saving lives, shaping a safer future, and setting a new standard for justice in Lagos State.

    “I, therefore, urge all stakeholders present today to commit to the successful implementation of this protocol. Together, we can create a safer, more just society for our children and future generations”, he said.

    The Founder/Trustee, CeCe Yara Child Advocacy Centre, Mrs. Bola Tinubu, who spoke virtually in her keynote address titled, “Evolution of and Adoption of Forensic Interview in Nigeria” stated that what the event was not just a launch of a document or a set of procedures, but the launch of a promise, a shield, and a voice for our children.

    Mrs. Tinubu recalled that eight years ago when she founded the CeCe Yara Child Advocacy Centre, she did so with “a singular mission to protect children from abuse, to give them the safe space to speak and to ensure that their voices would matter in the pursuit of justice.

    “ I still remember one of the very first children who walked in with a little girl, not older than eight, brought in by her grandmother.

    “She was scared, withdrawn, she was confused.

    “By the time she came to us, she already told the sister her story more than three times to teach her how to talk to police officer, to nurse and of course her family members and each time.”

    She said her details were blue or blurry, adding that the pain deepened and that the risk of her withdrawing altogether loomed.

    “She was already starting to believe that speaking the  truth was more harmful than keeping silent.’’

    Mrs Tinubu remarked that her experience was no exception, as it was the norm and that she knew that in that moment that something had to change.

    She also knew that the existing system,  though it was a well-intentioned, often fail to capture a child’s truth effectively and safely.

     “Children were being interviewed multiple times by

    different agencies, sometimes in fact mostly in intimidating settings. Questions were not always

    environmentally appropriate, the process was really traumatizing and critically all interviewing techniques could result in unreliable evidence and of course this would undermine prosecutions and allow offenders to walk free.

    “In other words, justice was being lost, not because the child lacked truth but because the system lacked the tools to hear it properly.”

    She said from this reality, the idea of child-forensic interview protocol  was born.

    “When we did a structured, scientifically grounded and true approach to interviewing children, one that respected the child’s emotional safety while also meeting the evidentiary standards of our legal system.”

    She stated that the protocol is only as effective as the people who implement it.

    She emphasized the need for training and re-training  so that every police officer, every social worker, every prosecutor and every judge understands how to apply this protocol in practice.

    “We must monitor and evaluate its use. We must

    learn from each cas and continuously improve. We must expand it beyond legacy so that every

    Nigerian child regardless of where they live can be heard in a manner that honors their truth and  their well-being.

    “ I want us to remember that at the heart of all of this, it’s not just the policies, not just the courtroom, not even the legal victory.

    “It is at the heart of this, it’s a child. A child has experienced something that no child should ever endure. That child needs to know, you’re safe here, your voice matter.

    “Today we launch a protocol.

    Tomorrow we will begin the work of embedding it into our culture of justice.

    “Let us be remembered as the generation that decided that the cries of our children would not echo into silence but would lead to ears that are willing to hear, hearts that are willing to feel and hands that are willing to act.

    “To every person in this room, I say this is your mission too. Whether you are a policymaker, a law enforcer, a judge, a social worker, a teacher, a parent, you have a role to play in protecting the innocence of our children. “May this day stand as a turning point for Lagos state and I hope soon for Nigeria, when we build a country where no child is too small to be heard and no truth is too fragile to survive the journey to justice.”

    Mrs Tinubu stated that the journey with capacity building began in 2017 and we invested in training  child focused professionals, including prosecutors, law enforcement officers, members of the Ministry of Justice, social workers, child advocates  in internationally recognized forensic interview techniques which led to the emergence of the first 10 certified child forensic interviewers.

    She said that to date, they have trained more than 30 child forensic interviewers and  implemented three consultative workshops for law enforcement and actors in the criminal justice and social welfare systems for the prescription and adoption of child forensic interview process, being the best global practice of investigating and prosecuting child sexual abuse cases.

    “These workshops were facilitated by the Zero

    Abuse Project in the US and was carried out under the auspices of the Rule of Law and Anti-Corruption Program (ROLAC) funded by the EU and implemented by the British Council.

    “This escalated in the setting up of the steering committee for the development and implementation of a legal state child sexual abuse investigative and  interview protocol, with a mandatory for every survivor of child sexual abuse to undergo the child forensic

    interview process.

    “So today Lagos state becomes the first state in Nigeria to take this bold step and this protocol will protect children’s dignity by ensuring that they are interviewed only when necessary,  in safe environments by trained professionals, and it will improve the quality of evidence being used by using tested child forensic

    methods approved with techniques that yield accurate and reliable accounts.

    She said the protocol  will reduce secondary

    trauma by limiting repeat questioning and will ensure that the child’s experiences are handled with empathy and care.

    She said it would also strengthen prosecutions so that perpetrators are more likely to be convicted and justice is more likely to be served and this is not just about process, it’s about outcomes, it’s about a system that works for children and not against them.

     She commended Lagos state government for its vision and unwavering commitment to make the state a model for child protection in Nigeria.

    She also commended the judiciary for recognizing the value of scientifically sound child testimony and for its openness to strengthen the administration of justice in this way.

    “To law enforcement officers, especially girls in the family support units, she believed that the Child Sexual Abuse investigative and interview protocols would give them new idea on how to speak to children and treat what they told them as important.

    “ To our civil society partners, the diplomatic community, the international experts who contributed their knowledge and resources, it has been the way to heed this vision”, adding, “we must also see today as the beginning, not the end.”

     The Chief Judge of Lagos State, Justice Kazeem Alogba who was represented by the Deputy Chief Registrar, Legal, Mrs Joy Ugbomoiko

     explained that contrary to belief , the law allows anybody to bring cases of child sexual abuse to court.

    According to her, the child Rights Law  of  2007, has been been incorporated in the repeal and re-enacted law of 2015 ACJL.

    She said this was done because of the technicality of the busy body, who may say someone is not related directly or indirectly related to a perceived abuse child or person.

    She described the new investigative and interview protocols  as a necessary procedure to have in place so that there can be an organized, predictable, reliable outcome of sexual child abuse cases.

    The State Program Coordinator of the Rule of Law and Anti-Corruption (RoLAC), Mrs. Ajibola Ijimakinwa, in a goodwill message restated the  committment of her organisation to consolidate on the rule of law and improving anti-corruption in the state.

    Mrs. Ijimakinwa said the event was important to her organisation, because before the rollout of the investigating and interview protocol, they have been with Cece Yera over the years and supported three consulting forums to bring stakeholders together to look at the document.

    She said: “ it is not enough to have a document you need to implement. We need everyone here present, and even those that are not here to look critically into the document and see what we need to do differently.

    “We are quite eager to see the implementation of the protocol.

    “So that months along the line, we can begin to look at the success stories”, she said.

    Justice Rahman Oshodi of an Ikeja Special Offences Court who spoke on the topic, “The Role of Forensic Interview In The Prosecution of Child Sexual Abuse Cases”  stated that he had seen so many devastating cases involving children because of the inadequacies in the system.

    He said as a result of these inadequacies, most children suffer threats from Intimidators who want them to keep quiet.

    He cited the case of a child whose mother forced her to apologise to her aggressor.

    Giving graphic details he said the aggressor took advantage of the situation and continue defiling the child untill he was discovered and brought to book.

    Justice Oshidi emphasized the need to increase the capacity of the system to respond to child sexual abuse if a better environment is to be crested for our children who are the leaders of tomorrow.

    “Therefore, to implement this protocol, we need commitment. We need collaboration across all agencies.

    “We also need to evaluate our participants and we must continuously improve ourselves.”

    He also noted: “The road ahead will be challenging because given the people that are building it, there are so many cases and thousands and what I see is how is it possible that every case will go through this process.

    He  commended the CeCe Yara  for  initiative.

    “As we want this protocol to succeed ,we must begin to work together.

    “We have remained survivor-centric through reforms, we can do the justice system that will protect children”, he said.

    Earlier, Executive Director, Cece Yara, Mrs Olabisi Ajayi-Kayode, in a welcome remarks described the unveiling of the investigative and interview protocols as a dream that was conceived from the ethical point of view before it was launched into  position.

    “We engineered the forensic interview process when there was no form of common practice  in Nigeria, and we could not have done it without you”

    She expressed gratitude to stakeholders  for the support gained from all of them in making the project a reality .

  • Don’t focus on negatives, lawyer, business leaders advise entrepreneurs

    Don’t focus on negatives, lawyer, business leaders advise entrepreneurs

    Lawyer and founder of House of Tara International, Mrs. Tara Fela-Durotoye, has urged entrepreneurs to harness opportunities and not focus on negatives.

    She believes that amplifying negativity about Nigeria discourages growth and undermines the confidence of the next generation of entrepreneurs.

    Mrs Fela-Durotoye delivered the keynote address at the 2025 Production and Manufacturing Business Summit.

    Other speakers also urged Nigerian entrepreneurs to shift their focus from lamenting about challenges to harnessing opportunities.

    Mrs Fela-Durotoye said: “Doing business here is tough, I won’t deny it. But Nigeria made me who I am today, and it can make you, too.

    “If all you ever dwell on is hardship, that’s all you will ever see. We must choose to change the story.”

    She explained that while entrepreneurs often discuss unreliable infrastructure, inconsistent policies, and staffing problems, allowing such issues to dominate every narrative creates a climate of hopelessness.

    “The story we tell about Nigeria can either attract or repel growth.

    “As entrepreneurs, our role is not only to innovate and employ but also to speak positively about our environment,” she stressed.

    Beyond changing narratives, Mrs Fela-Durotoye advised business owners to invest in training, treat suppliers and partners with trust, and ensure proper succession planning across all levels of their companies.

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    “Every enterprise must see itself as a talent academy.

    “The more you train, the stronger your organisation becomes.

    “Succession is not just about CEOs; every role must have a backup if businesses are to endure,” she noted.

    Summit convener and business coach, Nancy Nnadi, popularly known as The Money Boss, also challenged entrepreneurs to stop blaming the government for every obstacle.

    She insisted that execution, not excuses, remains the secret to business growth.

    “Before you complain about the government, ask yourself what you are doing with the things you can control. Execution is where success lies.

    “Many people attend training and write down ideas, but never implement them. Results only come when you act,” she told participants.

    Nancy said the production and manufacturing sector offers immense opportunities across the value chain — from farming and raw materials to packaging, logistics, and compliance.

    “Production is not just about factories. It is about farming, supply, packaging, logistics, and services.

    “Each of these areas can make you wealthy if you structure and diversify properly,” she explained.

    She urged business owners to abandon Nigeria’s consumption-driven mentality and embrace innovation as the key to wealth creation, GDP growth, and reduced dependence on imports.

    “It is not the government’s duty to run your production line. Your success depends on your mindset, your speed, and your execution.

    “The day you stop waiting and start acting is the day your business will grow,” Nancy charged.

    Chief Executive Officer of Stuch Beddings and Pyjamas, Clementina Uche Oyekwelu, described Nigeria’s over 200 million population as a vast goldmine waiting to be tapped.

    “Even serving just 0.5 per cent of the Nigerian market can make you a household name.

    “If foreign investors can pay millions to rent warehouses here, it shows there is business in this country,” she said.

    Recounting her entrepreneurial journey, Mrs Oyekwelu revealed how it began during her National Youth Service Corps year with just N10,000, producing four bedsheets which she sold to neighbours and colleagues. A decade later, her company now employs more than 60 people.

    “The power of starting small but thinking big is real. If I had waited for a large amount of capital, this company would not exist today. Start with what you have and grow from there,” she advised.

    She further encouraged entrepreneurs to break free from cultural barriers of fear and dependence, which she argued have long crippled creativity in Africa.

    “We are raised with fear, and it stifles creativity. This generation must break those chains and be bold enough to try new things,” she declared.

    Founder of August Secrets Limited, Mrs. Toyin Onigbanjo, challenged entrepreneurs to build legacies rather than chase quick profits.

    She recounted how her business was born from a personal challenge when her son rejected imported baby foods, sparking her mission to prioritise African solutions for African children.

    “You need to ask yourself: am I building this business just to feed my family or to create a legacy? Both require different levels of commitment,” she told participants.

    She identified five pillars of growth that shaped her journey — brand distinctiveness, operational optimisation, leadership culture, talent management, and partnerships.

    According to her, efficiency and process optimisation matter more than factory size, while leadership culture and accountability sustain businesses during crises.

    Onigbanjo also stressed the importance of hiring competence alongside character, and urged entrepreneurs to embrace partnerships as powerful but often underrated strategies.

    “Collaboration is not about begging people to partner with you. It is about what you bring to the table. Every partnership must be a win-win,” she explained.

  • EFCC arraigns two over alleged 49m euros fraud

    EFCC arraigns two over alleged 49m euros fraud

    • By Abiola Adeleye

    The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Lagos Zonal Directorate,  yesterday arraigned two persons, Abel Egerton Sokari, Nkiruka Chukwuma,  before an Ikeja Special Offences Court over alleged €49million fraud.

    The defendants and a company,  Zakah Global Investment Limited were arraigned before Justice Mojisola Dada  on a six-count charge bordering on obtaining by false pretence, possession of fraudulent documents, and forgery to the tune of Forty-Nine Million Euros (49,000,000).

    The defendants pleaded not guilty to all charges when they were read to them.

    Following their pleas, the prosecution counsel, H.U. Kofarnaisa, requested a trial date and prayed the court to remand the defendants in custody pending the commencement of trial.

    However, counsels to the first and second defendants, Clement Onwenwnor, SAN, and Laolu Owolabi, SAN, informed the court of their pending bail applications and urged the court to grant bail in the most liberal terms. They further undertook to take custody of the defendants pending the perfection of their bail conditions.

    Justice Dada granted bail to both defendants in the sum of N500,000 each, with one surety in like sum.

    They were temporarily released to their respective counsel pending the perfection of their bail conditions, which must be fulfilled within one month.

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    The case was adjourned to October 29, 2025, for the commencement of trial.

    One of the counts reads: “That you, Abel Egerton Sokari, Nkiruka Chukwuma, Zakah Global Investment Limited, Cheryl Austin Adanti (at large), Husain Abid (at large), Shazad Muhammed (at large), and Ismail Adil (at large), on or about the 19th day of May 2025, in Lagos, within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court, with intent to defraud, attempted to obtain the sum of Euros 49,000,000.00 from First Bank of Nigeria by falsely representing that Bayan Investment Bank and Hedge Fund Statutory Trust had transferred the aforementioned sum into account number 2046430791 belonging to Zakah Global Investment Limited, domiciled at First Bank of Nigeria.”

    Another count reads:

    “That you, Abel Egerton Sokari and Nkiruka Chukwuma, sometime in April 2024 in Lagos, within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court, had in your possession a document containing false pretences, to wit: a letter purportedly from the law office of Steven H. Sado, P.C., a lead defence attorney for U.S. President Donald Trump, which document you knew to be false.”

  • Combating threat of open grazing, terrorism and need for state police

    Combating threat of open grazing, terrorism and need for state police

    Paper presented at the Ogun 2025 National Conference of Egbe Amofin Odua on Regional Justice, Security and Sustainable Development, held from 5th to 7th August 2025, at Mitros Residences, Ibara Housing Estate, Abeokuta.

    • By Dr. Wahab Shittu SAN

    Imagine a weary mother in Maiduguri, her eyes filled with fear after Boko Haram raided her village. She fled into the night with her children, clutching whatever remnants of her life she could carry. I have encountered similar faces in my three decades as a lawyer, victims who believed that Nigeria’s laws would protect them, only to find those laws lagging behind the threats they face.

    Today, we gather as legal scholars not merely to lament the situation, but to forge a path forward. We will weave together narratives from the Northeast, where terror reigns; the Southeast, where separatist unrest persists; and the rampant bandit kidnappings occurring in various regions. We must also acknowledge the recent violence, such as the mass killings in Benue State, which resulted in 42 deaths in just one weekend. All of this occurs against the backdrop of ongoing farmer-herder clashes in the Middle Belt.

    Through it all, we will ask ourselves: How can justice and security create a foundation for sustainable development in our nation?

    Boko Haram and the Northeast Humanitarian Crisis

    The image above shows a tent city in Borno State, highlighting the hidden toll that insurgency has taken in Nigeria’s northeast. For over a decade, Boko Haram and its splinter group, ISWAP, have devastated villages across the region. Research organisations report that more than two million Nigerians have been forcibly displaced in the Lake Chad area, with tens of thousands losing their lives in violent attacks and retaliations. This year alone, a horrific assault in Yobe State saw militants slaughter scores of villagers as they slept, with 170 men and boys brutally hacked to death. Earlier in Borno State, Boko Haram abducted hundreds of women and children from an internally displaced persons (IDP) camp.

    These alarming statistics hide the personal tragedies suffered by individuals. Geopolitical Intelligence Services (GIS) reporters recently chronicled the harrowing story of a mother, “Madam Hannatu,” who fled through the bush for 10 hours under the cover of night, carrying her three-year-old son after Boko Haram burned her village to the ground. Tragically, a woman in her group was shot while caring for her baby. Such stories of distress are                                                                                                                  repeated daily. Displaced families are crammed into makeshift camps, struggling to find food, shelter, and education. In essence, the ongoing insecurity has stunted progress throughout the Northeast—schools are closed, farmers have deserted their fields, and roads lie silent, overshadowed by fear.

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    In the courtroom, the effects of this situation are evident. Victims who pursue justice against suspects find that prosecutions rarely succeed, as judges often lack the necessary evidence when witnesses are too afraid to come forward. Our weak response has only emboldened the terrorists. Boko Haram’s reign of terror isn’t a relic of the past; it has been ongoing for a decade. Federal security forces, despite the bravery of many soldiers, are stretched thin across a vast area. Meanwhile, insurgents exploit the gaps in police presence and judicial support, confident they can carry out further attacks.

    Separatist Unrest and Crime in the Southeast

    Even beyond the Niger River, the threat of insecurity looms large. In the Northcentral and Northwestern states, local gangs and herdsmen have established areas of terror. These so-called “bandits” travel through villages in pickup trucks or on horseback, raiding farms for food, cattle, and hostages. Just last year, a notorious incident in Kaduna State resulted in nearly 400 people being abducted from schools and villages in one night; many of them were schoolgirls taken while still in their uniforms. Although government officials later revised the final count to a smaller number, the initial report shattered public confidence.

    Nearby, armed gangs stormed a boarding school in Sokoto State and kidnapped 15 students. These attacks rarely face significant resistance from the slow-moving federal police.

    In Northcentral states like Plateau and Benue, clashes between herders and farmers have intensified. A massacre on Christmas Day in Plateau resulted in the deaths of over a hundred villagers. By mid-2024, the UN’s International Organisation for Migration estimated that over a million Nigerians had been displaced in these central and northwestern regions, fleeing violent raids that struck with less warning than a change in the weather. Thousands of displaced families are now crowded into camps in the states of Katsina, Zamfara, Niger, and beyond. Some bandits have formed their own insurgent cells, selling hostages to finance the acquisition of more weapons.

    These kidnappings impact every level of society. In one shocking example, on May 9, 2024, heavily armed men burst into lecture halls at the Confluence University of Science and Technology in Kogi State and forcibly took more than 20 students into the night. The campus emptied in terror; although most of those students were later rescued, tragically, two were found murdered. Earlier, in March 2024, a gang kidnapped three medical students from their dormitory at the University of Calabar, demanding a ransom for each. Such incidents have become so common that parents now hesitate to send their children to school.

    Farmers live in fear on our country roads. I spoke with a cotton farmer who now hides his harvest and crops at night because bandits have ambushed him on every market trip he attempted. Truck drivers avoid certain highways entirely due to a surge in abductions. The chilling effect is clear: agricultural output declines as fields go untended, and educational progress falters as parents pull their children out of school.

    Open Grazing and Farmer-Herder Clashes

    Open grazing, which allows for the free movement of cattle herds across farmlands, has become a significant driver of conflict between farmers and herders in Nigeria’s Middle Belt and southern regions. This practice, once a symbol of a harmonious seasonal rhythm, has been disrupted in recent years. Factors such as changing climate patterns and desert expansion in the northern regions are pushing Fulani herders further south into Nigeria’s fertile middle belt and even into the southwest.

    Historically, nomadic herding and settled farming coexisted through a system of seasonal transhumance, which relied on negotiated grazing routes and traditional agreements. However, the current landscape has dramatically changed. Increasing population growth, the conversion of land for agriculture, desertification, especially in the Sahel, and climate-driven migration have significantly narrowed traditional grazing corridors. Additionally, weak regulatory frameworks and a lack of livestock traceability have undermined governance capabilities in these areas.

    The violence resulting from these farmer-herder encounters has led to thousands of fatalities. In response, several state governments have enacted strict anti-open grazing laws. Ekiti State was the first to implement such measures in 2016, followed by Benue and Taraba in 2017, which banned cattle from open lands and classified armed herders as criminals. More recently, other states, including Edo, Kwara, Plateau, and Ebonyi, have adopted similar prohibitions. The issue has also reached the national level, with the Senate debating a bill in 2024 aimed at outlawing open grazing nationwide and establishing ranches for cattle breeding. Lawmakers highlighted the need to address free-roaming cattle, warning that neglecting this issue could lead to severe consequences for the country.

    However, the passage of laws is merely the beginning. In many rural communities, enforcement of these regulations remains inconsistent. For instance, during a traditional council meeting in Plateau State last year, local farmers expressed their frustration over the destruction of their farms and loss of life due to cattle.

    Yet, government presence in these remote areas is often lacking, leading some villages to form vigilante patrols to monitor for stray herds. These patrols, however, frequently struggle without official support and can inadvertently become involved in violence themselves.

    It is also crucial to recognize the legitimate needs of herders. Many Fulani families face displacement due to drought and conflict, and grazing bans can exacerbate their circumstances if no alternatives are provided. As a potential solution, ranching is frequently proposed as a mutually beneficial option. The Senate bill suggests the formation of national and state ranch commissions, allowing herders to legally graze on designated lands. If implemented effectively, this approach could help transform conflict into cooperation between farmers and herders.

    Impacts of Open Grazing

    •          Humanitarian toll: The herder farmer conflicts have claimed over 15,000 lives and displaced hundreds of thousands since 1999.

    •          Agricultural disruption: In Benue State alone, insecurity has led to significant crop and livestock losses, with a 1 % rise in incidents corresponding to a ~0.2 % drop in crop output.

    •          Environmental degradation: Unregulated grazing exacerbates desertification and soil erosion, further depleting productive farmland.

    •          Social fragmentation: Violence often assumes ethnic and religious dimensions, driving the creation of militias and destabilizing local communities.

    Legal & Institutional Framework

    Federal & State Statutes

    •          Federal Land Use Act (1978) vests land tenure authority in governors.

    •          State-level anti-open grazing laws (e.g., in Benue, Ekiti, Taraba, Oyo) ban free-ranging cattle movement, require permits, designate ranch zones, and enforce penalties (e.g., up to ₦1 m or five years’ jail).

    Gaps & Implementation Challenges

    •          Enforcement remains uneven: security agencies often resist or inadequately support state laws.

    •          Herding and grazing reserves like RUGA face strong opposition from farmers, communities, and civil society, as many view them as unconstitutional or a threat to property rights.

    Mechanisms for Combating Open Grazing

    Strengthened Legal Enforcement

    •          Implement and harmonize anti-grazing statutes across federating units. Cooperation between federal and state governments, akin to the Asaba Declaration, in which 17 southern governors banned open grazing, is critical.

    •          Improve capacity for livestock traceability and identification through registration systems.

    Livestock Sector Modernization

    •          Promote commercial ranching and feedlot operations with incentives such as tax breaks, access to credit, and veterinary services.

    •          Scale up grazing reserves: USAID- and Gates Foundation–backed Damau reserve has already created over 141 such reserves in 21 states.

    Security & Justice Interventions

    •          Expand community-based Agro-Rangers and mobile courts to ensure rapid, localized enforcement.

    •          Establish early-warning systems using both geospatial tools and grassroots communities to pre-empt conflicts.

    Conflict Prevention & Social Integration

    •          Engage traditional and religious leaders in peace committees and dispute resolution bodies.

    •          Promote dialogue between farmer and herder associations, including infrastructural collaboration to alleviate fear and build trust.

    •         

    The Case for State Police

    The patchwork of security failures we have described underscores a critical lesson that one-size-fits-all policing has not worked. Nigeria’s police are stretched thin and too centralized. As former House Speaker Femi Gbajabiamila once remarked, the federal force “cannot effectively meet the expectations of the citizenry” with its current manpower and resources. At dozens of town halls and legal clinics, people voice the same refrain: the local police station is too far, too few, or simply too suspicious of their community to be trusted.

    Against this backdrop, calls for state-controlled police forces grow louder. Imagine a police force answerable to your governor and people’s assembly with officers recruited from your region, trained to know its languages and customs. Proponents point out clear advantages: greater local knowledge, faster responses to incidents, and tighter accountability to state governments and citizens. In theory, a focused state police could leave the federal force free to tackle transnational threats. A civil-society report recently outlined these benefits – improved local responsiveness, higher oversight, community-friendly patrols, and relief of burden on federal agencies.

    Not surprisingly, the debate is passionate. Critics warn that without proper checks, governors might wield state police to target opponents or inflame ethnic disputes. The Inspector-General of Police has cautioned that Nigeria may not be “mature” for such a change, and he urged fixing the current force’s problems first. Indeed, the consensus from a 2024 national dialogue was that welfare and training of officers must be addressed, or new forces would inherit the same weaknesses.

    Yet the momentum builds. Former President Goodluck Jonathan flatly stated at another forum that “the nation cannot manage its internal security challenges without state police.” Our own Ooni of Ife, a respected cultural leader, recently implored the National Assembly to move swiftly on state police legislation, arguing it would bring law enforcement closer to the people. Even several Northern governors, historically wary, have signalled openness to a carefully crafted model. This issue is inevitably entwined with politics. As lawyers, we must insist on legal safeguards: a constitutional amendment would clearly define state police powers, career independence, and human rights standards. We should push for a National Judicial Oversight Board or inter-state council to ensure each state’s force respects federal law and rights, while meeting local needs.

    Charting a Path Forward

    Nigeria’s challenges today are daunting, but they also provide an opportunity to shape a stronger nation. We cannot simply lament that “this is Nigeria’s security issue.” We are the lawyers – the people best placed to interpret and reform the laws for justice’s sake. What concrete steps can we propose?

    1.         Implement a ban on indiscriminate open grazing and promote ranching initiatives. Encourage agreements between communities for herders and farmers to share land respectfully, and develop livestock corridors and cattle ranches in herders’ home regions to help reduce conflicts.

    2.         Align state and federal laws to eliminate constitutional ambiguities and maintain the momentum established by the Asaba Declaration.

    3.         Provide financial resources, training, and land access to foster the development of commercial ranches and feedlots.

    4.         Support the establishment of Agro-Rangers and expedite judicial processes for addressing grazing violations.

    5.         Create a national database with animal tagging for tracking and tracing diseases and ensuring accountability among livestock owners.

    6.         Fund collaborative initiatives that bring together farmers and herders, as well as peace-building education programs.

    7.         Consider the establishment of a specialized agency to significantly enhance Nigeria’s efforts to combat terrorism.

    8.         Soft power of de-radicalization and reorientation programme. In order to tackle the underlying causes of poverty and joblessness, an empowerment approach would need to be implemented for several years to achieve its purpose.

    9.         Enable the High Court to handle terrorism and related cases concurrently with the Federal High Court to streamline legal processes.

    10.       Authorize state police forces with clearly defined jurisdictions and oversight. Empower legitimate local vigilante groups under police supervision by providing them with training and resources. Ensure that federal police allocate units to rapid response teams while states manage day-to-day security.

    11.       Invest in technology, such as drones and surveillance systems, and translate local languages to facilitate better communication and infiltration of militant networks. Collaborate with neighbouring countries to secure borders frequently used by terrorists, and address corruption within the military and police to ensure resources reach the intended troops and aid victims rather than insurgents.

    12.       Expedite court cases related to terrorism and kidnapping, ensure legal aid is available for impoverished victims of violence, and demonstrate that crime does not go unpunished. Offer counselling, education grants, and development aid to affected communities to assist displaced individuals in rebuilding their lives, reducing the likelihood of them joining militias out of desperation.

    13.       Launch education and infrastructure projects in the Northcentral and Northeast regions, create job opportunities, and provide incentives for youth in the Middle Belt to help minimize cattle rustling. In the Southeast, invest in industrial parks and educational institutions to channel regional grievances into constructive progress rather than separatist movements.

    These steps require political will, but we as legal professionals can be the catalysts. In our courtrooms and law schools, let us argue for them. When our colleagues in the legislature propose bills, we must scrutinize and advise. And when citizens cry out for security, we should be the voice translating their needs into law.

    Research findings have shown that the root causes of violent activities ought to be addressed. It has been demonstrated that the root cause of these violent activities are related to failure of government to provide the necessary enabling environment, job opportunities, solution to environmental challenges as well as implementation of anti-people’s policies. It is also found that religion is another major reason that may precipitate terrorism if religious extremism is deployed.

    Significantly, the analysis of the legal frameworks on prevention and prohibition of terrorism in Nigeria reveals several key findings. Firstly, Nigeria has made significant efforts in adopting legislative measures to combat terrorism, as demonstrated by the enactment of the Terrorism (Prevention) Act in 2011 and subsequent amendments. These legal provisions demonstrate the commitment of the Nigerian government to preventing and addressing the threat of terrorism within its borders. However, despite these efforts, there are still significant challenges that need to be addressed. One major concern is the lack of effective implementation and enforcement of the existing legal frameworks. This is evident in the persistence of terrorist activities in certain parts of the country and the inability to successfully bring terrorists to justice. Additionally, there is a need to strengthen the capacity of law enforcement agencies and the judicial system to effectively investigate, prosecute, and convict individuals involved in terrorism-related offenses. Another key issue is the need to strike a balance between preserving national security and protecting human rights. While it is crucial to have robust legal measures to prevent and prohibit terrorism, it is equally important to ensure that these measures do not infringe upon the fundamental rights and freedoms of individuals. The analysis reveals instances of human rights abuses and violations in the context of counter-terrorism operations in Nigeria, which highlights the need for improved safeguards and accountability mechanisms. Furthermore, there is a need for enhanced regional and international cooperation in the fight against terrorism. Terrorist activities often transcend national borders, and therefore, effective collaboration with neighbouring countries and international bodies is critical. Nigeria should continue to engage in information sharing, intelligence cooperation, and capacity-building initiatives to effectively address the transnational nature of terrorism. It is against this backdrop that the next chapter of this thesis will look into the extra-legal measures in preventing and combating terrorism in Nigeria.

    Research has also revealed that the implementation of extra-legal counter-terrorism measures in Nigeria has been a controversial topic. While the Nigerian government, faced with the grave threat posed by terrorism, has justified these measures as necessary for national security, scholars have raised concerns about their compatibility with human rights standards and the rule of law. The use of extra legal measures such as arbitrary detentions, torture, and extrajudicial killings has been criticized for contributing to a climate of impunity, further alienating marginalized communities, and undermining trust in the government’s efforts. These measures have often resulted in violations of human rights, particularly among suspects who are not afforded fair trials or due process protections. Furthermore, the lack of transparency and accountability in the implementation of these measures has hindered the evaluation of their effectiveness in combating terrorism. Limited access to information and the absence of independent oversight mechanisms have further fueled concerns about abuses and contributed to a perceived culture of impunity. To strike a balance between national security and human rights, it is essential for the Nigerian government to prioritize the development and implementation of legal, accountable, and rights-respecting counter-terrorism measures. This includes ensuring that suspects are afforded fair trials, promoting community engagement and trust-building, investing in intelligence gathering, and strengthening security agencies’ capacity in line with human rights standards. In addition, the government should work towards addressing the root causes of terrorism, such as poverty, unemployment, and social inequality. By addressing these underlying issues and promoting inclusive governance, Nigeria can diminish the appeal of extremist ideologies and create a more stable and secure society. Lastly, international cooperation and support are crucial in assisting Nigeria in its counter-terrorism efforts. The international community should provide technical assistance, capacity building, and cooperation in intelligence sharing while also holding the Nigerian government accountable for human rights violations and encouraging the adoption of lawful and rights-based approaches. In conclusion, while Nigeria faces significant challenges in countering terrorism, it is imperative that the government prioritizes the development and implementation of legal, accountable, and rights-respecting counter-terrorism measures. By doing so, Nigeria can strike a better balance between national security and the protection of human rights, ultimately contributing to a more resilient and stable society.

    It is submitted that in order to effectively combat Boko Haram terrorism, the MNJTF, member states, and partners need to reassess the existing strategy, understanding that relying solely on military intervention is inadequate to put an end to an uprising. In addition, it is important for the member states of the MNJTF to recognize the significance of strong collaboration and synchronization, bearing in mind that their combined determination and dedication are essential for completely eliminating Boko Haram in the area.

    Terrorism is now widespread worldwide, and while the specific circumstances may differ, it is crucial, especially for African governments, to learn from Nigeria’s struggle against Boko Haram in the north-eastern region of Nigeria. This is because poverty, joblessness, and lack of access to education, among other challenges, are prevalent in the area and can potentially lead to or support violent activities. To gain insight into why insurgent groups in Africa rebel against governments and cause terror, it is important to examine their centre of gravity. The root causes of these issues can be traced back to socio-economic problems and grievances arising from prolonged periods of ineffective governance, the misconduct of those in power, and social injustices faced by the disadvantaged majority. Thus, it is essential to follow the example of Nigeria and address socio-economic issues that breed discontent and marginalization in order to prevent the likelihood of insurgency.

    It is also necessary to establish a specialized commission to deal with issues of terrorism. This has the potential to greatly enhance Nigeria’s efforts in combating terrorism. This is due to the fact that a well-designed law needs effective mechanisms to be implemented; otherwise, it becomes worthless. To put it differently, without a functioning system to enforce the law, it becomes merely a collection of written words without actual impact. Consequently, it is difficult to ensure the effective prevention of terrorism until concrete steps are taken. Therefore, it is crucial to develop a practical strategy that effectively monitors and restrains the actions of government entities like the Police and the Military. One approach to achieving this is by establishing a dedicated terrorism body or commission. The primary purpose of this commission would be to ensure accountability and address serious misconduct and violations of human rights by law enforcement agencies. While the Terrorism Act 2022 is praiseworthy in establishing a coordinating body like the National Counter Terrorism Centre, it is important to note that this centre only serves as an advisory entity, coordinating policies and strategies related to counter-terrorism. It falls short of having the necessary authority and independence to effectively address issues surrounding terrorism. Similar to the positive impact of the creation of the EFCC in combating financial corruption, the establishment of a specific commission for handling terrorism matters would greatly enhance government efforts in this regard. This is an aspect that lawmakers should consider in the future when revisiting terrorism laws and policies.

    It will also be necessary to enable the High Court to Hear and Try Terrorism and Terrorism-related Cases Concurrently with the Federal High Court. The present Terrorism Act of 2022 grants sole power to the Federal High Court in any region of the country to preside over and make decisions on terrorism or terrorism related cases. It is undeniable that one of the obstacles faced by the Nigerian judiciary is the lengthy process of deciding cases due to a backlog of cases. The Federal High Court in Nigeria currently has numerous unresolved cases awaiting judgment. This backlog is mainly attributed to the wide range of legal matters assigned to the Federal High Court, including election disputes. Consequently, it is expected that terrorism cases will experience significant delays in being resolved. To highlight the extent of the issue, a previous Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Musdapher, revealed that there are over 110,000 pending cases in both the Federal High Court and the High Court in Nigeria. He also noted that because of the excessive number of cases in the courts, it takes a considerable amount of time, typically 15 to 20 years, for a case to reach its conclusion from the High Court to the Supreme Court in Nigeria. This situation is unfavourable and undesirable. Therefore, the proposed solution to this problem is to permit the High Court to handle the matter simultaneously with the Federal High Court.

    There is need for soft power of de-radicalization and reorientation Programme. This is because the reason why the government struggles to effectively implement policies is because of poor leadership and lack of transparency. In order to tackle the underlying causes of poverty and joblessness, an empowerment approach would need to be implemented for several years to achieve its purpose. Nevertheless, the strategy of de-radicalization and reorientation has the potential to provide a more long-lasting and effective solution to the persistent problem of Boko Haram’s recruitment tactics. Given the severity of Boko Haram’s attacks and the government’s counterterrorism endeavours, it can be concluded that Nigeria is currently grappling with a state of war, necessitating the adoption of inventive strategies to ensure triumph.

    As a result, if the government wants to decrease religious extremism, it should intensify its efforts in de-radicalization and reorientation. This can be achieved by educating Islamists using positive teachings from the Koran, emphasizing the benefits of Western education, and reducing illiteracy rates. To implement these measures promptly, it is suggested that the government starts by disseminating this message at the primary school level and within the community. It is crucial to educate community leaders who have earned the trust and confidence of their people, as they can effectively transmit the de-radicalization and reorientation messages to the members of their communities. Similarly, in order to accomplish the objective of de-radicalization and reorientation programs, it is essential for the government to accommodate the cultural influences of local and regional communities. This can be achieved through the formation of panels that will identify and address particular issues that are specific to certain areas. By establishing educational institutions for unemployed young individuals and employing respected religious leaders (called Malaams) to reorient former Boko Haram members, the de-radicalization and reorientation policy will be fully utilized by the government. This approach will reduce the possibility of youth being tempted or coerced by Boko Haram recruiters.

    I also propose proper Military Training and Provision of Military Equipments to combat the menace of terrorism and open grazing in the land. For effective military strategy against terrorism, there is need for the government to send the armed forces to train with experts abroad or in the alternative partners with a foreign country to train Nigerian troops within the country. The thesis makes it clear that the Nigerian military is generally seen as lacking professionalism, motivation, efficiency, and is affected by corruption, leading to low morale. Therefore, it is suggested that the government allocate resources in order to enhance the expertise of military personnel in counterterrorism by investing in and increasing professional training at home, regional, and global levels. This will act as a driving force for the armed forces to increase their effectiveness in carrying out their responsibilities, as well as enhance their morale and decrease the prevalence of corruption.

    In closing, let me return to where we began. Each of these individuals, the mother in Maiduguri, students in Kogi and Calabar, farmers in Plateau, and the lawyer in Anambra, all embody the human cost of Nigeria’s fragmented security landscape. They are more than statistics: they are our people. They are the wives, children, friends of Nigerians. We owe them a country where laws protect rather than betray. We owe them a police presence that keeps night terrors out of their towns. We owe them a justice system tough enough to hold terror to account, yet fair enough to uphold rights.

  • The punishment theory

    The punishment theory

    • By Ben Ijeoma Adigwe

    The aim of criminal law is the punishment of the convicted offender. But one may ask what the aim of punishment is?

    Generally speaking, there are five different reasons why punishment is meted out to those who have breached societal laws.

    These are:

    • Retribution or Legal revenge;
    • Restraining the offender;
    • Reforming the offender;
    • Deterrence and
    • Restitution.

    Retribution or legal revenge is the oldest theory behind punishment.

    One finds this deeply rooted in the Mosaic Law, which demands an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.

    This Mosaic Law was based on the Hammurabi Code. Retribution as an aim of criminal punishment can also be seen in the Italian tradition of Vendetta. Under this theory, society takes over the carrying out of vengeance on behalf of the injured.

    Punishment is seen as an accepted outlet for the revenge emotion, as marriage provides a socially accepted outlet for sexual appetite.

    By punishment under this aim, the indignant feelings of society are relieved.

    This theory of punishment has been criticised as backwards-looking, resting only upon the foundation of vindictive justice.

    Plato and Thomas Hobbes, in Leviathan, criticised this theory of punishment, as it serves no useful purpose.

    In the deterrence theory, the penalty is regarded not as an end in itself but a means of attaining an end, namely, frightening others who may try to emulate the criminal.

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    Another angle to this theory is that the individual punished would be deterred from committing similar crimes in the future.

    This theory has also attracted a lot of criticism, the chief of them being that the deterrent effect of punishment is not provable.

    These critics point out that those criminals who are punished often recidivate and that the rate of recidivism is very high.

    These critics also argue that crimes are often not the outcome of a rational weighing up of the chance of detection and the threat of punishment.

    In fact, in Nigeria, where public executions are held, there have been reports of major theft taking place on the execution ground.

    In one such case, the motorbike of one excited spectator was stolen from where he tethered it, even while the execution was still going on.

    In the restraint theory, the criminal should be removed from society and be put where he can do no harm, especially when he has been shown to possess a criminal propensity.

    Otherwise, we have a situation akin to where a wild animal is allowed to roam at will in the city streets.

    In the fourth theory behind criminal punishment, which is that of reforming or rehabilitating the offender, the exponents say that the lawmakers should identify the social causes of crime and eliminate them rather than looking at just the criminal.

    This theory is more generally accepted among modern thinkers and criminologists.

    Here, the attitude of the offender is transformed so that he will voluntarily refrain from offending again.

    One of the most notable methods of reform is probation, where the only inconvenience imposed on the convict is that he is under the general supervision of a probation officer.

    This theory of punishment, though widely used and highly developed in developed countries, from my experience, is highly neglected in this part of the world. Our prisons, now called custodial centres, are sometimes not at their best.

    There are some which were built as far back as in 1852 and are still being used today without much modification.

    Most of these centres have three times more people than the normal inmates initially contemplated for such centres, as at the time they were built.

    The late erudite and dogged Nigerian lawyer Chief Gani Fawehinmi (Senior Advocate of Nigeria) was once an inmate in one of such centres.

    With the austere living conditions in the country, such convicts are in for a hard time. Their meals are so poor and small in quantity.

    Inmates who are sent there often mingle with more hardened and experienced criminals, and they come out worse criminals than when they went in.

    In Nonso Abiamuwe vs. the State, the accused, who was a young person, was charged with defiling a child of five years.

    The child, after confirming that she understood the nature of an oath, testified as to how the incident happened. Her mother also testified as well as her father.

    The doctor who examined the prosecutrix also testified, as well as the Investigative Police Officer (I.P.O). Thereafter, the accused and his father testified. He denied the charge while his father alleged that the parents of the prosecutrix had only pressed the charges against the boy because he refused to succumb to their monetary demands. It was a fiercely argued case.

    The young accused was convicted and sentenced to four years’ imprisonment without an option of fine. I was shocked at the severity of the punishment for the young, promising student, notwithstanding his adventurous attempt in crime. Even the wonderful allocutus of his intelligent defence counsel was ignored.

    I felt a bit sad, and when I glanced at the young, innocent, remorseful face of the boy in the dock, my sadness turned into guilt and pity.

    I remember whispering to the defence counsel and my learned friend, Austin Aziken Esq, who was seated beside me, how I felt and that I was fed up with the prosecution.

    He was also not happy and told me in plain terms that he did not envy being in my shoes. The punishment in this case was purely revengeful, definitely not the type I had in contemplation while prosecuting him.

    For a promising young man to be sentenced to an institution, which then could not boast of a decent meal, with little or no healthcare, a garrison of hardened criminals was definitely not my idea of punishment.

    There were a lot of options open to the court. It could impose a fine even when the law creating the offence does not mention that. He could also have imposed a sentence of whipping on him.

    The fifth reason for punishment is restitution, which is where the court makes an order that the criminal defendant pay the victim of the crime for any harm suffered by them.

    Restitution could be for physical injuries, loss of property or money. Restitution prevents crime by punishing the accused financially.

    The Nigerian Correctional Service Act 2019 makes provisions for restorative justice measures.

    The Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015, provides instances where the court can make an order for restitution or compensation to the victims of crime. Under section 401(2) of the Act, the courts are enjoined to have it in mind, while determining sentence, amongst other things, the objective of restitution and compensation of the victim or family of the victim of the offence.

    Under part 28 of the Act, which deals with plea bargains, provisions are made for compensation and a restitution order. The Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act 2015, which expanded the meaning and scope of rape in Nigeria, makes provisions for compensation to victims of violence as the court may deem fit in the circumstances.

    The oldest of the theories of punishment is retribution, and it is the most denigrated by modern thinkers all over the world.

    As stated earlier, it is still found in our laws. The greatest tribute to retribution as a theory of punishment was enacted during the early years of the fourth republic in the Northern Nigerian state of Zamfara in the case of a young man, Mallam Jangedi, charged with stealing a cow.

    He was convicted of the offence under Sharia law, which was invoked by the Government of Zamfara State. The sentence of the court against the accused under that law, believe it or not, was that his hand be amputated.

    Despite a large public outcry at such a monstrous sentence, the accused person’s hand was eventually amputated in an operation conducted by a medical officer in the state who, apparently, had subscribed at his graduation to the Hippocratic Oath.

    In my view it was the height of barbarism. One commentator from America said it was very uninspiring.

    • Adigwe (www.benadigwe.com) is  a lawyer.

  • Case against one-party system in Nigeria

    Case against one-party system in Nigeria

    • By Johnson Emeka N.

    In recent weeks, public debate over Nigeria’s political future has intensified, with some voices suggesting that a one-party system may promote greater unity and stability in the country. But political analysts warn that such a system could easily reverse decades of democratic progress and set the nation on a dangerous path toward authoritarianism.

    Nigeria currently operates a multi-party system that allows a range of political parties to participate in elections and compete for public support. Parties such as the All Progressives Congress (APC), Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Labour Party (LP), African Democratic Congress (ADC) and the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) give Nigerians real choices when exercising their democratic rights at the ballot box.

    Experts argue that this competition is not just about winning elections — it creates accountability, encourages debate and promotes innovation in policymaking. “Ruling parties stay on their toes because they know the opposition is watching,” one analyst noted. “That alone reduces the chances of unchecked corruption.”

    In contrast, a hypothetical one-party system would concentrate political power in the hands of a single group. Supporters claim this could lead to faster decision-making and national cohesion. But Nigeria’s own history suggests otherwise.

    Military regimes between the 1960s and 1990s — which banned opposition parties and ruled unilaterally — were marked by widespread abuse of power, suppression of dissent and mismanagement of public resources.

    Under a one-party system, citizens would have little choice during elections and limited avenues to express disagreement.

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    Critics fear that criticism of government decisions could be treated as disloyalty and met with censorship or intimidation. Rather than producing unity, such a system could fuel frustration and make instability more likely.

    Economists also warn that a one-party state tends to favour political patronage over competence.

    Without alternative voices proposing different ideas, policy innovation usually stagnates and development suffers.

    In Nigeria’s past, this often led to declining infrastructure and increasing levels of poverty despite the country’s vast natural resources.

    Despite imperfections in the present system — including electoral disputes and political tensions — the multi-party structure offers Nigerians a peaceful way to voice their concerns and demand change. It also serves as a safeguard against absolute power.

    “Nigeria’s democracy is still evolving, but the answer is not less competition — it’s better competition,” a political science lecturer at the University of Lagos told reporters.

    “The moment we remove opposition, we remove oxygen from the democratic space.”

    As Nigerians reflect on their political future, the lesson from history is clear: while a one-party system may promise stability, it more often delivers repression, corruption and stagnation. The challenge is not to eliminate political plurality, but to strengthen institutions so that multi-party democracy works more effectively for all.

    In the end, safeguarding democracy requires more than just electoral participation — it demands that citizens remain vigilant, speak up against the erosion of their rights, and actively support a political system that values accountability, inclusion, and freedom of choice.

    • Emeka writes from Dallas, U.S.A.

  • Executive-legislature cooperation as enabler of national stability

    Executive-legislature cooperation as enabler of national stability

    • By Ken Harries

    A nation’s executive and legislature are like two oars propelling the same canoe. If one oar pulls with force while the other drifts lazily, the canoe spins in circles.

    If both row in opposite directions, the vessel tilts dangerously, and progress stalls. But when the oars dip and pull in rhythm, the canoe glides forward with speed and stability.

    This is the image that comes to mind when looking at the current relationship between Nigeria’s Executive, led by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the National Assembly under Senate President Godswill Akpabio.

    The synergy is clear for everyone to see. The tone is cooperative without being compliant. The result is a smoother flow of governance where policy initiatives move more quickly from conception to law, and oversight questions are handled in a way that seeks solutions rather than political theatre.

    It is not perfection. One may even say it is not yet Uhuru. But it is an encouraging change from some turbulent chapters in Nigeria’s democratic journey.

    Lessons from the past

    Nigeria’s democratic history is littered with bruising confrontations between the two arms of government under focus.

    In the early years of the Fourth Republic, the fierce battles between President Olusegun Obasanjo and Speaker Ghali Umar Na’Abba led to stalled bills and endless impeachment rumours and threats.

    Similarly, the rift between President Goodluck Jonathan and Speaker Aminu Tambuwal froze legislative progress for months.

    The protracted cold shoulders between President Muhammadu Buhari and Senate President Bukola Saraki meant that major budgets arrived late and key reforms stalled.

    Those moments remind us that while confrontation can be a safeguard for democracy, unchecked hostility is costly for the advancement and stability of the nation. The economy slows. Investor confidence dips. Ordinary citizens wait longer for essential services.

    This is why the present collaborative climate, if maintained, could be one of the most significant enablers of national stability, growth and opportunities.

    Cooperation without capitulation

    To be clear, cooperation today does not mean the National Assembly has become a rubber stamp to the Executive. Recent sessions have shown lawmakers asking hard questions.

    The Senate’s grilling of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited on the use of savings from the removal of fuel subsidy was both firm and focused.

    Additionally, the House of Representatives’ probe into electricity tariff hikes forced the Ministry of Power and the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission to explain policies in plain terms.

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    The Akpabio-led Senate summoned the Central Bank of Nigeria to defend its measures on foreign exchange stability and new bank charges.

    Furthermore, it should be noted that there have also been pushbacks. Certain budgetary proposals from the Executive had been revised after legislative scrutiny.

    The National Assembly resisted attempts to rush through the passage of sensitive loan requests without proper documentation. The Aviation Ministry faced tough questioning over delays in airport concession agreements.

    Even agencies like the Nigerian Ports Authority and Nigerian Communications Commission have been compelled to submit overdue reports.

    Such moments show that a cordial relationship does not erase the Legislature’s constitutional duty to check excesses. Instead, it channels disagreements into productive dialogue rather than destructive stalemate.

    Shared goals, national gains

    It goes without saying that when the Executive and Legislature work in concert, the delivery of democracy dividends becomes more achievable. Policy implementation is faster because enabling laws are passed without unnecessary delay. Oversight reports lead to policy adjustments that are timely rather than reactive.

    Under Akpabio’s leadership of the National Assembly, appropriation bills have been passed in good time, enabling the Executive to keep fidelity to budget implementation.

    Constituency projects have been better aligned with national development priorities. Collaboration has also aided in passing laws that advance infrastructure growth, youth empowerment, and regional balance.

    One example is the Nigerian Steel Development Act, a legislative milestone that supports the revival of the Ajaokuta Steel Complex and other steel projects.

    Another is the creation of development commissions for the geo-political zones, designed to address decades of marginalisation.

    These initiatives may be executive-driven, but without legislative commitment, they would have languished on the order paper.

    The Akpabio doctrine: Pragmatism over politics

    The 10th National Assembly’s style under Senate President Godswill Akpabio reflects a political craftsmanship that prizes results over theatre.

    As a former governor and minister, Akpabio understands the constraints the executive faces, but he also wields legislative authority with a measured firmness that demands accountability.

    Working closely with Speaker Tajudeen Abbas, Akpabio has redefined the tone of engagement between the two arms of government, replacing confrontation with dialogue focused on finding solutions.

    Economic reforms have been handled with a calm efficiency that belies their complexity.

    An example of how this has worked in practice is the Central Bank Act (Amendment) Bill, vital to stabilising the naira and strengthening monetary policy oversight. The bill was passed within months rather than languishing for years.

    Similarly, tax reforms, initially a lightning rod for criticism, were refined through a series of consultations with stakeholders instead of being rushed through Parliament.

    In the same vein, security policy has been treated as a shared national burden rather than an executive-only responsibility.

    When the Presidency sought emergency funding to address terrorism and banditry, the Senate approved it without delay, but not without conditions.

    The package was tied to commitments for holistic approaches, including job creation and community policing, signalling that the legislature expected a comprehensive strategy beyond military action alone.

    Meanwhile, oversight has been firm but fair, grounded in the belief that transparency improves governance rather than embarrasses officials.

    The Senate’s scrutiny of incentives granted to the Dangote Refinery, its audits of several ministries and agencies, and its probing of subsidy utilisation have been conducted in a tone that invites solutions rather than fuels political drama.

    It is a style that rejects needless grandstanding in favour of mature statecraft. As Akpabio, who is Chairman of the National Assembly, once remarked during a plenary debate, “Our duty is to govern, not to grandstand.”

    The cost of discord

    On the issue of disagreements between the executive and the legislative arms of government, the question is not whether there will be friction or not. It is simply unavoidable as we are talking about human beings, and friction is a part of human relations.

    Moreover, a healthy democracy thrives on debate, dissent, and the exchange of strong arguments. The problem comes when such friction turns into open warfare between the arms of government.

    The last thing Nigeria needs is a return to the days when budget defence sessions became shouting matches, or when political manoeuvring blocked appointments for months on end.

    In today’s challenging economic climate, prolonged executive-legislature feuds could derail the Renewed Hope Agenda before its foundations are secure.

    Inflation remains high, insecurity persists in several regions, and the need for foreign direct investment is urgent. Stability at the top of governance is not a luxury; it is a socio-economic necessity.

    The significance of this moment

    Nigerians should not underestimate how rare this level of institutional harmony is in our democracy. It has not come by accident. The leadership style of Akpabio is a blend of assertiveness and tact. He has chosen the path of engagement rather than confrontation, of quiet negotiation rather than noisy standoff.

    President Tinubu, on his part, has embraced a hands-on approach that listens to legislative concerns rather than dismissing them.

    Of course, there will be moments when this harmony is tested. The real measure will be how both sides handle inevitable disagreements.

    Will they return to the canoe and row together, or will they risk spinning in place while the river of national challenges rushes past?

    Rowing towards an uncommon legacy

    For now, Nigeria’s governance canoe is moving forward. It is not yet at full speed, but it is no longer stuck in the rapids of mutual suspicion.

    The oars are in the water, pulling with some measure of rhythm, and a lot of the credit has to go to Senate President Godswill Akpabio because of his pragmatic approach to governance.

    If this partnership is sustained, the result could be faster delivery of infrastructure, more effective economic reforms, and more tangible gains for citizens.

    In the end, good governance is not about who shouts loudest in the chambers or who claims victory in the headlines. It is about whether the two oars of Nigeria’s democracy can keep pulling together long enough to carry the country to safer, more prosperous shores.

    That, more than anything else, will determine whether this moment in our political history is remembered as a transformative turning point or a missed opportunity.

    •Harries, a lawyer, is an Abuja-based development communication specialist.

  • Is the Judiciary faring better under Kekere-Ekun?

    Is the Judiciary faring better under Kekere-Ekun?

    Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun ascended to the pinnacle of Nigeria’s judicial hierarchy on August 23, 2024, when she was sworn in as Acting Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN). Her elevation, later confirmed on September 30, 2024, marked the formal succession to Justice Olukayode Ariwoola, who had gracefully bowed out of office on August 22, 2024. It was a transition steeped in tradition, yet rich in symbolism. Assistant Editor ERIC IKHILAE reflects on the trajectory of her stewardship thus far.

    The National Judicial Council (NJC), in its 106th plenary session held from August 14 to 15, 2024, resolved to uphold the time-honoured convention of judicial seniority.

    With deliberate unanimity, its members nominated Justice Kekere-Ekun — then the most senior jurist on the Supreme Court bench — to succeed the retiring Justice Ariwoola.

    In a final act of duty before his retirement, Justice Ariwoola presided over the historic session that sealed her nomination.

    The Council’s recommendation was swiftly conveyed to President Bola Tinubu, who endorsed it without hesitation.

    On that defining day in August, Justice Kekere-Ekun took the oath of office, becoming only the second woman in the nation’s history to wear the mantle of CJN — a trail once blazed by Justice Aloma Mariam Mukhtar between 2012 and 2014.

    Justice Kekere-Ekun promised to improve the reputation of the Judiciary and enhance public confidence in the justice delivery process.

    Justice Kekere-Ekun said: ”We will make sure that people have more confidence in the judiciary, and I believe that it is not a one-man job. We all have to be on board because we all see the areas that are in need of improvement.

    ”I believe that there will be maximum cooperation because we all want to see a better Judiciary; a better Judiciary is for the benefit of the entire nation.

    ”Let us all have faith in the system and then also be particular about the process of appointment. I know it is a source of a lot of concern; the issue of discipline on the Bench and at the Bar as well.

    ”All of these things are aspects that we will look into, and I believe that by the grace of God, at the end of my tenure, we should be able to have a judiciary that we will all be proud of,” she said.

    About a month later, President Tinubu wrote the Senate, pursuant to the provision of Section 231(1) of the Constitution,  to confirm her appointment as the substantive CJN.

    She appeared before the Senate for screening on September 25, 2024, during which Justice Kekere-Ekun dwelt on the challenges plaguing the Judiciary and pledged to address them upon her confirmation.

     She promised not to tolerate corruption in any form, including the grant of frivolous ex-parte orders, interim injunctions and related decisions by judicial officers.

    Justice Kekere-Ekun said: “Some of the things that I am known for are integrity and zero tolerance for corruption. The Judiciary, under my leadership, as the CJN, will be one that is not associated with corruption and other things like frivolous ex parte orders by judges or interim injunctions.

    “Decisive actions would be taken against any officer found indulging in such practices. Powers on ex-parte orders and interim injunctions are, no doubt, being abused by some judges. Such abuses would not be tolerated under my headship of the Judiciary.”

    In addressing the issue of congestion in the judicial process, Justice Kekere-Ekun suggested the need for the federal Legislature to ensure necessary legislative enactment to address the problem.

    To reduce the volume of cases at the Supreme Court, she advised that the Electoral Act be further amended to ensure that all pre-election cases terminate at the Court of Appeal.

    She argued that the enhanced adoption of the Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) mechanisms will assist in ensuring prompt disposal of cases and address congestion.

    As it relates to incidents of conflicting decisions, she said: “The digitalisation of all the courts would help to track cases already treated by the various courts and prevent conflicting judgments.”

    Read Also: NJC to work with states’ judiciaries on technology deployment – Kekere-Ekun 

    She also promised to address the growing practice where lawyers make conclusive comments on cases pending in court and assured that “decisive actions would, no doubt, be taken against those found of making declarative or authoritative comments on cases pending in the courts of law.”

    By August 23, Justice Kekere-Ekun will be a year old on the seat of the CJN, and so far, the preponderance of opinions is that she has conducted the affairs of the nation’s Judiciary in a manner that inspires hope for a better court system that emphasises justice, accountability and transparency.

    Discipline on the bench

    In fidelity to her promise to ensure discipline in the system, the NJC, under the leadership of Justice Kekere-Ekun, has continued to take steps, with increased pace, to attend to complaints against judges, leading to the sanctioning of many judicial officers.

    Some of such instances include the decisions taken by the NJC at its 107th meeting held between November 13 and 14, 2024.

    At the meeting, the NJC resolved to sanction the then Chief Judge of Imo State, Justice Theresa Eberechukwu Chukwuemeka-Chikeka and the Grand Kadi of Yobe State, Kadi Babagana Mahdi, upon establishing that they falsified their ages.

    The NJC recommended Justice Chukwuemeka-Chikeka to the Governor of Imo State for compulsory retirement, with effect from October 27, 2021.

    She was also required to refund to the NJC all salaries and allowances she received from 27 October 2021 till her last date in office.

    The NJC said the recommendation was pursuant to its findings that Justice Chukwuemeka-Chikeka has two different dates of birth – October 27, 1956 and October 27, 1958.

    It added: “However, 27 October 1956, appeared to be the consistent date of birth, but in 2006, the Chief Judge swore to an affidavit changing the date of birth to 27 October 1958.”

    As it relates to Kadi Mahdi, the NJC said it found that he has three different dates of birth – 10 December, 28 January and July – all in 1959, while his actual date of birth was 1952.

    The NJC proceeded to conclude that “Grand Kadi Mahdi committed an act of misconduct in violation of Rule 02908 (i) and (ii) of the Public Service Rules, 2021 and ought to have retired from service 12 years ago.”

    It then resolved “to recommend Hon. Kadi Babagana Mahdi for compulsory retirement to the Governor of Yobe State and that he should refund all salaries and allowances received for the past 12 years.”

    Equally, at its 108th meeting, held between April 29 and 30, 2025 the NJC resolved to suspend three judges for one year each and without pay, for misconduct.

    The judges are Justice Inyang (Court of Appeal, Uyo division); Justices Inyang Ekwo (Federal High Court, Abuja division) and Justice Aminu Baffa Aliyu (Federal High Court, Zamfara division).

     The NJC found that Justice Inyang abused her office “by issuing inappropriate ex-parte orders for the sale of Hon. Udeme Esset’s petrol station and other businesses at the interlocutory stage of the case.”

    It added that “the act of judicial misconduct occurred while His Lordship presided over Suit No. FHC/UY/CS/46/2023, at the Federal

    High Court, Uyo judicial division, before his elevation to Court of Appeal.”

    Besides suspending Justice Ekwo, the NJC proceeded to place him on its watch-list for five years and barred him from elevation for five years.

    The NJC disclosed that the complaints against Justice Ekwo arose from a criminal case marked. FHC/ABJ/CR/184/2021, in which he “delivered a ruling in a pending application without hearing the parties.”

    It claimed to have found that the judge “ignored an application to set aside the proceedings of the court conducted in the absence of the parties.

    “Subsequently, His Lordship proceeded to deliver a ruling dismissing the charge against the defendants.

    “Consequently, His Lordship was found to have violated Rule 3.1 and 3.3 of the 2016 Revised Code of Conduct for Judicial Officers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria,” the NJC added.

    The NJC said it found Justice Aliyu to have acted in breach of Rule 3 (1) and 5 of the 2016 Code of Conduct for Judicial Officers.

    It placed him on its watch-list for three years, during which period he is barred from elevation.

    The NJC said it found Justice Aliyu liable for the act of judicial misconduct in Suit No. FHC/GS/CS/30/2021 between the Government of Zamfara State and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

    He was said to have granted an order restraining security agencies from carrying out their statutory duties, and disregarded the doctrine of stare decisis in his adjudication of the case.

    Also, the NJC, at its 109th meeting held on 25 June 2025 recommended the compulsory retirement of 10 judges of the Imo State Judiciary. Nine were found to have falsified their ages, while one was sanctioned on grounds of breach of the Constitution.

    The NJC recommended Justice T. N. Nzeukwu for compulsory retirement on the grounds that he made himself available to be sworn in as the acting Chief Judge of Imo State High Court, knowing full well that he was number four in the hierarchy of judges of the Imo State Judiciary, contrary to the provision of Section 271 (4) of the Constitution.

    On grounds of age falsification, the NJC recommended the compulsory retirement of Justices  M. E. Nwagboso (High Court); Justice B. C. Iheka (High Court); Justice K. A. Leaweanya (High Court); Justice Okereke Chinyere Ngozi (High Court), and Justice Innocent Chidi Ibeawuchi (High Court).

    Others are Justice Tennyson Nze (Customary Court of Appeal); Justice Ofoha Uchenna (Customary Court of Appeal); Justice Everyman Eleanya (Customary Court of Appeal); and Justice Rosemond Ibe (Customary Court of Appeal).

    Also at the June 25 meeting, the NJC barred Justice Isaac J. Essien of the National Industrial Court (NIC) from being considered for promotion to a higher court for three years due to misconduct.

    The NJC found that Justice Essien wrongly ordered the confiscation of over N1billion belonging to the Nasarawa State Government and its Local Government Councils, despite being aware that there was a pending appeal and a pending application for stay of execution.

    It also found that the judge refused to step aside from the case after the Nasarawa State Government raised concerns about possible bias.

    According to the NJC, Justice Essien was a former staff member of the State University, which owed him gratuity, and he had earlier demanded payment using the official letterhead of the court, an act the NJC considered a clear breach of the Code of Conduct for judicial officers.

    The NJC criticised him for personally visiting the Court of Appeal registry to confirm if an appeal had been filed in the case, which it considered “an action highly inappropriate for a judge.”

    Sustenance of judicial independence

    As part of efforts directed at sustaining the independence of the Judiciary, the NJC has, for some months now, stood its ground in the face of attempts by some governors to violate existing processes for the sanctioning, appointment and elevation of judges.

    On February 19, 2025, the NJC spoke against the resolution by the Benue State House of Assembly, purporting to suspend the state’s Chief Judge, Justice Maurice Ikpambese, from office.

    The NJC stated that the decision by the Benue Legislature was an affront to the extant provision of the Constitution. It argued that the powers to investigate and discipline any judicial officer in the country, for any misconduct, rest solely with it.

    It followed this position up when, at its June 25 meeting, the NJC dismissed the three petitions written against Justice Ikpambese on the grounds that they were without merit.

    The first petition was authored by Benue State’s Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, Fidelis Bemsen Mnyim; the second by a lawyer, Guana Benjamin Joseph and the third by one Terhemen Ngbea.

    The NJC expressed concern about Mnyim’s role in the scheme to remove Justice Ikpambese and resolved to report him to the Legal Practitioners’ Disciplinary Committee (LPDC) for necessary action.

    A similar intervention by the NJC frustrated the plan by the Imo State Governor, Hope Uzodinma, to impose as Chief Judge on the state’s Judiciary.

    The NJC rose from its 108th meeting held in Abuja between April 29 and 30, 2025 with a directive that Uzodinma reverse his appointment of Justice Theophilus Nnamdi Nzeukwu, who was number four in the hierarchy of judges’ seniority in Imo State High Court, as the Acting Chief Judge of the state.

    The council proceeded to direct Uzodinma to appoint the most senior judge in the state’s High Court hierarchy as the acting CJ in conformity with the provision of Section 271 (4) of the Constitution.

    Also, at its June 25 meeting, the NJC  reiterated its earlier direction to Governor Uzodinma to swear in the most senior judge of the state as the acting Chief Judge.

    Campaign for deployment of technology

    Since assuming office, Justice Kekere-Ekun has continued to champion the enhanced deployment of technologies for the operations of the courts.

    She further emphasised this in a recent paper titled: “Justice in the digital age: Leveraging technology for an efficient and accessible Judiciary in Nigeria.”

    Reflecting on her personal experience in the application of technologies to judicial functions, Justice Kekere-Ekun argued, among others, that it is imperative, more than ever before, that the Judiciary embraces technology.

    She said: “For the Judiciary to remain relevant, respected, and responsive, it must evolve. It must shed layers of inefficiency that distance it from the people, and embrace innovations that bring justice closer to the doorstep of every Nigerian.

    “It must, in essence, become more than an arbiter—it must become a bridge: between law and society, between tradition and innovation, between the letter of the law and the spirit of justice.

    “Technology offers us the tool to effectively be that bridge. Digital technologies, when thoughtfully deployed, can streamline procedures, improve transparency, shorten timelines and remove the geographical and economic barriers that distance Nigerians from the justice system.”

    Justice Kekere-Ekun added: “As we deploy technology, we must continue to listen to litigants, to lawyers, to scholars, and to everyday Nigerians.

    “Technology must never become a barrier to justice. Rather, it must be a bridge—connecting the courts to the people in ways that are humane, dignified, and effective.

    “As custodians of justice, we must accept that the expectations of Nigerians are rising and rightly so. They demand justice that is not only fair but timely. A system that is not only lawful but humane,” she said.

    The CJN spoke about her vision for the Judiciary and the type of judicial system she hopes to deliver when her tenure expires.

    She said: “The judiciary we envision is one where justice is no longer confined to the four walls of a courtroom; where litigants can file a suit, monitor progress, attend hearings, and receive decisions without geographical or logistical hindrance.

    “It is a Judiciary where case allocation is smart and transparent; where records are digital and searchable; and where every judge is empowered with tools to do justice efficiently and fairly.

    “My vision is for a judiciary that upholds its sacred mandate with dignity, but also evolves with the demands of a rapidly changing society.

    “A judiciary that is not left behind by the digital wave sweeping across sectors, but one that leads by example in using technology to serve the people better,” Justice Kekere-Ekun said.

    This position of the CJN could be responsible for the increased pace at which digitisation is currently taking place in federal courts.

    The National Judicial Institute (NJI) was recently directed to broaden its curriculum to address emerging areas such as cybercrime and artificial intelligence.

    The NJC has, in recent times, intensified its oversight and advocacy activities to upgrade the courts’ infrastructure across the country.

    Equally, there are ongoing efforts to improve courtroom infrastructure to ensure that judicial environments are not only functional but also conducive to modern adjudication, with the integration of information and communication technology tools to enhance case management, promote efficiency and facilitate virtual hearings where appropriate.

    Call for judges’ protection squad

    Given the increasing cases of attack on judges, the CJN, during a recent meeting with the Inspector General of Police (IGP), called for the establishment of a special squad dedicated to the protection of judicial officers.

    She noted that it was impracticable for judges to operate freely and dispense justice without fear or favour when their security was not guaranteed.

    Efforts at addressing staff welfare

    As it relates to the welfare of the court’s support staff, the CJN recently intervened in the ongoing agitation by members of the Judiciary Staff Union of Nigeria (JUSUN) for improved pay.

    Her intervention resulted in the suspension of the strike embarked upon by JUSUN on June 2, 2025, which was called off the next day.

     The striking court’s staff attributed their decision to call off the strike to the intervention of the CJN.

    Promoting transparency in judges’ appointment

    To further boost public confidence in the judiciary, the leadership of the Judiciary has evolved measures to involve members of the public in the judges’ recruitment process.

    The NJC resolved at its 108th meeting held between April 29 and 30 that “henceforth, the  names of candidates being considered for appointment as judicial officers to superior courts of records will be published for information and comments by the public.”

    While explaining the rationale behind the decision, the NJC said the primary objective of the initiative was to solicit comments from the public where there is objection to the integrity, reputation and/or competence of the candidates by opening the process to public participation and scrutiny.

    Lawyers hail initiative

    The popularity of the decision was immediately evident in the reactions it attracted from within and without the nation’s judicial community.

    One of such reactions was from the President of the Centre for Socio-Legal Studies (CSLS), Professor Yemi Akinseye-George (SAN), who described the initiative as a “quiet revolution” in the nation’s Judiciary.

    He said the decision by the NJC to publish the names of candidates being considered for appointment to superior courts of record is not only revolutionary, but praiseworthy.

    Akinseye-George added: “This groundbreaking decision opens up the appointment process to public scrutiny and invites civic participation, thereby enhancing transparency and reinforcing the legitimacy of judicial appointments.

    “This approach to judicial appointments will significantly improve the quality of judicial appointments,” he said.

    Another senior lawyer, Kayode Ajulo (SAN), the Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice in Ondo State, expressed strong commendation for the CJN over the initiative.

    Describing the decision as “remarkable” and “progressive,” Ajulo said: “This significant step demonstrates a bold commitment to public engagement.”

    He added that “by encouraging comments on the integrity, reputation, and competence of judicial nominees, the NJC is establishing a system that prioritises accountability and fosters community involvement, while ensuring a selection process that is both rigorous and reflective of the highest values of our legal system.”

    Ajulo noted that such measures will undoubtedly strengthen public trust in the judiciary and ensure the elevation of only individuals with proven integrity to the bench.

    He added: “This initiative signals refreshing leadership and a renewed commitment to excellence within our judiciary.

    Ajulo urged Nigerians to actively participate in the process and assured them of his support for the CJN’s efforts.

    He cautioned members of the public “to use this opportunity responsibly to contribute to a fair, credible, and trusted judicial system.”

    Areas still needing attention

    However, the picture is not all that rosy yet, as critics observed that there are still areas that require attention.

    Critics noted that the improvement being experienced in the way erring judges are promptly disciplined has not been extended to court support staff.

    They noted that this fact is evident in the recent admonitions by the CJN  and the Administrator of the NJI, Justice Babatunde Adejumo, to support staff to abstain from conduct inimical to the integrity of the judicial system.

    The CJN, while addressing of the 2025 hybrid national workshop for legal research assistants, organised recently by the NJI), noted that the involvement of court’s support staff in conduct like the leakage of judgments, soliciting bribes or acting as intermediaries for corrupt litigants do not only erode the very foundation of justice, but also weaken public confidence in the system of justice delivery.

    Also, while speaking during the opening ceremony of the 2025 hybrid national workshop on court process management for the court’s support staff, Justice Adejumo urged participants to avoid conduct that could earn them imprisonment.

    Justice Adejumo, who wondered why a court official would elect to trade the integrity of the judicial system for material gains, said it was more rewarding for judicial staff to remain faithful to the system.

    Critics have suggested that measures should be in place to ensure enhanced monitoring and training for staff on the need to avoid such bad conduct and for those found wanting to be swiftly sanctioned.

    They also called for the need for the leadership of the Judiciary to impress it on the management of courts to ensure efficient websites for their court to enhance transparency and access to court operations.

    A case is the inability of litigants and other court users to easily access courts’ schedules, including cause lists on the websites of most courts, including the Supreme Court.

    They noted that this was possible at the Supreme Court when Justice Walter Onnoghen was the CJN, arguing that such a possibility would prevent instances where litigants and their lawyers would commit funds and time to attend court only to be told that either the court would sit or that their cases had been rescheduled.

    Critics also called for enhanced and swift deployment of infrastructure, including technologies, for improved court operations to address the persistent challenges of congestion and delays.

  • SGBV: Stakeholders seek stronger collaboration

    SGBV: Stakeholders seek stronger collaboration

    • By Abiola Adeleye and Racheal Isenere

    Stakeholders  in the justice sector converged in Lagos to review and evolve new strategies for fighting the scourge of Sexual and Gender Based Violence (SGBV).

    The stakeholders engagement  held last week at conference hall of the Lagos Chamber of commerce and Industries (LCCI), Nurudeen Olowopopo Street, Alausa, Ikeja with the theme, “Strengthening Multi-Sectoral Sexual Gender-Based Violence Response Systems.”

    The conference brought together professionals working at the forefront of SGBV-related advocacy, intervention, and policymaking, including Mrs Ololade Aminu who represented the Ministry of Youth and Social Development, Dr. J.O. Aofiyebi for the state’s Ministry of Health, ACP Oluwatoyin Kazeem for the Lagos State Police Command gender Desk, Mrs Aderonke Oyelakin for Community Health Practitioners, and legal experts from the International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA) led by Mrs Ngozi Arinze.

    Executive Secretary, Domestic and Sexual Violence Agency (DSVA), Mrs Titilola Vivour-Adeniyi, in a welcome address stated that the presence of the stakeholders at the all  important conversation underscores their commitment to eradicating all forms of Sexual and Gender Based Violence in Lagos State.

    Mrs. Vivour-Adeniyi who was represented by the Head of Public Affairs of the agency, Mrs Adejoke Ladenegan-Oginni stated that the objectives of the stakeholders meeting were to “facilitate inter-agency dialogue and coordination, to review and analyze selected SGBV cases, identify challenges and barriers and strengthen referral pathways and service co-ordination.”

    She said during the two-day engagement, they would “engage in productive discussions, share valuable insights, and work together to find solutions to the challenges we face.

    “I have no doubt that your collective expertise and experience will enrich our deliberations and yield meaningful outcomes”, she stressed.

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    A Social Development and SGBV Expert, Dr Princess Olufemi-Kayode in her address,  stressed the urgent need for cross-sectoral collaboration to ensure timely, accessible, and survivor-centered interventions for victims of sexual and gender-based violence.

    In a keynote address delivered at the engagement,  Dr. Olufemi-Kayode  emphasized that no single institution can adequately address the complexities of SGBV alone.

    Instead, she canvassed for a coordinated and well-resourced response system which she said is essential to protect survivors, provide justice, and prevent recurrence.

    Dr. Olufemi-Kayode also stressed that survivor voices must not only be heard but placed at the centre of decision-making and system design.

    She urged key government agencies, civil society organizations, traditional institutions, healthcare providers, and educators to act collectively in building a more responsive and accountable framework.

    The Founder, Mirabel Centre, Mrs Itoro Eze-Anaba who spoke on the topic, “Strengthening Multi-Sectoral SGBV Response System” lamented the absence of clear referral pathways  for survivors of SGBV.

    She recalled the case of a survivor who told her story five times before she could get the attention of public officers in-charge of SGBV.

    She said that there are still many areas and gaps to be covered including limited collaboration amongst sectors, under resourced shelters and forensic services and inadequate survivors-centered training.

    She also lamented that survivors face victimization when seeking help from some agencies.

    The Mirabel Centre founder also proffered solutions to the problems she identified as militating against survivors.

    She encouraged establishment of more domestic and sexual violence related agencies around the state, more special court, laws and policies to protect SGBV survivors, more referral centers and gender desks in police formations across the state.

    Mrs. Eze-Anaba also advocated for more training of officials responding to survivors reports at gender desks at all formations.

  • Experts seek more women participation in energy transition policies

    Experts seek more women participation in energy transition policies

    Leading international law experts have called for increased integration of women in the development and implementation of clean energy transition policies and programmes to achieve a just and inclusive transition agenda that leaves no one behind.

    This recommendation was made at an online workshop organised by the Committee on Women, International Law, and Development of the International Law Association Nigeria (ILA Nigeria).

     With the theme: ‘Energy for All: Bridging Gender Gaps in the Green Transition,’ the event marked the official launch of the Journal of Sustainable Development Law and Policy special issue on ‘Gender Justice and Energy Transition in the Global South.’

    The special issue, edited by the Committee Chair, Dr. Pedi Obani, and Committee member, Dr. Adenike Akinsemolu offers new theoretical and empirical insights on the intersections of gender and energy justice.

     Moderated by Committee Vice Chair Barrister Titilope Akosa, the event featured leading international experts including the President of ILA Nigeria, Professor Damilola Olawuyi, SAN; the immediate past Director-General of the National Council on Climate Change Secretariat, Dr. Nkiruka Maduekwe; and the Head of the Renewable Energy Unit at First City Monument Bank (FCMB), Ms. Chinma George.

    The webinar also featured presentations by Dr. Opeyemi Gbadegesin, Dr. Eduardo Pereira, and Dr. Hilary Okoeguale, who authored papers for the special issue.

    Committee Chair, Dr. Pedi Obani, who is also an Associate Professor of Law at the University of Bradford in welcoming participants emphasised that, “In Nigeria, as in much of the Global South, women are not only disproportionately affected by energy poverty and environmental degradation – they are also powerful agents of change driving sustainable solutions.

    Yet, structural and institutional barriers continue to limit their participation access to resources and decision-making power.

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    ”In his keynote address, Professor Damilola Olawuyi, SAN, who is also an Independent Expert on the United Nations Working Group on Business and Human Rights, lamented the pervasive lack of women in leadership roles in the energy sector, which is at risk of being replicated in clean energy transition programs.

     Calling for the equitable distribution of the benefits and burdens of development policies, the Learned Silk stated that, ‘There is a clear and urgent need to mainstream a gender perspective in clean energy transition programs and policies.’

    He identified five dimensions of justice for a gender-aware energy transition: cosmopolitan justice, procedural justice, reparative justice, social justice, and distributive justice.

    According to him, realising these justice imperatives requires providing tailored opportunities for women to access the necessary financing, technologies, training and education needed for them to play active and leading roles in developing and commercialising green innovation and eco-entrepreneurial ventures.

     Professor Olawuyi stressed that achieving these goals demands innovative, gender-aware and equitable laws and policies.

    In the second keynote, Dr. Nkiruka Maduekwe discussed the uneven impacts of the climate crisis on women and the underuse of women’s knowledge, leadership, and expertise in the energy sector.

    She pointed out that, ‘Despite the fact that women bear the brunt of energy poverty, we account for over 70 per cent of off-grid energy users.

    We lack access to affordable energy.’ Dr. Maduekwe also noted the scarcity of women’s stories in climate-related reporting, despite their producing most wood fuel and being the primary managers of energy in households.

    She proposed solutions such as increasing girls’ and women’s exposure to STEM education, introducing a gender lens to legal and policy frameworks, and promoting gender-informed storytelling.

    She also called for public participation in Nigeria’s ongoing efforts to develop its third Nationally Determined Contribution under the Paris Agreement.

    Guest speaker Ms. Chinma George highlighted gender gaps in the current transition framework, focusing on women’s experiences with energy poverty and their limited opportunities for employment and leadership in energy.

    She underlined FCMB’s role in addressing these issues by empowering women through access to finance – like zero-interest loans – promoting green products, improving financial literacy, and fostering public-private partnerships.

    The presentations by authors of papers in the special issue reinforced discussions about the gender gaps in current transition programs across the Global South, including in Nigeria and Brazil, and proposed solutions through training policymakers on gender analysis, providing seed grants for women’s climate research, disaggregated data collection, and equitable constitutional design processes.

    Dr. Pedi Obani also highlighted the Committee’s ongoing projects geared at driving gender inclusion in critical sectors, such as energy, water, sanitation, and hygiene, and other areas. She called for collaboration towards building policies and systems that advance women’s rights and holistically cater to of all segments of society.

    ILA Nigeria is a branch of the International Law Association, which was founded in Brussels in 1873. The Nigerian Branch of the ILA regularly hosts innovative lectures, seminars, conferences, and other capacity development programs to advance the study and understanding of international law in Nigeria.

     Its committees, such as the Committee on Women, International Law and Development, serve as its focal points for contributing to research, capacity development, and dialogue around key thematic areas of international law.