Category: Louis Odion

  • Invoking Gibran in a troubled time

    At first, it could be mistaken for a pornographic studio. The walls are sculpted with assorted portraits of nudity, sensuous imageries, certain to trigger the testosterone, if not stoke the loins.

    With illumination made dim by a syncopation of delicately angled recess lights and the antique windows shaded by sparse curtains, the air around the four-floor covent hewn from ancient cave literally reeks of erotica this sunny afternoon.

    But this is no America’s Heff Hefna’s sybaritic lair; it is the lofty shrine, the museum sheltering not only the remains of Gibran Khalil Gibran (arguably one of Lebanon’s greatest philosophers ever), but also the cream of his paintings and literary oeuvres that redefined universal thought in the 20th century. Predictably, camera is forbidden.

    Unquestionably a commercial success long before death, Gibran is today regarded the next bestseller of all times after China’s Lao Tzu and Europe’s William Shakespeare, with his writings already translated into 108 languages and his prodigious paintings also displayed in museum in the United States and Mexico.

    If he spoke to the depth of the human condition, it was probably because of the crushing experiences he suffered at a tender age. Son of a father described as an alcoholic, he was led away at tender age of 12 from Lebanon by his strong-willed mother, Kamleh, in pursuit of a better life in Boston, United States. Only for him to lose his mother, sister and half-brother within fifteen months, seven years later.

    He would begin his artistic odyssey as a painter before becoming a writer and poet. What a million words could not describe he captured graphically with a few strokes of the brush. He died at age 48 in 1931 and had willed his body be flown from Boston and buried in the monastery he bought in his native Bsharri in the north of Lebanon.

    Inside the basement, a hidden projector telegraphs on the wall a rather haunting quotation from Gibran’s verses: “I am alive like you and I am beside you.”

    Further down is his simple bed and austere writing table. In another corner is a fireplace-like enclosure through which the iron casket bearing his embalmed body can be glimpsed.

    The curator, Joseph Geagea, would simplistically reply an inquisitive member of the mission from Nigeria (Fejiro Adesida) last Wednesday afternoon that the perceived obsession with nudity was only Gibran’s expression of a preference for intimacy with nature, if not a yearning to in fact break loose from sartorial captivity.  Those naked may not be self-aware, Geagea added, but those in the nude are aware of their nakedness.

    Well, a broader appreciation of Gibran’s stated naturalism would be a cry to man to walk the straight path: keep life simple, relationships true, promises real and the environment clean.

    Today, with his native Lebanon, West Asia region and the world at large roiling in a turmoil that is both ethical and political in texture, the words of the sage from Bsharri could indeed not be more prophetic. In combating the political establishment, he denounces “the nation that places wealth above values”. As for worship, he emphasizes spirituality above religiosity. No wonder a tension often simmered between him and the religious entrepreneurs of the era.

    Today, such values and virtues are, sadly, in greater deficit not only in Lebanon but the world over and the human condition increasingly gets desperate despite supposedly phenomenal leaps in knowledge and advance in technology.

    For instance, as we gathered for barbecue and drinks in the icily cold night on the Ceedar height penultimate Tuesday, one of the faculty members of the retreat, Professor Edward Alam, had to excuse himself abruptly from the gathering, following a distress call from home in Beirut.

    Israeli fighter jets were reported to be flying menacingly low above Alam’s penthouse apartment, apparently on yet another bombing mission to neighbouring Syria now reduced to utter rubble by the seven-year civil war sparked by the Arab Spring, inflicting one of the worst human tolls and refugee crises in human history.

    It is a frightening spectacle the children of a lesser military god trapped in West Asia have learnt to endure daily as “almighty” Israel strives to impose her supremacy in the region since her unilateral declaration of statehood in 1948.

    Worse still, in Lebanon, local politics remains poisoned today by ethnic suspicion. Oil and gas have for long been discovered in commercial quantity offshore of the country’s shelf of the Mediterranean Sea. But that resource cannot be explored yet for the benefit of the people because the politicians are unable to agree on the sharing formula of the expected fortune!

    Leaders of various religious faiths, in turn, prosper from spreading the message of hate and division. Religion is exploited to advance narrow political agenda.

    So, Professor Joseph Rahme is sure Gibran would today be turning in great pains in his tomb at the sorry turn of events.

    Interestingly, Rahme, an expert in World history and one of the key drivers of the yearly cultural conversation between Lebanon and Nigeria, is a relation of the legendary Gibran maternally. (The philosopher’s mother, Kamleh, belonged to the Rahme clan.)

    We see the ethical atrophy Gibran laments about the new world also finding expression in small bad social habits here. While criss-crossing Lebanon in a caravan bus, we saw that in the road rage. We saw that in the recklessness of drivers unwilling to use seat belts or some texting furiously in slow-moving traffic, without fear of reprisal. In Nigeria, the roving FRSC operatives would almost certainly pounce on you.

    In many public spaces toured, we also saw selfishness in smokers freely puffing cigarette smoke, without regards for non-smokers.

    Lebanon is hardly immune to the corrosive influence of the social media culture and the attendant obsession with the ostentation and addiction to its enablers, either. It is an emerging universal malaise, by the way. For instance, at accident scene nowadays, we are now more inclined to approach those in distress with the cameras of our smart phones instead of helping hands, to feed the mostly callous curiosity of the waiting blogosphere. At home, precious family time is stolen as members are distracted by their i-Phones.

    So, slowly, the river of shared humanity is drying up.

    But so acute has the situation become in Lebanon that it formed the basis for a presentation at the Founder’s Day celebration at the prestigious Notre Dame University last Saturday with octogenarian President Michel Aoun seated.

    Targeted at the youth population, the new message is an urgent call for moderation to curb the danger increasingly posed to family values and social health. Since it has been identified as a youth affliction, it is felt that only the youth themselves can help the nation champion the crusade for caution.

    Needless to mention that even as the youths were being challenged with stirring words to rise to a new national call against social media abuse while the ceremony lasted in the university’s commodious auditorium, a military helicopter hovered overhead throughout, perhaps underscoring a greater sense of anxiety – if not insecurity – gripping the nation itself at large.

    In the midst of all this, there are a few who appear to find fulfillment in fidelity to the Gibran way, however. To Rahme, maintaining a strictly organic lifestyle is keeping faith with the memory of his great grand uncle. A scholar who has traversed the United States, Brussels, Paris, Instanbu, Cairo and London in his career, the balding scholar now prefers to live in the pristine Ceedar height where he was born, a great distance from the Notre Dame University where he works.

    He prides himself on eating home-made meals prepared from fresh produce harvested from the garden behind his bungalow home. To force family members into a situation they cannot but communicate, he banishes television from his Ceedar redoubt.

    However, there is one virtue generations of Lebanese forever share with Gibran regardless of where they reside – never forgetting their cradle. It perhaps explains huge remittance of estimated $8b annually from those in Diaspora and a certain inclination to maintain a presence at home even while being physically absent. The big men would erect wonderous villas, even when they probably visit home only once in a blue moon.

    We see the universalism Gibran preaches in the naming space after the Nigerian nation and figures in Mizyara, a relatively more swanky community with even more stunning castles, built with fortune made largely in Nigeria.

    This is the ancestral home of the Chagourys, the Chidiacs in Nigeria. Driving past Gilbert Chagoury Boulevard, you see Nigeria Avenue, then Abuja street, then Lagos street, then Herbert Wigwe street. (Well, we never might be able to tell what new usuring trick the Access Bank czar taught the Lebanese businessmen.)

    It is the country of Habib Jafar, the promoter of the Nigeria-Lebanon conversation.

    Stunning Nisreen Kaj of half Lebanese, half Nigerian parentage regaled us with the tales behind the mammoth castles. Hostess Honoree Claris Eid was excellent. Not forgetting our devoted company, the hyperactive Rachid Rahme.

    Regardless of the scare by the flying Israeli bomber jets four days earlier, Alams would open the doors of his high-rise home in Beirut to us last Friday for a sumptuous dinner. As his beautiful wife walked in regally soon afterwards, it became easy to understand why the man with Kenny Rogers-beard had to abandon the seminary midway and surrender to wife’s insistence that the family relocated from the United States to their native Lebanon.

    While seated in the terrace, you savoured a stunning aerial view of the city at night. The affable scholar, with a romantic voice and more than passable command of the guitar, later treated us to rendition of classics by the likes of Carol King on his hand-made Spanish guitar.

    Of course, our own sweet-voiced “Mr. Shakomended” (Lanre Fakeye) swiftly “retaliated” with a newly composed potential chart-buster entitled “Ceedars”, inspired by our four-day immersion in the fabled ancient community hosting the biblical grove of prized trees. Guitar sound flowed from gifted Osamudiamen Ivbanikaro-Isaac and back-up voices by the troika of multi-lingual Norbert Olisakwe, Yinka Olatunbosun and Aseobong Larry-Ettah. While journalists Tayo Abodunrin and Kazeem Ugbodaga kept reportorial silence. Of course, novelist Razinatu Mohammed was the cheer-leader.

    Truly, Gibran is not dead; the echo of his deep words still surely haunts his beleaguered homeland today.

     

  • Embedded in Beirut: A communion with ancestors 

    Many wished they were allowed to capture the moment with the camera, but the literary amazon from Borno beheld a different picture in the officially restricted space. She saw politics in the classification of the Jeita Groto as the “world’s 15th wonder” and not within the first 10.

    “I’ve seen two or three other heritage sites around the world rated higher, but honestly, I don’t think anyone of them compares to what I just saw here,” said Mrs. Razinatu Mohammed, a Professor of Comparative Literature at the University of Maiduguri, inside the bus taking us back to the Notre Dame University, Beirut last Saturday evening.

    It was the end of the first day of exploration by the visiting Nigerian mission in Lebanon.

    In terms of aesthetics, the award-winning novelist may have a point. Endowment is however not enough; such categorization is based on criteria that are anything but objective.

    Rank is awarded based on votes. Without a huge demography to swing the ballot, a nation with a midget population like Lebanon cannot aspire to sit on the front pew.

    But beyond the prejudice of global politics there is no denying the awesomeness of the treasure nature has gifted Lebanon, nor the illustrious memories it preserves.

    Indeed, overall, it is impossible to feel the eerie chill of the Jeita Groto, ascend the dizzying cedars, sample the exotic cuisine, stand in the shadow of the 12th century Crusaders Fortress or the countless cenotaphs that dot Beirut and not be immediately overwhelmed by something far more transcendental – half excitement, half sobriety from a consciousness of walking the same path trodden by many ancient deities, the giants of history.

    If we consider each cenotaph a paragraph, then we can only imagine how really colossal the book of Beirut is. Over the ages, sadly however, that giant tome has in part been distorted by either the footprint or fingerprint of slave-raiders, holy warriors, colonial bullies and, lately, neocolonial interlopers.

    But arriving in Beirut today, the nation you still encounter is a resilient one indeed; one which, though stretched by the continuing carnage in neighbouring Syria, has simply refused to be broken by the cumulative ravages of history on a rocky homeland.

    The Nigerian team – drawn from the academia, the media and the culture industry – had landed Lebanon on September 1 for the 2018 edition of what is fast becoming perhaps the most vigorous Nigerian-Lebanese conversation ever, to share national experiences with a view to forging better understanding across continents. The venue remains the Norte Dame University and the organisation was in coordination with the Cedars Institute (CI) and Wole Soyinka Foundation (WSF).

    This writer was privileged to be nominated.

    On a lighter note, as we soon uncovered, if nothing at all, Nigeria and Lebanon certainly suffer one similar social affliction – epileptic power supply. (Only that a semblance of “Up NEPA” was never heard in the neighbourhoods whenever public energy was restored, unlike in Nigeria.)

    In Nigeria, the old stereotype is to profile the Lebanese mostly in the negative. Rightly or wrongly, a good number of their businessmen are perceived more as willing collaborators of unscrupulous power and business elite in laundering offshore illicit funds. In a left-hand homage, no doubt, to its banking system that is quite liberal.

    Of course, that is not to deny that there are a good many others engaged in legitimate businesses and whose honest toil continues to water invaluably their host communities.

    Apparently, it is such positivity that the CI/WSF initiative seeks to sustain.

    This rather deep conversation between Nigeria and Lebanon actually began in 2014. Interestingly, it started under circumstances more funereal than fortuitous. In an extraordinary show of solidarity a year earlier, the academic community in Lebanon had opened condolence register and hosted a vigil following the demise of Chinua Achebe, the “patriarch of modern African literature”.

    As the first anniversary approached in 2014, the brainchild of the Beirut memorial got talking with our own Nobel laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka, who, without hesitation, put his formidable weight behind the idea.

    Thus commenced the exchange between the “Giant of Africa” and the “Pearl of West Asia”.

    For more intensity obviously, the eleven-day encounter, usually initiated daily with stimulating talk by designated Lebanese scholar, is not restricted to lecture hall but also spiced with physical tour of many historic sites and monuments.

    So, within three days, we had visited Byblous where the iconic Saint John Mark temple stands on the same soil the early apostles of the New Testament trod while spreading the gospel after Jesus Christ.

    Not too faraway is the almost 900-year-old Crusader fortress, the clearing house of the ancient holy warriors who belched fire while enforcing Christianity. In its somewhat sepulchral magnificence, it overlooks the Mediterranean Sea.

    Not forgetting the much romanticized Cedar height, shrine to the sacred shrubs rooted in the Christian Bible. So much that Lebanon is forever celebrated thus in Psalm 92:12: “The righteousness flourish like palm tree and grow like the cedar in Lebanon”.

    Little wonder then that in post-Independence Lebanon, the tree is easily accorded the status of a cultural totem. It features in her national flag, currency and postage stamp.

    In ancient civilizations, that Cedar was so venerated could only be an acknowledgement of its extraordinariness. Some of the species found in Lebanon today are said to be over 2,500-year-old. Often reserved for making the doors to sacred places, and burned as incense in cleansing rites.

    During a tour of Cedar, we would learn, with pride, that the one of “patriarch” (large) Cedar tree in the fabled grove (already designated as world heritage site by UNESCO) has been named after our own Kongi. It is located at the spot where the literary lion had retreated once while on a physical tour. The snow had become too ferocious for the octogenarian.

    Looking forward, from the inquiries and expositions thus far, there is no doubt that there are secrets the African giant and the Pearl by the West Asia can exchange for mutual benefits.

    Nigeria will do better by learning how to commoditize culture the Lebanese way. While Lebanon has to weaponize her diversities the way Nigeria has, even if still wobbly.

    Besides remittance from her citizens in Diaspora, Lebanon is shrewd enough to convert her bevy of historic sites and monuments to cash cow in tourism. But Lebanon’s roughly 10,000 square kilometers land mass is comparatively only a drop of Nigeria’s ocean of almost 1m square kilometres.

    The fortune awaiting Nigeria can then be imagined if the cultural potential of her monster landscape and over 250 ethnic nationalities is fully exploited.

    But whereas Nigeria could be said to have made significant progress in terms of integration in some areas, Lebanon remains largely haunted by centrifugal forces – ethnic, sectarian, social and political. Being pulled in different directions over the ages by priests of numerous faiths, being used and passed over by different colonial powers (Ottoman, French and British) with disparate cultures in rapid succession within a century have left the country with an identity that is sometimes difficult to place, rendering the quest for true national integration illusory.

    So, despite inhabiting the same space for ages, brothers and sisters still deeply suspect one another. It perhaps explains Lebanon’s inability to conduct census since 1932! The present figure of 5 million population is largely speculative. The only dimension everyone is sure of is that there are more Lebanese in Diaspora than those at home.

    Today, religion still provides the template for power-sharing: office of President is reserved for the Maronite Catholic; Prime Minister is for Sunni sect of Islam and the Speaker of the parliament has to be Shiite. The implication: the first looks up to Christrian interest for inspiration, the second depends on Saudi Arabia for direction and the third relies on Iran for confidence.

    So, generally speaking, politics is still played and economic opportunities skewed brazenly in the name of the tribe.

    The enduring challenge before Lebanon is, therefore, to produce a leader with a cross appeal for once to unite the fractured nation behind a common purpose.

    Asked on this prospect during one of our discussions, Professor Edward Alam of the Norte Dame University and Dr. Jeoseph Rahme were both cautiously optimistic. Much as a truly unifying figure is desirable, they were unwilling to bet if that could be achieved in the near future.

    However, for the mission from Nigeria, the days hardly passed without dramas, particularly at menu times. One such was after novelist Mohammed recalled during a banter with our Lebanese hosts how a Nigerian newspaper almost put her in trouble with the Sharia mob at home by casting a headline the latter found rather offensive. For saying “Sharia cannot stop me from writing about romance”, the zealots issued her a death threat.

    But unknown to her, the man who had cast that very “satanic” headline twelve years ago was under the same roof and sitting directly opposite her!

    She would freeze in mock anger when yours sincerely finally burst into laughter and introduced himself as the editor of the publication (Sunday Sun) then. The entire party exploded in a delirious laughter when I stood up in mock apology, offering a handshake in penitence.

    On another night, the acclaimed spontaneity of the Nigerian ingenuity was on display when, upon apparent satiation with assorted Lebanese gourmet, journalist Yinka Olatunbosun invented a rap number with the hook  – “I like it like that”, while those seated close to her supplied sound by drumming the table.

    That was after the bard from Borno, scion of the warrior Kanuri stock, had dazzled us with the rendition of two impromptu poems.

    Just when you thought those were sufficient dessert to the feast, erupted another acapella by Lanre Fakeye of the “Shakomended” musical fame in the Nigerian circuit. With the wine bottle before him now understandably empty, his fingers were in the air, swirling on an imaginary piano.

    Captivated, the two Lebanese Profs present (Alam and Rahme) only looked on, mouth agape.

    Surely, the Lebanese will not forget in a hurry that some Nigerians were in town.

  • Interrogating ‘Change’: ‘Genital test’ revisited

    Talk is cheap, according to a common wisecrack.

    At a time hierarchs of the ruling All Progressives Party would probably be seen scratching their heads in search of answers whenever asked to furnish tangible dividends of the “Change” extravagantly promised in 2015, how soul-lifting that there remain folks truly committed to filling the void.

    Through personal examples, these exemplars – consisting mostly non-state actors – have continued to raise hope while Abuja power-mongers only seem obsessed with sowing doubts.

    True, only dreamers would expect the procession of broom-wielding zealots currently stomping the national landscape to literally move mountain by laundering off, within the twinkling of an eye, the offscouring that took ages to accumulate in the proverbial Augean stable.

    But, if the mammon of big things cannot be subdued yet by those who had made a fetish of the “change” mantra, many, at least, expect measurable – if not demonstrable – change in soft issues like the family sector. If only to foster peaceful coexistence in communities and bolster the happiness index of the nation at large.

    So, it then becomes easier to understand why public acclaim now seems showered in the direction hitherto completely overlooked. From the temples of Redeemed Church scattered across the land, to the trough of Benue, deep down to the creeks of Bayelsa, it has indeed been a deluge of innovations with a depth that bears testimony to sheer creativity and uncommon sagacity.

    Consider, for instance, how distorted the marriage institution would still have been – and the inherent mortal danger to national stability – without the bouquet of far-reaching reforms recently unleashed by the Redeemed Church. In view of pervasive and persistent reports of marital unions coming under distress on account of circumstances that seem more man-made than divine, the church elders chose not to lament or wring their hands in cowardly surrender.

    Taking the bull by the horns, the Redeemed Church under Daddy G.O., the impeccable Enoch Adeboye, has since decreed a regime of comprehensive clinical examination otherwise called “genital test”. Others in the soul-winning industry may shy away from such sensitive – if not sensuous – subject; not the Redeemed Church irrevocably committed to domesticating values whose historical parallels could only be “glasnot” (openness) and “perestroika” (restructuring) in Gorbachev’s Russia.

    In an epistle worded without ambiguity that might be exploited by mischief-makers, the church declared that the new policy followed a studious observation of recurring cases of marital conflicts among the faithful resulting from “falsehood, especially in the case of undeclared or unconfessed reproductive/genital status”.

    Apparently, in a desperation to hook their unsuspecting loved ones, many would hide biological secrets with the same cunning that Republican candidate Donald Trump concealed his dodgy tax records before the US polls of November 2016. Or sex up their physiological endowments the way our lawmakers pad national budgets, until the wedding night when the dark truth finally unravels.

    So, before intending couples approach the altar for blessing thenceforth, a clean bill of health is required to be presented before hand, expressly certifying that relevant organs in the reproductive system of both the male and the female are in serviceable condition.

    In what suggests more emphasis on the male folk or not minding possible accusation of gender bias, the presiding physicians are enjoined to pay particular attention to the testicles, epididymis, spermatic cord, and vas deferens (the three tubes connecting the various parts of the male reproductive system). Not forgetting the rectum/anal area and the prostate gland.

    To foreclose quacks or “arrangee” certification, the church insists that only clearance originating from recognized government hospitals would be accepted.

    Even as the “genital test” initiative continues to attract more plaudits than knocks from across the land as a means to stanching the spreading epidemic of failed marriages, there are however indications that the Church, mindful of growing objection to cosmetics-enabled dubiety by the female folk, might consider extending the new rule of engagement to also include a possible cap on the application of chemicals and powder, often deployed to cement layers of deceit.

    As could be guessed, the complainants are the men folk lamenting that the cocktail of magic powder and some other chemical agents are now willfully used in a manner that dramatically alters the facial appearance of the female gender with a malicious intent to deceive the opposite sex. A grave allegation capable of unsettling the bourgeoning industry of make-up artists, no doubt.

    Meanwhile, even while the church’s response to this latest observation is still being awaited in terms of scope and scale, authorities in Bayelsa State have chosen to blaze an entirely different trail in the family sector.

    To walk the talk on improved maternal healthcare as inelienable human right, kind-hearted Governor Seriake Dickson came up with a revolutionary idea of paying intending mothers a monthly stipend. He is obviously taking this step to ensure that indigence is no longer an excuse for the pregnant women not to attend ante-natal clinic, thus positioning his state as the first to achieve success in the much-trumpeted SDGs (sustainable development goals) by the United Nations as far as safe motherhood and zero infant mortality rate is concerned.

    To political adversaries likely to insinuate conflict of interest, note that the welfare policy took off months after the governor’s wife was delivered of a beautiful set of quadruplet and had taken off successfully long before the amiable governor lost his loving mother last month.

    But, alas, the devil is in implementation. However well-intentioned a policy may be, there is no silver bullet yet to completely stave-off abuse.

    Apparently, local folks – including those from neighboring states in the Niger Delta – have chosen to read an entirely different meaning to the new policy. Latest surveys indicate that the introduction of monthly financial grant to pregnant women may be triggering a baby boom of sorts in that province with some randy men now conveniently assuming that all fatherhood entails is no more than the pleasure of just getting someone’s daughter inseminated and then outsourcing the responsibilities to government.

    In fact, fears are already being expressed in official circles that a policy otherwise conceived with the noblest of intentions might end up only boosting sex tourism in the long run.

    In Benue, it is however a tale of communal self-help. Apparently heeding the loud cries of prospective grooms and other men of marriageable age, the wise men and women of Tivland have unveiled a game-changer. And a what an opportunity to kill the proverbial two birds with a stone. Coming weeks after their governor, Samuel Ortom, decamped to opposition PDP over disputed “red card”, his kinsmen in Benue would seem to have also found a perfect platform to demonstrate, by personal example, what they probably expected of those who found themselves a career by crowing “change”.

    What better way to start than the acclaimed most crucial building block of society – marriage.

    So, without ambiguity or equivocation, the Tiv Area Traditional Council (TATC) has announced sweeping reforms certain to not only sanitize the institution of marriage but also remove the climate of fear for prospective grooms in these austere times.

    By fiat, it has fixed a ceiling of N100,000 as total expenditure permissible for nuptials within the jurisdiction of Tivland in Benue. This covers dowry and sundry expenses.

    Doubtless, this particular clause is a response to pervasive lamentations that the prohibitive demands by parents and relations of the bride only amount to having the dice loaded unbearably against the prospective groom.

    By the time such shylocks name their prices and unscroll additional list of requests, you would think it is one big capital project. If nothing at all, the new cap on expenditure will certainly result in two outcomes in the times ahead: men savouring the freedom to hook ladies of their choice without stress and reduction in elopement by “rebel” love-birds on account of high bride price.

    Moreover, these cultural reforms by the Tivs do not just target financial immodesty, but also the emerging vice of paedophile. While understandably maintaining very creative silence on virginity, it however insists that any Tiv girl to be given out in marriage must be 18 years and above – far above the statutory 16 that is the age of consent.

    Breach shall attract a wide range of sanctions including – but certainly not limited to – boycott by traditional rulers/elders and denial of registration.

    Apparently coming to full knowledge after what must have been a scientific inquiry, TATC frowned at growing erosion of Tiv cultural values by needless ostentation and conspicuous consumption: “The practice of holding festivities in the bride’s house, popularly known as traditional marriage, involving cutting of cake, dances, parties, should be discontinued as it is alien to the Tiv way of life. Celebration of a new wife is done by the Tiv people only in the husband’s house.

    “Love should be the primary issue between the families concerned in marriage discussion, not money. Therefore, total expenses on marriage, including dowry or bride price and all sundry issues, which at the moment varies from one community or family to another, should not exceed N100,000 in Tivland.”

    To ensure strict compliance, TATC has, therefore, conscripted elders of families involved as enforcers, forbidding the current practice of bringing friends and well-wishers to such consecrating rituals, describing it as alien to Tiv culture.

    No better way to bring “change” to bear directly in people’s lives.

  • Ajimobi and the Ayefele affair

    At the temple of justice on Monday, the Oyo government lawyer apparently feared the wrath of the law named contempt. So, the senior advocate sought the easiest getaway by telling a lie whose incredulity can only be likened to the futility of seeking to hide behind a finger.

    When confronted on the effrontery of his client to demolish a property when the case was already being heard by the court, the learned counsel, without batting an eyelid, casually replied that the Oyo government under Abiola Ajimobi knew nothing about the the bulldozer that sneaked behind Music House sheltering Fresh FM station along Ring Road in Ibadan to wreak havoc in the small hours of last Sunday.

    But just before the rest of us began to wonder if extra-terrestrial creatures had actually infiltrated the nation’s space and transmogrified into the motorized beast that tore into Yinka Ayefele’s property that dawn, came a statement by the state government more or less disowning its own attorney, suggesting that the falcon could no longer hear the falconer.

    Without mincing words, the Oyo government claimed responsibility, citing the refusal of the petitioner to regularize the building plan. The owner of Fresh FM is accused of making additions to the design originally approved in 2008; that the distortion now constitutes environmental hazard, which the government claims were responsible for motor accidents recorded in the vicinity in recent times; and that the deadline issued the station to regularize its title fell on deaf ears.

    Fine argument, at least from the point of due process, if not sophistry. But in making a strong pitch for the sanctity of regulation, Governor Abiola Ajimobi and his people appear to have conveniently turned a deaf ear to a higher calling: submission to the rule of law. Nothing but bad faith is implied when a government proceeds with a demolition action in spite of an ongoing court case. Especially given that the petitioner is insisting that he has all necessary building permits from the state authorities.

    Sitting in Ibadan penultimate Monday, Oyo State High Court presided over by Justice I. S. Yerima had ordered the hearing notice and necessary processes be served on the state government at the hearing of a motion ex-parte filed by Ayefele, the property owner who is a popular musician.

    It is a moot point in law that any action be suspended by the defendant in the circumstance.

    It is therefore strange indeed that Ajimobi would still proceed in his avowed quest to correct a perceived illegality only to commit another illegality.

    On that basis alone, it becomes difficult for anyone to defend the government action, however public-spirited the stated intention might be.

    So, what could possibly be the justification – if not ungodliness and impunity – for the government’s mad haste to deploy the bulldozer when the case was already being heard in court at the hour of a Sabbath Day when all true Christian believers should be preparing for morning worship in the temple?

    Again, what this episode has invariably put in focus is the propriety or otherwise of making citizens pay for what would seem the fruit of the dereliction of civil servants. Assuming that Fresh FM actually infringed on the rule as argued by OYSG, there is no way the accuser themselves can shirk vicarious responsibility. Where were the relevant government agencies when the disputed additional structures were being erected? Why was the owner not stopped along the way?

    Coming when fascism is still being read to police detention of Premium Times reporter recently for nothing more than performing professional duty within constitutional limit, the latest action against Music House is bound to heighten fear of possible epidemic of official intolerance in the land. Behind the facade being strenuously made by the Oyo Government of alleged breach of extant building regulation is indeed something quite unspeakable: weighty charges of malice and prejudice against the state chief executive.

    Only recently, the governor himself had given hint of being under partisan pressure from within his cabinet to hurt the station for being adversarial. While featuring on a live programme by the same station, Ajumobi disclosed he had shunned such prompting believing Fresh FM could change and become his supporter one day.

    Now, what came into circulation shortly before the demolition exercise was a strong-worded memo purportedly written earlier by the state Attorney General ordering the radio station to not only retract a comment made by a guest on its programm considered offensive to the administration but also tender unreserved apology to be broadcast intermittently for seven days.

    Against this backcloth, there is therefore enough circumstantial grounds to link the station’s refusal to cower to what is evidently an unreasonable demand by the government as the trigger for this fascist action.

    While the government has reason to be offended if anyone had erroneously linked Ajimobi to having commercial interest in an abbatoir concern, it is clearly beyond its remit to make such prohibitive demand on the station. The station is only a platform. It is ludicrous indeed to expect it to retract or apologize for someone’s comment.

    What is reasonable in the circumstance is for the government to take advantage of the next available opportunity on the same platform to make own case in exercise of the conventional right of reply.

    We are yet to hear if such demand was ever made but spurned.

    If nothing all, the spontaneous public protest in Ibadan and the widespread condemnation across the country should tell Ajimobi he has chosen the wrong target and time to flex his gubernatorial muscle. Assuming he ever won the legal argument, it is doubtful if he can also sway the court of public opinion.

    Let us face it – Ayefele is a cultural icon in his own right. What makes his legend outstanding is the very circumstance of its making. Here is a man who refused to resign to self-pity after a serious motor mishap. By uncommon human will and sheer industry, he thereafter parlayed God-given talent in music to achieve celebrity and material success.

    Though now confined to wheel-chair, he has created a pulsating sound that has been moving a nation on the dance-floor in the last two decades. By that, he has become people’s hero.

    So, when a government chooses to deploy a bulldozer cowardly in the night to pull down the monument erected by such idol, especially under circumstances that appear malicious, sheer wickedness is what the crowd see.

    Ajimobi ought to know that, though his bulldozers may have succeeded in disfiguring the physical house Ayefele built, it is simply impossible to completely overrun his shrine – at least in the minds of the people.

    However, it is not too late in the day for the governor to make amends. The most dignifying step forward is to immediately work out a compensation package to include allocation of a suitable parcel of land and a reasonable sum to enable Ayefele resettle and move on.

     

  • Ricardo at 60

    It was a difficult time that aroused the best and the worst in men. MKO was clocking two years in Abacha’s gulag by 1996 with family and political associates desperate to secure his freedom.

    Worst still, his Concord newspaper group where this writer worked then was locked in what was proving a titanic legal tango with Supreme Court justices over a libel suit. Exercising poetic license, Weekend Concord had termed Mercedes limousines presented to their lordships by IBB as “political bribe”.

    Naturally, opportunists, in turn, sought openings to make personal gains.

    As judiciary editor with Concord newspapers then, Richard Akinnola (aka Ricardo) came under pressure to recant a report. Wheeling-dealing Godwin Daboh was aghast that he was referrred to as “ex-convict” after being found guilty of a 419 charge in the 70s. The piece featured in the “Celebrated Cases” column published by Sunday Concord then edited by Tunji Bello.

    The controversial politician and known collaborator of the Abacha junta let words circulate that he was ready to talk his bossom friend, Abacha, into releasing Abiola, but on the condition that Ricardo retract that description.

    While not disputing his conviction as a fact of history, Daboh claimed the Buhari regime had granted him pardon shortly being toppled in 1985.

    About the same time, Ricardo also came under pressure to reach out to his personal friend and townsman, the legendary Gani Fawehinmi, to back-pedal in his fireworks against the Supreme Court justices in the libel case in which he was standing in Concord’s corner pro bono. The calculation was to deny the justices any excuse to recuse themselves from entertaining bail application filed on MKO’s behalf. Without them, it would have been impossible to form a quorum to hear MKO’s case.

    In both instances, Ricardo stoutly refused. He considered acquiescence as mortgaging both his professional integrity and moral conviction. While physically telling Daboh off at the stormy meeting at the Concord headquarters that day, he challenged the Benue-born politician to tender proof of being pardoned. Volunteering to resign if proved wrong, Akinnola could almost swear no government printer anywhere had a memo hinting at such, let alone a gazette to that effect.

    With the blackmail failing like a pack of cards, it was a humbled Daboh who soon pulled himself off the swivel chair and slouched to the car park that fateful day.

    Again, that Ricardo opted not to be part of the emissaries to talk Gani into backing down did not come as a surprise to those who knew him intimately. You could almost tell where Akinnola would stand whenever and wherever the issue of professional integrity and the pursuit of truth and justice comes up.

    That he is easily considered in the nation’s media circles today as one the foremost authorities in jurisprudence journalism is undoubtedly an acknowledgement of his passion for rigour and abiding fidelity to facts.

    He turns 60 tomorrow. Here is wishing him happy birthday.

  • Of patriarchs and their progenies

    Astrologers paint them in sometimes conflicting colours: generous yet needy of attention, forgiving yet vengeful, loyal yet flirty, and charming even though insecure.

    It is from such maelstrom of cosmic contradictions, we are made to believe, that the Leo persona crystallizes.

    While the rest of us may be handicapped to join in such astral speculations, what is however not in dispute is that Dr. Peter Odili and Mr. Ray Ekpu, two illustrious members of this zodiac family just joining the septuagenarian club, are indeed a study in consistency.

    Ekpu, a journalism icon, turned 70 on August 6 while Odili is nine days younger.

    Until the unveiling of PAMO University of Medical Science in Port Harcourt in February this year and the national fanfare it generated, not many would remember that Odili had been a successful medical doctor before venturing into politics some three decades ago.

    As editor of a national newspaper, it was inevitable that my path and his would cross more than 17 years ago, being not only the governor of a key state like Rivers but also a top player in national politics.

    But we grew much closer only after he left office and was no longer in a position to dole out contracts. That afforded me the privilege for a closer scrutiny. You may disagree with some of his views and choices, but certainly not his humanity.

    Those close to him even before he became governor always attested to his unstinting generosity in material terms. As I would later find after he left office, even more understated is his generosity of spirit – this complete lack of bitterness even when circumstances justify such.

    Here is a man who, on account of national appeal and network, most bookmakers had projected would effortlessly clinch PDP’s presidential ticket in 2006, but for the eleventh-hour high-level intrigues and vicious smear campaign approved – if not orchestrated – ironically by the same man he had worshipped zealously and trusted blinded all along – OBJ.

    Aspects of that momentous moment are already well captured in his memoirs, Conscience and History – My Story, published in 2015. He says he learnt early to bear betrayal with philosophical equanimity: “There is indeed no art for discerning who will stand with you to the end. It is also not a function of sanguinal relations or ethnicity. That is why the list is a mixed salad of friends, fraternal, religious, political, professional, colleagues turned betrayers, even extended family members… those by God’s will we single-handedly invited to occupy positions, those who could not pay school fees or transport their children to school until Odili came into their lives long before I became Governor; those who called me ‘brother’ and were called ‘best friends of Government’ on the basis of the tremendous patronages they enjoyed from my administration albeit meritoriously; those who had no leather shoes at the point of contact with me politically and who are today acclaimed success stories…

    “People who wined and dined with me every day in office literally and were privy to most decisions and actions of my Government… foot-runners who became owners of cars through our patronage and assistance. Even those whose wedding were sponsored and funded by us and those who received free medical treatment in our private hospital for many years. That’s how deep the betrayal was.

    “Like the scripture says ‘Many are the tribulations of the righteous but the Lord delivers them from them all’.”

    After Yar’Adua was virtually foisted on PDP by OBJ, the story is told that a strong lobby to “console” Odili with the VP slot was similarly scuttled by the powerful interest. His loss became Goodluck Jonathan’s gain.

    So, here is the man who could have been president in 2007 instead of Umar Yar’Adua.

    What would then seem exemplary was Odili’s fortitude thereafter. On account of the raw deal suffered, many in his shoes would have recoiled in depression, if not burned the party’s flag outright.

    Not Odili who, without prompting, enthusiastically became Jonathan’s main cheerleader in the subsequent campaign “in furtherance of the South-South cause”.

    To sit with him in his Abuja redoubt is to come in contact with the warmth of his uncommon humanity. Whenever I visited and chatted with him, not once have I ever heard him, even within permissible allowance of Freudian slip, speak ill of those who repaid his good with evil politically. Forever smiling and genial, he would invite you to pour another glass of habitual red wine, always enjoining you to take life easy and not be too much in a hurry to return to Lagos.

    Fiercely devoted to Catholic values, Odili treasures family. The spirit of solidarity easily discernible in the nuclear family he has built is perhaps only equalled by the durability of the political home he knitted together. It is perhaps a measure of his dexterity that that unit has managed to stand together till date.

    Save for Rotimi Amaechi, virtually everyone who is somebody in Rivers politics in the last two decades will hardly be shy today to be introduced publicly as “Odili boy”. Incumbent Governor Nyesom Wike now provides the rallying point for the clan. From the Celestine Omehias to the Abiye Sekibos, Uche Seconduses, Magnus Abes, Austin Oparas, Kenneth Kobanis, Emma Okahs to Emeka Wokes.

    Even then, the circumstances of Amaechi’s estrangement were somehow complicated. Harmony had flourished in the household until OBJ’s sepulchral shadow loomed. As the popular account goes, once Third Term collapsed in 2006, the vengeful Ota chicken farm thereafter stalked the land to exact a pound of flesh from those considered saboteurs. He doubted if Odili did enough to deliver him.

    So, EFCC Rottweilers then wrestled down the then Speaker, Rotimi Amaechi. His ransom? An undertaking to commence Odili’s impeachment process after release. Once the then ultra loyal Speaker touched down in Port Harcourt from the Abuja detention camp, he reneged and went underground.

    When Amaechi was later announced as winner of the PDP governorship primaries, OBJ vetoed it, famously citing “a K-Leg”.  Odili was given a short deadline to submit another name, failing which the imperial majesty at Aso Rock would appropriate that right. Then, the governor settled for Omehia, apparently oblivious of the tidal current of an ancestral feud. Though cousins, the latter and Amaechi were everything but friends due to old family wounds.

    Thus emerged the crack in Odili’s political family which time is yet to mend.

    As for Ray Ekpu, his biography may as well pass as the story of the Nigerian media in almost half a century. His chequered journalistic pursuit in the last forty-five years undoubtedly mirrors the industry’s transitioning in all its ramifications: from the colonial to the modern; from the preponderance of state ownership to free enterprise; from the relative prosperity of the 80s/90s to the hardship of today.

    Segun Adeniyi was right in saying members of our generation owe people like Uncle Ray a debt of gratitude for inspiration. Indeed, the 1980s were the years of the locusts as well as the eagles. We shuddered at the spectre of Lawrence Anini and the nation’s new addiction to cocaine and heroin. But it was nonetheless the decade of th Nobel laurel when Wole Soyinka put Nigeria on world’s map as the first African and black to win Alfred Nobel’s golden medal.

    It was also the decade of letter bomb when ace journalist, Dele Giwa, was brutally dispatched. To paraphrase John Galbraith, he paid the price for immortality – dying young.

    But it was a death that shook the nation and put the presiding military dictator, General Ibrahim Babangida, on the back foot. Being Dele Giwa’s professional soulmate, Uncle Ray naturally became part of the legend.

    It was not yet the age of Instagram where cant rules and folks are more obsessed with the glitzy, with vanishing appetite for the written word. Then, hypnosis from merely reading fine prose by Uncle Ray weekly was enough to make many of us decide early the career paths we wanted to pursue.

    Sure, writing talent isn’t all; even more remarkable is the character – that crusading spirit – and the consistency Uncle Ray has brought to bear in his journalism odyssey. He dared authorities in his writings. Forever etched in our memories are the old front-page Black/White photographs of him being whisked away to prison or being arraigned in court looking disheveled, but unbowed.

    Such depiction of courage in the face of bare-knuckle intimidation was no doubt inspiring for younger minds dreaming of a better country. We wanted to be like Uncle Ray, stand up to the political bullies and fight for liberty. Material benefit was never the primary motivation.

    Doubtless, it was in recognition of the immensity of his talent and contribution that the department of Mass Communicstion at the Akwa Ibom State Polytechnic has been named after him. A rare occurrence indeed in a society where true heroes are seldom celebrated alive.

    Today, it is no doubt a measure of his clout that, after Chief Segun Osoba, he is often the next choice to preside over mass fellowships of practising journalists anywhere in the country.

    However, to describe Uncle Ray as only a journalism master hardly does justice fully to his enigma. Beside the crown of a prose master is also the jewel of the connoisseur of the good life.

    In a moving tribute last week, my brother and friend, Dr. Reuben Abati, ended on a cryptic note: “I can attest that the man enjoys the art of being human. He loves to dance, he enjoys cognac and he is fashionable with all the things that go with that, especially those shapely things that light up a room even when NEPA takes light. When a young man follows elders around, he learns many things but because it is not everything you go home and tell Mummy, let us save those proverbs for another day.”

    I take liberty to shed further light. The fellowship “Monumental” Reuben (“My Son”) alluded to could not have been outside the iconic Nightshift Coliseum tucked in the bowels of Opebi, Lagos.

    I happened be a Gold Card member myself. Waddling into its glitzy gallery those unforgettable Friday nights, it was impossible not to immediately take notice of Uncle Ray in the corner reserved for the “Big Boys”. Of course, “the boys” like us were customarily obliged to first go over to pay homage.

    Seeing him in the company of the impeccable Professor Bolaji Akinyemi carousing choice cognac, you got a final confirmation that the show could then commence.

    Here is wishing Dr. Odili and Uncle Ray happy birthday.

     

     

     

     

     

  • Ambode and the Apapa question 

    Only those assailed by the traumatizing memory of being trapped before or those left to endure the yoke of failed infrastructure are perhaps better placed to tell the pain of a broken Apapa today. This writer counts himself among this tribe, having survived a life-and-death situation in that blighted neighbourhood over a decade ago.

    That fateful Friday night in December 2007, I had signed off the last page of Sunday Sun as the editor to the pre-press manager. With my driver on a casual leave, I found myself driving out of the The Sun’s Kirikiri headquarters in Kirikiri alone and heading towards Mile 2 to connect Lagos Island.

    Time was a little past 9p.m.

    The Orile-bound lane had turned bedlam at the Mile 2 bridge with vehicular traffic almost at standstill. My decision to make a detour to the Kirikiri Prison route would eventually land me in the bosom of gun-rotting hoodlums.

    Nothing had prepared me for the ambush; no foreboding whatsoever.

    Sheer ingenuity, improvised camouflage – the variety associated with the military – was very much on display in the mode of operation adopted by these sons of the night. The three-lane expressway was half-barricaded with a vehicle by the main entrance of the Tin Can Port with some of them crowding the open bonnet, pretending they were busy trouble-shooting, strangely in the dark.

    As I later discovered at the end of a nearly 45-minute ordeal, that blockade, reinforced by the many craters on the expressway, provided the platform for the robbery. It effectively slowed down vehicular movement to almost snail-speed on the Apapa-bound lane up to the Coconut Bridge.

    I realized the trap too late. I had already been sucked inescapably into the snarl, hemmed inbetween two heavy-duty trucks. Of course, one had made SOS calls to a few contacts in the security agencies. But no help came till the end.

    We were then truly at the mercy of a battalion of robbers who divided themselves into cells and moved from one vehicle to the another “harvesting” loot with a casualness that belied their deadly enterprise. More like featuring in a slow-motion horror movie.

    Bolting from my Toyota Landcruiser at that material time would have been suicidal.

    I watched the windscreen and window of the vehicle before me being smashed viciously with a sledge hammer as the occupant – a lady – appeared too horrified to raise her face from her steering wheel.

    So, the only sensible option one had in the circumstance was to await one’s turn with the equanimity imaginable.

    Apparently disarmed by my “cooperation” (having voluntarily wound down my glasses before their arrival), the hoodlums were content with stealing my phone, cash and the medicated glasses I had on.

    One of them even had the presence of mind to feel my neck for a necklace with his filthy hand since I had declared I had none. They appeared too excited at the custody of my brand new Black Berry phone and cash hurl to notice what I would consider my most prized possession in the vehicle at the time – my laptop with the treasure of data therein.

    Funnily, no sooner had the group moved over to the next vehicle than another cell swooped on me, to whom I, drawing from what I never knew was still possible in the circumstance – humour in great adversity, casually told off: “Oh, your colleagues just left me and took all I had.”

    Sadly, ten years later and with the road in much worse condition and vehicular traffic quadrupling in number, the unholy activities of “the boys” would seem to have become normalized in that axis at night, thus offering a graphic illustration of how the human condition could gravitate in a given community from distress to being desperate from the shared failure of all stakeholders to come up with fresh ideas.

    According to foremost industrialist, Aliko Dangote, the Apapa paralysis results in daily loss of whopping N20 b to the economy. However, that statistics neither include the horrific toll on the humanity daily caught inbetween for long hours, nor the damage to the environment on account of noxious fumes emitted by thousands of truck stuck in the bedlam. Or the fatalities resulting from regular incidence of unlatched containers falling off and crushing vehicles nearby. To say nothing about the rapid depreciation in property value in the axis once the preferred choice of the rich.

    It is estimated that not less than 4,500 trucks enter Apapa daily, choking the traffic, with Mile 2 flyover almost becoming a den of robbers once it gets dark.

    But it would now appear that, after years of official intrigues induced by party differences between Lagos and Abuja, there is finally the summoning of political will on both sides to end the nightmare of long-suffering Lagosians.

    As for the Federal Government, it would seem more like the moment of penitence after long years of irresponsibility – to give back to what is arguably the next fattest cash cow after oil.

    Indeed, Apapa was left to atrophy over the years by those only interested in milking the cash cow at the ports. Fixing it has now become a national emergency. Without it, we are unlikely to tap the full benefit of Ambode’s ongoing massive rehabilitation of the Internarional Airport road and savour the sheer grandeur of Oshodi being transformed as two new mega showpieces of the mainland. So, in that light, Apapa then constitutes a purulent sore on what should be a beauty.

    Already, a pledge has been made to infuse fresh oxygen into the decayed Apapa-Oshodi-Ojota-Toll-Gate corridor with N72 b from the Federal purse.

    Not wanting to be outdone, ever innovative Governor Akinwunmi Ambode has flagged off the expansion of the 1,000-Capacity truck terminal in Orile in addition to a similar 5,000-capacity facility being proposed for Ijanikin. This has been followed up with a relocation order to operators of bonded warehouses around the ports.

    However, the reason why one is hopeful now has very little to do with the practical steps already commenced by Ambode, understandably the driver of the current engagement. Neither has it to do with the new official realization of the folly in continued granting of approval for erection of tank farms when the 86 in existence have almost choked Apapa out. Nor the idiocy in having to license more than 26 concessionaires at the port without holding bays in the first place such that their trucks have conveniently converted the road to their nest. (Too many have been granted concessions under a process that rewarded political connection than competence.)

    Is one’s optimism linked to the assurance from the Transport Minister that a new rail-line (originating from Apapa and terminating in Ibadan) would be delivered in record time in order to ease the evacuation of containers from the ports? Or the sheer spectacle of Vice President Yemi Osinbajo ordering a joint operations by the military to rid the expressway of the menace of trucks parking indiscrimately? (Let us conveniently forget that, four weeks on, the demons of gridlock in Apapa still persist.)

    One’s hope is kindled by Ambode’s demonstration of what would seem a deeper understanding of the underlining issue as indeed transcending the mere ceremony of fixing the decrepit expressway and erecting holding bays for the vagrant trucks. Most commendandable is Ambode’s patriotic courage to voice what some might consider politically incorrect: the urgent need to also make other ports work by deliberately formulating policies to divert traffic from Lagos.

    The Apapa ports were originally designed to handle 30 metric tonnes of goods, but are currently overstretched to handle over 80 metric tonnes. (In any case, out of the estimated N1.5 trillion that the Federal Governmnet harvests from the ports yearly, only a pittance trickles back to Lagos as compensation despite that it is left to bear the environmental burden.)

    Over the years, for reasons that could not be divorced from partisan politics, successive administrations had pursued policies that leave the ports in Port Harcourt and Onne in Rivers State grossly under-utilized. While those in Calabar and Warri are virtually idle.

    For instance, prior to the 2006 concessioning of the Lagos ports, the Federal Government gave incentives of thirty percent discount to shipping lines utilizing the ports in the eastern corridor, thereby helping to boost activities there.

    This was reversed once concessionaires took over in Lagos. To compound matters, freight charges on the Eastern routes were hiked, thereby discouraging ship owners from the eastern routes.

    Were these facilities made to work at their installed capacities, the pressure on Lagos would have been reduced by 60 percent, according to experts. Those in Port Harcourt and Onne, Calabar and Warri can conveniently service the South-East, North-Central and North-East states.

    Moreover, it is believed that over five million jobs could be created in the process. The Lagos ports can then be dedicated to caring for the South-West and the North-West zones.

    Of course, such commonsense decisions would have helped cut the cost of doing business significantly, particularly in haulage and time efficiency. It would also have helped not only in minimizing the carnage on our highways across the federation generally but also reduced the pressure on the road infrastructure.

    As could be inferred from Ambode’s prognosis, the renewed efforts to reclaim Apapa will remain unsustainable until we graduate from antiquity and join the modern world in the adoption of pipelines as the safest and cheapest means of transporting petroleum products.

    Pipeline vandalism should therefore be seen not only as an economic crime but also an existential threat to our collective humanity.

    Such atavistic mindset is what could have also led into mistaking the proliferation of tank farms in the last two decades in Lagos and elsewhere as a sign of economic growth in the first place. Rather than concern ourselves with building local capacity to refine crude into petroleum products for domestic consumption, successive administrations were busy granting licences and approvals to their friends to site tank farms to store imported petrol and diesel, forgetting that such adhoc solutions are only beneficial to foreign economies in the long run.

    The consequence of such myopic decisions by past political leaderships is what manifests partly in the Apapa paralysis today. The ghost has simply returned to haunt hapless Lagos residents.

     

     

  • Ngige and the parable of the stolen fowl

    Still smarting from a grave slip of tongue in Ekiti on the eve of the July 14 governorship polls by mentioning Fayose instead of Fayemi as the person deserving victory, it is not exactly known if Chris Ngige’s difficulty with Yoruba names also extends to the proverbs of the Oduduwa land.

    Otherwise, he should be conversant with the common saying which roughly translates as follows: he who steals a pauper’s fowl will have to deal with the nuisance of becoming the subject of relentless nagging.

    In the context of the growing tension over the non-inauguration of the board of NSITF (Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund) almost a year after presidential pronouncement, one could be pardoned to equate the Nigerian labour movement to the proverbial pauper. As can be inferred, organized workers surely have more than a passing interest in the agency. Nominees from the labour congress are statutory members.

    So, when Ngige elected to stall the board’s inauguration for reasons that appear subjective, he should have known he was seriously courting the wrath of such vested interests unlikely to keep quiet for too long.

    The first salvo came from no other than a labour titan, Frank Kokori, on a live television to a captive national audience during the last June 12 memorial at Aso Rock.

    In the course of his speech that day, the NUPENG hero made an aside in which he lamented to President Buhari that he was yet to formally assume the chairmanship of the NSITF almost a year after being named.

    As they say, if it takes twenty years to learn madness, how many years will such an apprentice have left to actually practise it?

    True, last week’s open hot exchange between the Labour minister and APC national chairman, Adam Oshiomhole, on the same issue can hardly be cited as ideal in intra-party communication. By pulling off his gloves publicly, the latter obviously betrayed an instinctive bias for his primary constituency – the organized union.

    However, Ngige’s own defence only seems to have deepened public curiosity. In a loaded innuendo, the minister declared that “NSITF will no longer be a cash cow.”

    Of course, such rhetoric is quite seductive.

    But the argument that the board inauguration was being delayed in view of the investigation of the massive looting by the erstwhile board is very syrupy indeed. Otherwise, similar argument could also have been canvassed that Ngige’s own swearing-in be withheld in 2015 until the said filth in the ministry was cleared. Are the new appointees also suspects in the alleged fraud? In what way would their activities jeopardize the probe of their predecessors?

    Even more laughable is Ngige’s frantic waving of empty hands in the air as if such token gesture alone proves moral hygiene following suggestions that his action is a power-grab ploy. He started lecturing us on the operation of the Public Procurement Act and how its letters make it impossible for political appointees like him to influence contract award.

    Ha, Dr. Ngige!

    True, in theory, nowhere in the statute is the governor or president expected to get involved directly in dispensing contracts. Of course, there is the tender’s board, in fulfillment of all righteousness. But the devil actually lurks in the approving authorities. Unless Ngige would have us believe that, as governor in Anambra, his commissioners had the final say and authorized payments. Of course, it is the preserve of the minister or commissioner to table memo detailing such contracts before the federal or state executive council for consideration.

    So, who does not know how to hide a piece of meat in the mouth and pretend that it’s missing?

    Against such shifty backcloth, insinuations are therefore bound to be made that the Minister is actually unwilling to let go of such agency with very fat wallet. Already, the referenced “pauper” (the labour) has drawn attention to alleged secret recruitment of additional 350 senior managers into NSITF by the minister while his panel would appear to be looking for what is no longer missing.

    If true, it is doubtful if the minister could have acted so unilaterally without the buy-in of the board. Meaning that new iniquities are being perpetrated under the guise of punishing old ones.

    In what would then appear an afterthought, Ngige played another familiar card in filibustering later in the week. He raised another committee to look into the implementation of the findings of an earlier panel. Now, we may have to consult the oracle to tell when the new body will finish their own assignment. And to imagine that the administration practically has less than a year to the expiration of the current mandate!

    Of course, Ngige is free to continue to pretend he does not know that the board appointments are meant to be “empowerment” for party loyalists. Pray, if Kokori were to sell Buhari in PDP-dominated Delta in the coming months, what will he be telling his own people he has benefitted other than the custody of a glossy appointment letter as NSITF chair?

    There is no more excuse for Ngige.

  • Okorocha’s second Judas kiss

    With Monday’s purported impeachment of Eze Madumere as Imo deputy governor, the conversion of the acclaimed “Heartland” of the South-east to Rochas Okorocha’s comic show now appears complete. But the trouble is that the entire gallery is already deserted and the theatre crew left to seek pleasure only in self-entertainment.

    With another clown already being dressed up as replacement before the conniving state assembly, Okorocha’s Imo cearly tops the chart as one with the highest turnover of deputy governors in recent memory. He was barely months in office when he stabbed the then deputy, Jude Agbaso, in the back and hurriedly buried his political remains in a shallow grave.

    Starry-eyed Agbaso had to carry the cross of his elder brother, Martin. Migrant Okorocha had entered into a deal with the senior Agbaso for accommodation in APGA for the purpose of contesting the 2011 governorship polls. By some accounts, shekels of gold exchanged hands. The other trade-off was for the junior Agbaso to be the running-mate.

    But typical of all pacts rooted in something less than holy, one party was bound to betray the other. Okorocha was first to draw the dagger. So, he pressed his political slaves domiciled in the state assembly to impeach the deputy on charges that were mostly trumped up.

    Now, the proverbial cane used to lash the first spouse has been deployed against the second mistress.

    On the surface, the plot against Madumere has been disguised as a noble defence of great virtues and high values, with a long scroll of his sins unfurled before the state lawmakers. But on a closer look, any objective eye will not fail to recognize same as nothing more than a tissue of lies, comical as its very author.

    The joke is actually on the governor. They accused the deputy of disobeying his boss’ directives. But while fawning Okorocha is affecting a fidelity to the command-and-obey doctrine here, the supreme irony is that he himself is in utter contempt of the law by disobeying a valid court order against proceeding with the impeachment process.

    With his ears plugged furiously against voices of reason, Okorocha would also appear resolved to turn a blind eye on the verdict of history. In the past, similar actions by deluded governors in Enugu, Bauchi and Taraba States in their desperation to impeach their estranged deputies despite subsisting court order were eventually voided.

    So abused was impeachment as an otherwise extreme legislative tool that in Enugu, for instance, among the infractions listed against the deputy governor removed was the accusation that he found time to breed chicken in his official abode, with fears expressed that the fecal waste so generated was capable of at least causing environmental nuisance to long-suffering neighbours, if not already posing grave ecological danger to the fabled Coal City at large.

    Now, the chief comedian in Owerri seems too absorbed in his theatrics to learn from history. Or, maybe he estimates that if Madumere ever got a vindicating judgement in future, it would by then be at no personal cost to him after office.

    But beyond the sophistry by the colluding 19 lawmakers, everyone knows Okorocha only seeks Madumere’s political scalp on a platter as ritual offering to pave the incestuous path for his own son-in-law to be his successor next year.

    Madumere’s real crime is actually not more than a refusal to forgo his ambition to be governor and be part of Okorocha’s morbid bid to reduce the state to a monarchy in which his lineage will emerge the sole ruling house. The Owelle already has everything well laid out like a piece of cake. With the son-in-law becoming governor from his present perch as Chief of Staff, his beloved daughter too inherits her mother’s own mantle as First Lady.

    As for the wife, she is rest assured of her full dues as the new queen mother.

    Indeed, Okorocha’s empire-building obsession transcends Imo shores. While he covets the Orlu senatorial seat even after being two-term governor, he earlier dangled Owerri’s senatorial ticket to Madumere as consolation prize in lieu of his governorship ambition. Then, a lackey, Chike Okafor, will continue in the House of Representatives on behalf of the Okigwe South Federal Constituency.

    Overall, it is not only the value of decency that appears ensnared by Okorocha’s shenanigans; also under assault is the time-worn communal charter of equity and justice. Nwosu’s aspiration would mean Orlu zone monopolizing power potentially for another eight years after Okorocha. At the expense of Owerri and Okigwe senatorial zones.

    Will the imperial majesty currently luxuriating in Douglas House get away with this one last perfidy? Time will tell.

     

  • Democracy and the Makurdi affair

    I have always told anyone who cares to listen that we are not yet practising the basic tenets of a true democratic system of government in Nigeria, in spite of the perception by many that it takes time for democratic culture to evolve and take root in many societies. Maybe I am alone in this apparently uncharitable conclusion, but from the vantage point of my keen observation of the practice of democracy in Nigeria from the third republic to date, I have been compelled to strongly conclude that what we received from the army on May 29,1999 and have been experimenting with as democratic governance since then is nothing but a modified martial law gift from the barracks. To paraphrase the late Fela Anikulapo Kuti – it is nothing more than an ‘army arrangement’!

    But if you doubt the honesty and logic of this seemingly harsh label of our democracy, you may check out the who is who of the arrangers and the fixers, the winners and the losers, key benefactors and beneficiaries of the so-called democratic political succession from 1999 to date – from the president down to the Governors, and other key actors and appointees – who have been setting both the agenda, direction and the thermometer of our civil political succession temperature. It has always been the voice of Jacob but the hand of Esau!

    Beyond the context of the above fundamental evidence, fellow believers in my thesis can readily confirm the veracity of this deduction from the series of frequent assaults on the constitutional rights of Nigerian citizens all the way from the leadership selection process to the very negative manifestation of the practice of democracy in Nigeria since the inception of the Third Republic in 1999, quite similar to that obtainable in a totalitarian state. Indeed, in many social settings, very often style determines substance and form dictates function. This is the most fundamental context in which successful democratic institutions respond to the revelation of the true manifestation of the primary tenets of the practice and idea of democratic freedoms, in character and in practice.

    Granted that you are still in doubt about the credibility of the above thesis, then what interpretation and meaning will you draw from the July 16, 2018 arbitrary withdrawal of landing rights at the Makurdi Airport by the Makurdi Airport authorities for the plane conveying the progressive southern leaders en route Makurdi to attend the Restructuring Rally planned for the Benue State capital on 17 July 2018 with other Middle Belt leaders? Democracy and arbitrariness are historically strange bedfellows. And so, this singular act of the Airport authorities, apparently based on ‘instructions from above’, constitutes one of the biggest blows to the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, just as it exposes the lie we have been conferring on our democratic credentials.

    The essential character of that landing rights withdrawal is found in the clear assault on and the deliberate subversion of the rule of law which underlies constitutionalism. In more specific constitutional terms, two of the eleven  fundamental human rights guaranteed every Nigerian citizen under the 1999 Nigerian Constitution (as amended) that were violated with impunity by the Airport authorities are those enshrined under Sections 40 and 41. The former section entitles all Nigerians to the right of free and peaceful assembly as well as free association for the protection of their interests, while the later section guarantees every Nigerian citizen freedom of movement and residency throughout Nigeria. Viewed against the backdrop of the fact that these two sections of the constitution personify the very essence and life blood of institutional democratic practice, citizenship and federalism as opposed to autocracy and totalitarianism, it can be seen that the action of the Makurdi Airport authorities significantly undermined not only the Nigerian constitution but Nigeria’s democracy, the rule of law and the quest for a peaceful resolution of the Nigerian national question. It is only safe to conclude that what happened could only have been possible under a military dictatorship, a monarchy or a totalitarian autocratic dispensation.

    In boarding the plane to come to Makurdi, these senior Nigerian citizens who were stopped from exercising their fundamental human rights of free movement and association had assumed that these constitutional rights were freely theirs in a nation under democratic rule, and in which they are entitled to all citizenship rights guaranteed by the Nigerian constitution. They also took it as given that the Airport authorities will respect this constitutional imperative. It was indeed puzzling to them and to the rest of us while the authorities chose to flagrantly violate this constitutional guarantee with such disdain in a democracy. That a similar event was later held successfully in Abuja on July 18, 2018 under the auspices of and sanctioned by the ruling party without a similar withdrawal of the landing rights of delegates shows not only the paradox and duplicity of the ruling political elites, but also the irony of the needless drama in Makurdi. Was it really necessary? Isn’t such brazen partisan display of double standards involving the selective application of the law for different privileged groups while at the same time deploying maximum strong-arm tactics to ride roughshod the rights and freedoms of other less powerful groups unheard of in a true democracy? It is clear that in this matter, the law is no longer blind but it is a respecter of persons!

    Unless the authorities that gave the order to abort the landing of the plane in Makurdi are privy to any other privileged security information not available to the rest of us, it is quite safe to conclude that this order was executed at the expense of and in utter breach of two legal as well as constitutional implications of the mission of the airborne delegates. The first is recognized in the fact that those denied their rights were bona fide Nigerian citizens and prominent leaders, and indeed statesmen who have served the nation faithfully and meritoriously over the years in very senior leadership capacities. They were not merely small-time crooks, criminals or hoodlums whose planned assembly was perceived to have posed any threat to security of lives and properties of any Nigerian either in Makurdi or elsewhere. Neither were they known to have planned any breach of the Nigerian constitution either in Makurdi or any other constituent part of Nigeria. Under these circumstances therefore, they were totally undeserving of such dismissive treatment at the hands of the Airport authorities. Such treatment can only be reserved for confirmed criminals and subversive aliens who are enemies of Nigeria’s democracy, peace and security.

    The second and of course most critical implication of their planned mission under the law and the constitution is the fact that rather than take up arms against their country in order to violently overthrow the status quo, or undemocratically impose their vision of true federalism within the Nigerian federation, these respected citizens chose the constitutional and legally acceptable path of peaceful assembly and discussion of their grievances against the prevailing constitutional order and subsisting structure of Nigeria, as well as the practice of its constitutional federalism under the current democratic dispensation with a view to peacefully negotiating their grievances within the framework of the rule of law.

    In every rational sense, therefore, the conveners of the planned parley can be said to be law-abiding citizens merely out to exercise their constitutional rights to free association within a legal framework, with a view to strengthening Nigeria’s democracy and the Nigerian federal structure without an established motive of pre-empting a potential supra-constitutional or crisis-induced balkanization of the Nigerian nation state. Their conduct therefore represented the acceptable path of true democracy, just as it evidenced the hallmark of true democrats. By their exemplary conduct and comportment, these leaders neither deserved to be vilified or hunted, but deserving high commendation rather than condemnation.

    Lest I be branded in some cheap and undeserving partisan colours, let me clarify at this point that while I am not a partisan advocate of a particular group in this drama, I am at once not ashamed to admit that I am an unrepentant partisan for constitutionalism, the rule of law, the inviolability of all human, citizenship and democratic rights, as well as the sustenance, growth and transformation of the current Nigerian democratic experiment into a viable, matured democratic system in which the rights of every Nigerian citizen are not only guaranteed but also respected within the letter and spirit of the Nigerian constitution, and in which all Nigerians are equal before the law. This is the only genuine path to optimizing our national potential and achieving national greatness under a sustainable democracy. Anything to the contrary will merely amount to postponing the evil day.

    In the search for a lasting solution to our National Question therefore, Nigeria will by far be better off allowing her constituent nationalities jaw-jaw rather than war-war in an atmosphere guided by the rule of law. Such a solution cannot be attainable either through a totalitarian repression or suppression of the rights of the citizens, or in a season of anomie, and certainly not under a state of anarchy triggered by negative institutional partisanship. Neither will the application of gestapo tactics as was deployed by the Airport authorities on July 16, 2018 to repress and muscle free association along with free expression resolve these potentially explosive national contradictions. Lest we forget also, the very manifestation of every element of our political conduct will go a long way towards nurturing the growth of democratic values or the gradual enthronement of dictatorship in the guise of imposing law and order that may be alien to the sustenance of democratic culture and values.

    It is indeed needless to remind the perpetrators of this constitutional rape about the late Karl Marx’s once chilling admonition to all anti-democratic forces that those who make peaceful change impossible make violent change inevitable!  No peace-loving Nigerian patriot would under normal circumstances, ever pray for any form of violent change of the Nigerian status quo or the existing federal structure at this point in time given the bitter lessons of the Nigerian civil war and the lean years of the locust harvested under 35 years of military rule that still hang so fresh in living memory. Therefore, collectively, we shall resist the temptation to allow the repetition of history to turn the Nigerian existential condition first into a tragedy and finally into a farce as warned by Marx.

     

    • Hon. Justin S. Amase, a former Benue Commissioner for Information and Orientation, can be reached on: justinamase@yahoo.com