Category: Open Forum

  • Court judgments are open to criticism

    Court judgments are open to criticism

    By Chijioke Okoli (SAN)

    It is obvious that some of the recent judgments of the Nigerian courts, especially the Supreme Court, in high profile political cases have generated understandable controversy. Understandable, because some seemingly settled principles of law have been made by the decisions to appear not so settled and also challenged many people’s sense of justice. It is equally not in doubt that some of the criticisms are beyond the pale, degenerating in some cases to personal vituperative attacks on individual judges. Some of the disagreements, especially by some lay persons, undoubtedly appear to have been disagreeably expressed.

    Against this backdrop, the President of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) reportedly issued the misguided warning to lawyers criticizing the judgments that they would be subjected to disciplinary proceedings. There then followed the unprecedented move by the Supreme Court of recourse to a press statement joining issues with critics of its judgments. The Ben Nwabueze Center has thus felt the need for its present public intervention on this matter of critical importance to administration of justice, constitutional propriety and overall good sense in the public space. Perhaps all concerned may be better guided in future and avoid recurrence of the unedifying distracting public spectacles. 

    It is straightaway necessary, it does appear, that the Nigerian public and the legal community in particular need the reminder that criticism of judges has a long recorded history, at least since the biblical times. St. Paul in Acts of the Apostles (chapter 23, vs.3) trenchantly criticized the judges who subjected him to punishment for acting contrary to the law in his view, and unflatteringly lampooned them as “whited sepulchers”. Even judges are known to criticize themselves in their judgments, sometimes quite trenchantly. Lord Denning in frustration at his conservative predecessors and their ilk sitting with him on the case, and who were unwilling to toe his unabashedly liberal line, famously dismissed them as “timorous souls” in Candler v. Crane, Christmas [1951] 1 All ER 426. This was a fanciful way of calling them cowards. There were no hard feelings beyond the riposte from his brother justice on the panel, Asquith L.J., that he would bear the condemnation with all the fortitude he could command. Lord Denning was himself at the receiving end of Lord Simmonds ringing denunciation in Magor and St. Mellons RDC v. Newport Corp. [1952] A.C. 189 for engaging in “naked usurpation of legislation function under the thin guise of interpretation.”   

    The issue, however, is fundamental and goes beyond the rarefied intellectual climes of appellate court judgments and law journals, contrary to the suggestions of some people. Apart from the critical need for public accountability of all facets and institutions of the state apparatus, including the judiciary, criminalization of criticism of judges is not consistent with the fundamental right to freedom of expression enshrined in the Nigerian Constitution. The contrary suggestion is erroneous on many fronts. This position, from general principles, is so axiomatic as to not require validation by judicial authorities. Nonetheless, it may be useful out of abundance of caution to advert to juridical lodestars from other common law jurisdictions, especially United Kingdom and United States.

    Lord Denning who was criticized as an “ass” after one of his judgments without countering with any threat illuminated the matter thus in R. v. Commissioner of Police [1968] 2 QB 150:

    “Let me say at once that we will never use this jurisdiction to uphold our own dignity. That must rest on surer foundations. Nor will we use it to suppress those who speak against us. We do not fear criticism, nor do we resent it. For there is something far more important at stake. It is no less than freedom of speech itself. It is the right of everyman, in parliament or out of it, in the press or over the broadcast, to make fair comment, even outspoken comment, on matters of public interest. All that we ask is that those who criticize us should remember that, from the nature of our duties, we cannot reply to their criticism. We cannot enter into the public controversy. We must rely on our conduct itself to be its own vindication.”

    Justice Frankfurter of the U.S. Supreme Court in Bridges v. California, 314 U.S. 252 [1941] had also insightfully observed that “Judges as persons, or courts as institutions, are entitled to no greater immunity from criticism than other persons or institutions. Just because the holders of judicial office are identified with interests of justice they may forget their common human frailties and fallibilities. There have sometimes been martinets upon the bench as there have also been pompous wielders of authority who have used the paraphernalia of power in support of what they called their dignity. Therefore judges must be kept mindful of their limitations and of their ultimate public responsibility by a vigorous stream of criticism expressed with candor however blunt.”

    A military historian of the American Civil War made the point, in eulogizing  the Confederate Supreme Commander General Robert E. Lee, that the greatest spiritual asset of an army is the belief of the ordinary soldier in the invincibility of the commanding general. For the Court which has neither arms nor soldiers at its behest, there is even a more absolutist need for spiritual strength; a moral authority, founded upon well nigh unshakeable conviction of not only lawyers but the general public that its essence is pursuit of justice. The same way war is too important to be left to generals alone, law and its effects are too important to be left for judges and lawyers only to contemplate and comment upon.

    Indeed, administration of justice is a social good and of which the general public are the consumers. How could the consumers conceivably be denied an opinion on the product, especially one which they are forced to purchase in the circumstances? Lest we forget that the people of Imo State, and neighbouring Anambra State, are having to endure the consequences of an apparently deeply loathed politician occupying the position of Governor courtesy of a Supreme Court judgment. Can they justifiably be denied the right to criticism of the otherwise insufferable position they have been boxed into, and as has found expression in their denial of the occupier’s legitimacy with the cynical term “Supreme Court Governor”?     

    Truth be told, these consumers and their advisers have had cause for serious worry with the trend in the recent past. For many areas of law and procedure the Nigerian legal practitioner is routinely confronted with conflicting decisions of the superior courts, including the apex court. This makes the lawyers’ job almost impossible bearing in mind that in many significant ways the law, according to the legal philosopher Wendell Holmes, is nothing more pretentions than “the prophecies of what the courts will do in fact”. It is clear that there would be nothing short of crisis of the rule law if the Court becomes afflicted with recurring schizophrenia.

    This state of affairs should worry more all concerned stakeholders especially the NBA whose motto is promotion of the rule of law. Aside the befuddling conflicting decisions of the apex court, there is its undue attachment to technicalities which is clearly at variance with the magisterial intellectual gravitas of such courts in other jurisdictions. It would for example be difficult for an intelligent lay person to understand the sense in the Supreme Court making a fetish of whether a court process was signed in the name of a person or a law firm, and nullifying otherwise meritorious cases notwithstanding that issues of life and death may be involved.

    Adverting to the APC v. Machina case, one of the surprises is that some informed persons are apparently surprised that the populace was bestirred into raising pointed questions. It was most curious for the Court to focus on the sterile technical issue of the form of action and avoided the substance which involved issues fundamental to not only to the understanding of the extant Electoral Act 2022 but also the architecture and nature of Nigerian democracy. The Court, it must be borne in mind, has whilst standing on technicality seemingly circumscribed the choice of voters in the Yobe North senatorial district regarding their representative. And this was notwithstanding that the Court had many times in the past cited with approval the almost century old Lord Atkin’s celebrated criticism of placing undue importance on forms of action in United Australia v. Barclays Bank [1941] A.C. 1, 29:

    “When these ghosts of the past stand in the path of justice clanking their mediaeval chains the proper course of the Judge is to pass through them undeterred.” 

    It is noteworthy that this latter day elevation of obeisance to technicality into an article of faith by the Nigerian Supreme Court has sadly occasioned the loss of attention which its pronouncements used to enjoy in the international academic legal community, particularly the Commonwealth. It would have been more tolerable if the problem of the unflattering overall image of administration of justice in Nigeria stopped with the overseas academic community, but it does not. Foreign nationals and entities with disputes otherwise determinable before Nigerian courts avoid them like the plague, and recourse to anti-suit injunctions in foreign jurisdictions (to forestall their adversaries commencing proceedings in Nigeria) has become a standard operating procedure for lawyers to such entities. The humiliating picture painted of Nigerian courts abroad is that of Charles Dickens’ fictional ‘Court of Chancery’. Beyond national pride, the negative effect on foreign direct investment and the Nigerian economy in general is catastrophic.

    In the final analysis, the court speaks for and defends itself through its judgments, the strength or lack thereof of which-intellectual and moral- is almost invariably self-evident. As Lord Denning said, let the judge’s work speak for him. And the judge, imbued, as he should be, with great learning, character and wisdom whilst noting criticisms should be so self-assured as to waive aside misguided and ill-informed criticisms, appropriating for himself the position of Shakespeare’s Brutus:

    “There is no terror, Cassius, in your threats, For I am armed so strong in honesty That they pass by me as the idle wind, Which I respect not.”-Julius Caeser, Act 4, sc. 3.

    In an article, ‘Criticism is not contempt’, by Karan Thapar published in Hindustan Times of March 11, 2008 reference is made to the following pertinent views of an Indian judge, Justice Katju, in a lecture: 

    “If a person calls me a fool, whether inside a court or outside it, I for one would not take action as it does not prevent me from functioning, and I would simply ignore the comment, or else say that everyone is entitled to his opinion. Afterall words break no bones….Either the criticism was correct, in which case I deserved it, or it was false in which case I would ignore it….Sometimes an honest and learned judge is unjustifiably criticized. But for one such person criticizing an upright judge, one hundred people will immediately rush to his defence….why then should judges get upset or be afraid of criticism, particularly when we live in a democracy?”

     As for those inclined to criticize the judges, whilst it is their right to do so, such should be done as fairly and constructively as possible. Moreover, malicious criticisms of judges are not immune from the strictures of the law of defamation. Again, even if Justice Katju would do nothing to anyone calling him a fool, nobody- lawyer or lay person- should say that to or about a judge, or indeed make recourse to other forms of vulgar abuse in criticizing a judge. Vulgar abuse would detract from the inherently serious business of rigorous interrogation of judicial conduct and pronouncements in a democracy. All other considerations apart, simple decency requires that restraint must be applied in attacking a person who, by the nature of his job as Lord Denning reminded us, is not allowed to respond to criticism.

  • Marwa and the anti-drug war

    Marwa and the anti-drug war

    By Victor Izekor

    There are some occasions in one’s life, “One French Philosopher once posited, “Which neither time nor circumstances can change nor obliterate from one’s memory.” The administration of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) by Brigadier General Mohammed Buba Marwa (rtd) is one such occasion. Brigadier General Marwa’s current tenure as Chairman of NDLEA is indeed a watershed in the history of the organization born about three decades back. At no time in Nigeria has the operation of the Agency provoked, pricked and rattled the den of the drug barons, cartels and accomplices as it now. Before the shout of Jack Robinson, the nail struck the hammer, signalling the beginning of a revolution in the nation’s renewed war against drug abuse which is systematically but fastly eating deep into the fabric of Nigeria. I was told in my school days that when the nail strikes the hammer that is the beginning of the revolution. I now know better the impulse of this saying.

    “Marwaism” has become a phenomenon in the war against illicit business. Marwa fights the war on land, he fights the drug war on the creeks, along the roads, in hotels, restaurants, commercial stores, and in the factories, he suspects any coloured water, prying the alcoholic and soft drinks. In short, anything within reach is inescapable more so where such is a suspect.

    According to C.M. Young: “The central theme of history is not exclusively the chronicling of what happened, but also what people felt about it while was happening.”

    This is the problem writers and journalists are trying to grapple with. That is to catch the events and the emotions of the people while they are happening.

    However, with the subject on hand, Marwa and the NDLEA we are faced with one problem which is different in degree, from similar efforts at recording events while they are happening – that is the problem of staleness. In his desire to make an impact on the populace, Marwa’s NDLEA moves with an amazing speed, breaking new grounds, and rendering all previous records obsolete. The problem in this regard is how one’s pen moves at the same pace as a man whose achievement rate is several times faster than that of a spoken word. As you strive to conclude the write-up or feature of the Agency under Marwa, events after events do happen, compelling one’s attention, events you cannot ignore.

    For example, while putting the finishing touches on this feature or essay at hand, news came that the operatives of the organization have raided again Edo forest with seizures of tons of illicit substances in addition to trans-border bursts with the arrest of five kingpins. 

            Never in the history of the drug war in the country being discretely, ferociously and courageously fought as in the tenure of the retired General Marwa. A dreaded and bloody war fought not only with lethal arms but with a modicum of sense, wisdom, cunning skill and a legalistic mind. In the renewed vigour to tame the shew Marwa’s leadership of the NDLEA has broken the egg, fully aware that you cannot make the omelette without breaking the egg. Marwa’s NDLEA has demystified the so-called iron-corrugated drug world said to be impregnable, unassailable or a no-go area.

    For the past two years of Marwa’s administration of the Agency, 19,000 suspects have been arrested and prosecuted, while 28 drug barons are in the net of the agency and facing prosecution. According to Buba Marwa, 5,452 metric tons of illicit drugs with a street value of N420 billion have been seized, while 3,000 convictions have been secured and over 12,000 counselled in rehabilitation centres. The agency has also destroyed this period cannabis farms of 714 hectares. The NDLEA recorded the largest seizure ever of pure cocaine in 2022.

    In the words of the Chairman “In the course of 2022, I am glad to mention that the agency made history by recording the largest seizure ever of pure cocaine weighing over 2.1 metric tonnes, which is worth $315 million or over N230 billion. We have received a court order and have already destroyed it. This was a unique operation because we are able to arrest the five barons involved who were located in different parts of Lagos, without firing a shot. We had to coordinate it properly so that none would be arrested one minute earlier than the others because they will alert the others and they would escape. But we were able to do it clinically for those five at the same time in one night.

    He went on “We have arrested and are prosecuting so far 28 barons with seizures worth billions of naira. Indeed one of the barons, we found, had 103 bank accounts with a total of over 20 billion naira, which we have frozen, he said.

    The highlights of some of the seizures within two years (2021 – 2022) include 1.8 tons of cocaine discovered in a warehouse in the Ikorodu area of Lagos state. This huge haul attracted the commendation of President Muhammadu Buhari who was on assignment in New York to the chairman of the Agency, Brigadier General Marwa. The market value of the seizure stood at about $278 million (194 billion). Of the total number of seizure 1,828 blocks of cocaine was set ablaze while the remnant was secured for the purpose of prosecution of the five suspects involved including a Jamaican. Also within this period the operatives of the Agency intercepted 2.7 million tramadol tablets at the Apapa port in Lagos, arrested 55 notorious trans-border traffickers in Kano and Adamawa states, and arrested eight over Lagos, Abuja, and Enugu airports cocaine bursts. The 8 suspects (six men and two ladies) were arrested for attempting to import hundreds of cocaine pellets into the country and exporting thousands of tramadol 255mg tablets among other illicit drugs to Europe. The Agency during this period also declared a Lagos baron wanted, sealed his 9 mansions and blocked his N217 million bank account.

    Not done, the illicit drug agency also nabbed a pregnant woman, a female undergraduate and 26 others with 94,376 kilograms of cannabis and 138,053 tablets of pharmaceutical opioids among others during raids across 12 states. The states were Yobe, Ondo, Edo, Akwa Ibom, Imo, Jigawa, Kogi, Adamawa, Kaduna, Kwara, Lagos and Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. It intercepted 4 kingpins over 16 tons of illicit drugs in Lagos, Abuja and the Netherlands. Besides these arrests and seizures mentioned, there were several others at various times within this period under review in the ongoing drug war by the NDLEA.

    As a result of the achievement disposition of Marwa’s NDLEA, the federal government was and is not relenting in funding the agency at least to the minimum level of requirement. For example, in the federal government budget for 2023, the NDLEA, State House and the Army take a lion’s share of the N23.57 billion allocated for vehicles. As a matter of fact, the Agency tops the list of the 20 big spenders with a whoop N2 billion earmarked for the purchase of new vehicles in 2023. The NDLEA is followed by the State House headquarters with N1.9 billion and Nigerian Army with N1.2 billion. For the 2023 proposal the agency was allocated a sum of N40,112,063,869 of which N16,607,531,761:00 is for recurrent personnel cost, N2,064,083,294:00 is for recurrent overhead cost and N21,440,448,814:00 is for capital. In 2022, the agency appropriated the sum of N38,933,249,197:8 for capital and recurrent expenditure. Before now President Buhari’s administration had approved the procurement of lie detectors, and digital night vision goggles for the agency to enhance its performance. Similarly, the sum of N580 million was approved for the procurement of four models of 14 seater Armoured vehicles for the NDLEA operation to protect the personnel from the hazards of the drug business deadly operators. In the same vein, the Chairman stated recently while depending on the 2022 Agency budget performance and 2023 proposal before the House of Representatives Committee on Drugs and Narcotics that the agency has set in motion the machinery for building barracks for the staff of the agency personnel for the first time in addition to building as well three rehabilitation centres, two forensic laboratories and purchase of security equipment. With regards to the building of barracks, Brigadier Buba Marwa said the agency had concluded arrangements for the acquisition of land in Adamawa, Abuja and Lagos and the Private Public Partnership process was rounding up. Marwa said the sum of N24 billion was allocated for the barracks project in 2022 but N13 billion in the 2023 budget proposal. The Chairman, therefore, called for an additional of N10 billion for the projects. In his words, “We pray that with more money for the barracks because N13 billion would probably build half a barracks, but if we are able to achieve another N10 billion or more on this barrack then we would be able to add three more of the geographical zones for us to complete six,” adding, “Hopefully, as the years go by and we have another chairman, the struggle for barrack would continue”.

    On recruitment of personnel, Marwa explained that in the year 2022, the agency completed the recruitment of 5,000 additional personnel pointing out that this number was out of the 15,000 which was approved by the president to be implemented incrementally. The 15,000 approved by the president have been segmented into three phases of 5,000 each.

    Buba Marwa has called for a seamless exchange of information and intelligence and strengthened collaboration among African Nations to enable the continent to surmount the challenges posed by illicit drug trafficking and abuse. The chairman had also signed the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between NDLEA and INTERPOL to enable the agency to have access to Global Data on Criminal Records in 195 countries.

    One of the serious challenges facing the NDLEA is the incessant attacks and killings of some of its operatives by drug traffickers and peddlers and this the Agency trying with the help of the authorities to stem.

    No doubt, Marwa’s agency has come and fought the drug war diligently to the acclamation of Nigerians in particular and the world in general. He has made Nigeria proud in particular President Muhammadu Buhari.    

    In spite of the ramifying success of his agency so far with commendation from among others, the Presidency, the National Assembly, Civil Societies, the media and individuals within and out, General Marwa is happy and at the same time unhappy. Happy is the very fact, that there is hope for salvation for the nation from the clutches and grip of the menace of drug abuse and illicit substances in the ongoing renewed war against this deadly and cancerous national disaster. He is however sad became according to him, drug abuse is in most households in Nigeria making it a national epidemic. The chairman who was speaking recently at a symposium on Community Development in commemoration of the 25th anniversary of the throne of the Ona of Abaji and chairman of the FCT Council of Chiefs, His Royal Majesty (HRM), Alhaji Adamu Baba Yunusa regretted that in the drug menace some top government officials, political office holders as well university lecturers are also into drugs. Marwa added, “The problem we have with some of our parents is that we hardly create time to monitor our children. And that is why sometimes you will hear that a child killed himself or his parent which can be attributed to drugs”

    That Mohammed Buba Marwa, a soldier gentle, a military intellectual and a child of the barracks turned around the fortunes of the NDLEA is not unexpected. He did the marvel as a Military governor of Borno state and Military Administrator of Lagos state. Buba Marwa has proved to be a success where failures loom. A military psychologist whose actions and policies are human-face inclined. Though a workaholic and taskmaster, he motivates and rewards hard work. Fearless in decision making, but implement the same with tact, cunning skill and legalistic mind. He never takes “No” for an answer as he never bargains for failure. He has always been guided by his philosophy of ACTION, TRANSPARENCY and result.

    In Borno State as a governor, Marwa among others courageously abolished the age-long treasuries in the state and centralized all the government accounts in the state capital alluding that the sub-treasuries were pockets for stealing government money. He similarly resolved once and for all the decades-old dispute of the ownership of Sabon Gari village, a border settlement between Damboa and Biu towns which defied the solution of the Colonial administration, the then Northern Regional Government as well subsequent state government administrations. Buba Marwa came on board as the state governor, cut the Guardian knot and handed over the village (now a town) to Damboa Local Government council. In his comments on Buba Marwa’s administration of Lagos State, the Asoju Oba of Lagos, Chief Molade Okoya Thomas says “What Marwa has done is to prove wrong our past leaders who continued to say Lagos has no money……..and messing up things”.

    Victor Izekor is a journalist and public affairs analyst

  • Regulating satellite internet licensing in Nigeria

    Regulating satellite internet licensing in Nigeria

    By Collins Okeke and Uchechi Ofoegbu

    President Mohammadu Buhari at his inaugural meeting with the National Space Council designated the National Space Research and Development Agency (NASRDA) directed all space stakeholders to abide by the regulatory framework provided by NASRDA as Nigeria’s premier space agency.

    The Buhari Administration also gave effect to the Regulations on Licensing and Supervision of Space Activities, 2015. The regulation is an improvement/add-on to the extant National Space Research and Development Act 2010.

    It empowers NASRDA to regulate space activities. Space activities under the regulation include “space objects and their control and management”.

    The use of satellite technology in Nigeria dates back to the military era. However, under the administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo, a National Space Policy was developed and adopted by the government in 2005 having realised the invaluable role and potential of space technology in all aspects of human endeavors and economic development.

    Over the years, the space policy has guided Nigeria to launch five different satellites into outer space, each serving different purposes and functions such as disaster monitoring, desertification control, demographic planning, security control, and internet communication access.

    Satellite technology has proven to be greatly instrumental in laying the foundation for an effective communication structure and also served as a backbone for information technology and other diverse purposes in Nigeria.

    This, in turn, has given rise to laws, regulations, and regulatory bodies such as the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) and NASRDA.

    Established by the NCC Act 2003, the NCC is the primary regulatory and licensing body for telecommunications industry operators in Nigeria.

    Section 1(b) and (c) of the NCC Act which provides for its objectives and scope states that the commission is to:

    (b) establish a regulatory framework for the Nigerian telecommunications industry and for this purpose to create an effective, impartial, independent, and regulatory authority;

    (c) encourage local and foreign investments in the Nigerian communications industry and the introduction of innovative services and practices in the industry in accordance with international best practices and trends.

    This includes the powers to grant and renew communication licenses to communication operators to operate and provide communication services or facilities. These licenses are issued by way of class or individual licenses on such terms and conditions as the NCC may from time to time determine (s.32(1)).

    Furthermore, the NCC, pursuant to its powers under Section 2 and Section (70)(2) of the NCC Act, issued the Commercial Satellite Regulation Guidelines 2018 to regulate the provision and use of all satellite communications and networks in whole or part within Nigeria or on a ship or aircraft registered in Nigeria.

    This regulation was created to amongst other things, ensure a well-developed satellite communications market in Nigeria, encourage innovation and guarantee public safety in the rendering of commercial satellite services. 

    Section 3 of the regulation further provides for the scope of services and persons the regulation shall apply to which includes:

    S.3(1)(a) – all commercial satellite services, i.e. those that provide services to third parties or own satellite space segment or earth stations for the self-provision support of their business.

    (b) operators of space segments and earth stations, satellite gateway service providers, GMPCS providers, and sales and installation of satellite terminal equipment.

    (c) GSO and non-GSO satellites including satellites in LEO, MEO, HEO, HAPS and other similar orbits that may be developed in future.

    According to the guidelines, authorisation for satellite service providers and individual licensing for earth station facilities is mandatory before the installation or use of any satellite ground equipment.

    The NASRDA was established by the National Space Research and Development Agency(NASRDA) Act 2010. The Act empowers NASRDA to amongst other things:

    Develop satellite technology for various applications and operationalize indigenous space systems for providing space services and shall be the government agency charged with the responsibility for building and launching satellites

    • Promote the coordination of space application programmes, for the purpose of optimising resources and develop space technologies of direct relevance to national objectives;

    • Develop national strategies for the exploitation of the outer space and make these part of the overall national development strategies, and implement strategies for promoting private sector participation in the space industry;

    • Establish and supervise relevant centres and units for the purpose of executing the national space programme;

    •Be the repository of all satellite data over Nigeria’s territory and accordingly, all collaborations and consultations in space data-related matters in Nigeria shall be undertaken by or with the agency”- S6(k);

    •Undertake such activities as are necessary or expedient for the carrying out of the functions of the Agency and promotion of space science and technology in Nigeria.

    In the exercise of its powers, the NASRDA formulated the Regulation on the Licensing and Supervision of Space Activities 2015.

    Section 1 of the regulation provides that the regulation shall apply to the following entities: (a) corporations registered in Nigeria with the ownership of space object(s) e.g. satellites, space crafts, and launch vehicles, and (b) “operators” and “manufacturers” of space object(s) and launch vehicles within Nigeria territory or that which Nigeria is a party.

    It also empowers NASRDA to grant a licence for space activities which according to the regulation, includes the “operation, guidance and re-entry of space objects, into, in and from outer space and other activities essential for the launch of, operation, guidance and re-entry of space objects into, in and from outer space.”

    The big questions

    Some have argued that the Regulation on Licensing and Supervision of Space Activities 2015, and the designation of NASRDA as Nigeria’s premier space agency bring all space activities (and this includes space satellite broadcasting, internet, and telecommunication) under the regulatory oversight of NASRDA.

    Some others, however, are of a contrary opinion. But from the provisions of the NCC and NASRDA regulations, what is clear is that these two regulatory bodies (NCC and NASRDA) have regulatory powers concerning satellite-related activities.

    NCCs regulatory powers relate to satellite communication (internet and telecommunication). NASRDA on the other hand is with respect to all space objects (which includes satellites). What however is unclear is the nature of NASRDA’s regulatory powers. Is it overriding or concurrent?

    This is especially important in light of the recent licensing of Starlinks, a space satellite internet service operated by the world’s richest man, Elon Musk by the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC). Does NASRDA have any regulatory role, and how is it to play this role so as to avoid conflicts with NCC?

    Conclusion

    From the current legal tenure, it would appear that both NCC and NASRDA have concurrent powers over satellite internet services. Whilst NCC’s powers are with respect to satellite communication, NASRDA’s powers, on the other hand, are with respect to the development and use of satellite technology in general. In other words, all commercial activities on the back of a satellite cannot be removed from the regulatory supervision of NASRDA.

    This includes communications, broadband internet, direct-to-home television, radio, imaging/mapping services, etc. There is a need therefore to reflect deeply on the best policy decisions that will favour the growth and development of Nigeria’s space technology.

    Hence, the Government must borrow a leaf from international best practices in deciding on the proper steps to take to forestall any conflict between NASRDA and NCC.

    Finally, there is an urgent need for the Government to strengthen NASRDA for it to deliver on its mandate as defined in the Act as well as the current regulatory framework. This is especially very important in light of the growing private sector interest in space technology in Nigeria.

  • The futile plot to sabotage Asiwaju’s presidential project

    The futile plot to sabotage Asiwaju’s presidential project

    By Ojo Emmanuel Ademola

    uring his campaign rally in Abeokuta, Ogun State, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the APC presidential candidate and the front-runner in the coming presidential election, hinted at a plot to frustrate his hugely-accepted presidential ambition. He spoke angrily against a mysterious fuel scarcity that suddenly popped up at the tail end of the APC regime that is famous for taming the ennui of fuel scarcity and which, at present, appears intractable and against an opaque monetary policy that was suddenly propped up just before the election and which stands out for the jarring contradictions and oddities that had made it look confusing while levying suspicious difficulties on the generality of Nigerians. He, nonetheless, and in an exceptionally confident and self-assured manner, vowed he would defeat all those behind these policies and eventually emerge victorious in the coming February election.

    That is vintage Asiwaju; bold, suave, confident, courageous and decisive. He doesn’t know how to snake through his feelings when he sees threats discreetly. He doesn’t cower away and hide in cowardly diplomatese when he sees a battle. He doesn’t know how to wear an affable mien and pretend through a challenge. He doesn’t know how to cower away in fright when there is a battle to fight. Asiwaju is defiant and bold when he sees a battle. In this situation, he calls out the cowardly saboteurs that hide under indecent policies to constitute obstacles to his God-appointed desire to take up the challenge of turning round the fortunes of Nigeria, as he did that of Lagos.  

    Many Nigerians took Asiwaju’s statement seriously. Asiwaju is not your ordinary Nigerian who claws through innuendos and speculations on government policies and issues that affect Nigeria. He is versed. He is knowledgeable. He is well-connected. He has the benefits of men, women, young, and old and resources needed to read well policies, issues and developments that affect Nigeria and Nigerians. This remains the reason why he has been able to dominate the country’s political sphere today from the position of sole opposition governor in 2003.  So Tinubu has enough vital information and facts to back any statement or position on Nigerian governance. Tinubu is too vast and knowledgeable on Nigerian issues such that any utterance he makes carries such a hefty weight that proves its credulity.

    Are there some people or forces opposed to Tinubu’s presidency that they can go to any length to frustrate his ambition? Yes, there are. Many people and forces desire to stop Asiwaju. That is natural. That is even legit. There is nothing wrong with that. There is nothing illegal about it. So, it should be no big deal that some people and forces would be strenuously exerting themselves to stop Asiwaju. Every person with ambition has faced such obstacles.

    But then, why should some people levy war on the generality of Nigerians just to constitute obstacles on the paths of one man to rule Nigeria, as the present hoarding and fuel supply restriction portend? Why should state officials introduce and adamantly stick to an inchoate currency policy like the present Naira redesignation and enforcement of a cash withdrawal policy which negatively impacts the generality of the Nigerian people, just to stop one man’s political dream? These are areas where opposition or obstacle to Asiwaju’s ambition becomes strange, queer and destructive. These are akin to a boxing watch below the belt to score points. Opposition to someone’s ambition and dream is legitimate. Still, when it veers towards levying mass torture to stop an aspiration, it becomes devilish. It panders to the extreme guile and inordinate selfish desires of the perpetrators of these villainies.

    My concern with such in this article is how extreme some people can go to satisfy their selfish political desires. My problem is that people can deviate from the norm, tow the paths of mass ruination to quench their deadly desires, caring no hoot what becomes of the generality of the people for whom political ambitions aim to serve. My concern is that some people can get so desperate as to pull down the whole house in order to satisfy their bestial interests, as the present hoarding of fuel and the artificial monetary scarcity are scorching Nigerians. It is at this level that opposition to other peoples’ ambitions and political interests becomes evil. The current project to create a syndicated crisis, make the Buhari/APC government look bad and make the candidate of APC unpopular heading to the February election is an evil project. It is an extensive and humongous project that wouldn’t mind taking down the whole of Nigeria with it if that would stop Asiwaju. It is an expansive project that melds the opposition and the fifth columnists working with the APC government together. They have joint interests that converge at stopping Asiwaju by all means.

    But there is no gain in saying that these dark forces are struggling in vain. Asiwaju himself emphatically stated that much at the same Abeokuta rally and events and trends that have so far unfurled in the process leading to the February election show that Asiwaju is unstoppable in his dream of leading Nigeria at this turn of our history. Those who have bandied together like desperate heathens to stop Asiwaju are struggling in vain because Asiwaju is like a train in full motion that can’t be stopped midway through a journey. I have solid reasons to maintain this position.

    Firstly, Nigerians know that the Nigerian presidency is about competence and proof of the capacity to deal decisively with the statehood problems confronting Nigeria. Nigerians know that only Asiwaju has the proven capacity and competence to take the country down the paths of development and progress at this turn of our history. Good enough, none of the other dreamers for the job has made any claim to equal or superior competence than Asiwaju, so he has warehoused the trust of Nigerians that he is best equipped and competent for the Nigerian presidency, and a momentary sabotage by negative forces and principalities can never unhinge this.

    Secondly, Asiwaju has an unbeatable governance template in Lagos that is unstoppable in terms of growth and progress to flaunt. The rising fortunes of Lagos, as well as the universally-acknowledged fact that Asiwaju birthed and watered the template that has assured this exponential progress, has succeeded in convincing Nigerians that in Asiwaju, Nigeria has a redoubtable achiever whose Midas touch stands to influence the fortunes of the country positively. So, it is guaranteed that the desperate prattle of the opposition and the fifth columnists within the APC will never reverse the huge advantage Asiwaju has already gotten among Nigerians who have invested so much faith in his capacity to re-enact the positive Lagos story in Nigeria if elected president.

    Thirdly, through the campaign trail so far, it is obvious that the coming election is almost an Asiwaju affair. With his major challenger, Atiku mired in humongous corruption scandals and with his camp and party shredded in cyclical schism and unamendable division, it is becoming obvious from the enthusiasm and attendance at the rallies and other strategic engagements that form parts of the campaign process, that the game is Asiwaju’s as he draws unprecedented crowd and enthusiasm that cuts across the board in all the states he has campaigned in deference to the sparse, unenthusiastic attendance Atiku and other contestants draw.

    Fourthly, Asiwaju has shown his deep organisational and strategic prowess by the way and manner he had engaged Nigerians from all persuasions and walks of life through his innovative Town-Hall-Meetings and such other fora that are hitherto alien to Nigerian politics. His opponents copy poorly, yet they don’t have the depth and zeal to match Asiwaju’s originality, which he is imbuing in the current campaign. With his strategic engagements, he has been able to lock down the votes and support of critical population segments, and this can never be undone by the actions of a desperate but deficient opposition to his ambition.

    Fifthly, Asiwaju has done much more work and has so far worked far more harder than other candidates in the current campaign. He maintains a tighter, more crowded and more busier campaign schedule than all the other candidates combined. This shows that, contrary to the frustrated campaign of the opposition alleging that Asiwaju is not healthy, he had demonstrated that he leads a healthier, more robust and fit life than his opponents. He has shown that he is far more fitter for the job, and millions of Nigerians are seeing this in the ongoing campaign, thus disproving the baleful, outlandish and dense propaganda of the distrusted opposition.

    Sixthly, Tinubu has produced a clear, cadent and expressive manifesto embedded in his Renewed Hope plan for Nigeria. This clearly spells out his programs, policies and plans for the country, as well as the process of actualisation of these policies. This contrasts with the shambolic, unclear and fuzzy programs of his opponents. Nigerians have come to trust Asiwaju based on the clearness and explicit nature of his Renewed Hope manifesto, as this proves the fact that Asiwaju has proved his hugely-successful tenure in Lagos. There is the belief writ large amongst Nigerians today that, like in Lagos, Tinubu knows the way and the process to strike success in governance, unlike others that stumble their way through governance hence their unproductive and forgotten tenures in previous governance positions.

    Seventhly, Asiwaju has shown, for decades, that he is a detribalised patriot and a believer in Project Nigeria who has erected impregnable structures and walls of strength across the disparate divides that make up the country. He has built infallible bridges across the length and breadth of Nigeria, and these have promised him dedicated massive support across the country. The fire-brigade actions of a malevolent opposition would not be able to withstand these bridges, as we would see in February. These bridges ensured his emphatic victory in the hugely contested APC presidential primary, and they are there to reward him in February with the ultimate presidential crown equally.

    Eighthly, Asiwaju has shown, through his family life and his policies as Lagos Governor, that he is blind to religious, ethnic and primordial sentiments. This is a critical imperative to providing value-free leadership to a diversified country like Nigeria. While other candidates play on the ethnic and religious fault lines of the country, Asiwaju preaches and prescribes tolerance across the board and the downplaying of the divide lines on national issues. He has proven his tolerance and acceptability across the board and the prescription of such for the good of the Nigerian commonwealth. These have ensured the tightened grip he has on a majority of Nigerian electorates as the election draws nearer, and the grip is too tight to be loosened by the sly activities of the opposition.

    Ninthly, Asiwaju is well tutored on the nuances of electioneering as well as the antics of opposition interests, so he won’t easily fall prey to the plots, schemes and shenanigans of desperate opposition interests. Asiwaju’s capacity is borderless and across boundaries. His reach is infinite. His constituency is catholic, and his means are limitless. These have made him build an opposition that vassaled a ruling party, took effective control of the governance of the country and which has sentenced the once-ruling party to a bile-ridden, distraught and frustrated opposition today. Asiwaju’s enormous contacts have stood him in good stead to withstand the many booby traps and snare the hurting Nigerian opposition set on his way since 2015. His far-reaching contacts ensure that he stays several miles ahead of those that have fervently plotted his downfall since 1999. He vanquished the imperial Obasanjo as Lagos governor, made mincemeat of Jonathan and the PDP government from 2011 to 2015, made PDP devour the sand in such an emphatic manner and easily took the APC ticket in what was predicted to be a tight race. A hideous opposition working cowardly to sabotage the system so as to make APC and its government unpopular as to frustrate Asiwaju’s ambition would be very easy meat for a veteran fighter and survivor like Asiwaju to handle.

    Tenthly, Asiwaju still has the support, trust and confidence of the biggest and most potent and powerful political structure in Nigeria today. The APC may have some black legs within (and this is natural for any human organisation). APC may still have moles working for a dishevelled PDP and its candidate. Still, the truth is that all other opposition parties combined don’t come near APC in strength, reach and capacity, so the actions of a few (even if strategically placed) blacklegs won’t do much to shred the awesome might of APC, which is ranged for Tinubu.

    So, the coming presidential election still remains an exclusive game. Asiwaju is a game master of repute, a formidable tactician, a logistician and a master crafter that knows his way around the Nigerian political space like the master he is. Antics of a frustrated opposition account for the least of the political issues he had been dealing with on his way to the top. So when he boasted that he would defeat the present conspiracy of the opposition, those versed with his rich political history knew he was stating the obvious.

    With his Abeokuta revelation, the lifeblood has been sapped from the conniving opposition and their cahoots in the APC government. Their fall is a matter of very little time because they draw their devious energy from working under the cover, believing no one knows their game. But Asiwaju took that cover off in Abeokuta; hence their fall is too eminent. Even as I write this piece, I am getting information that there has been a massive ramp-up in fuel distribution across Nigeria, thus paving the way for the eventual resolution of this artificial energy crisis. The solution to the currency crisis is well nigh with Asiwaju’s revelation. So, in Asiwaju’s impending presidency, Nigeria will have a bold, fearless and courageous leader who would be ready to frontally deal with the heinous saboteurs actively engaged in the act of doing everything to cripple the Nigerian state to satisfy their selfish interests. They know that Asiwaju is coming to give them a real battle, so the present sabotage of the fuel supply chain and currency restrictions are parts of their deadly projects to frustrate him. Like he emphatically said in Abeokuta, they will all fail because they are dealing with the owner of the game himself.

    Prof. Ojo Emmanuel Ademola

  • 2023: Fuel and Naira scarcity, a stitch in time, Mr. President

    2023: Fuel and Naira scarcity, a stitch in time, Mr. President

    At the end of his tenure in 1985, the then Head of State, Major-General Muhammadu Buhari, granted his last interview to Halilu Ahmed Getso of FRCN Kaduna. The answer to the last question in the interview was very informative. What last message do you have for Nigerians? Halilu asked. Buhari, aware of plans to topple him, simply said that if anyone thinks leading the country is easy, let him come and try it.

    Barely two weeks later, Buhari was overthrown. My kind-hearted mentor thought then he would retire to a quiet life. No. It was to be four years of torturous isolation and a haunting nightmare for 30 long years.

     A decade later, Buhari would tell the world that he did not order the search of the houses of Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Sheikh Abubakar Mahmud Gumi when he was head of state. It was done by some fifth columnists, he revealed. Unfortunately, as he noted, neither Awo nor Gumi was alive to forgive him.

     To Egypt. In their bid to topple Muhammad Mursi from power, the military and some prominent businessmen orchestrated fuel shortages and power outages in order to pitch the Egyptian populace against the Muslim Brotherhood and its regime. They then hired some youth organizations to carry out demonstrations that snowballed into the 3 July 2013 coup. I was shocked to watch the public confession of the sabotage after all was done. Dr. Mursi was immediately arrested and incarcerated until he died. 

    Sabotage

    The sabotage script is among the standard templates of people who want to topple governments. Opposition parties that lack credibility in fledgling democracies do the same. The recent cry of the APC presidential candidate cannot therefore be far-fetched. He echoed two issues—fuel scarcity and shortage of new naira notes—that are spawning the anger of Nigerians barely a month to the presidential election. With his name representing the ruling APC on the ballot paper, he has every reason to voice out his concerns. His reading of the situation is that it is a sabotage against him and the party at the polls by moles in government and business whose loyalty is to the opposition.

    What else can explain the inability of the CBN to make the naira notes it printed available to citizens for 3 months since it announced the new policy last October? Is it that it did not print the new notes sufficiently or is it so incompetent of transporting them to its state branches and issue them to banks in sufficient quantities? That banks are unable to issue the new notes this late after threatening to reject any old one early next week reveals the incapacity of the present CBN administration or betrays its deliberate sabotage of the present government, targeting the harm that the pain would cause the APC ticket on 25th February.

    The pretexts for fuel scarcity under different pretexts since the flood of last September can hardly acquit the NNPC of the same intention. Government is paying the subsidy. Why would it allow distribution to become a problem at this crucial moment, just weeks to the elections that will determine whether or not it will retain power or lose it? Is the regime so inept of pressing the right buttons to force compliance by NNPC officials and fuel marketers, so basic a logistic that even undergraduates of mechanical engineering can execute successfully?

    Indifference

    I do not share the indifference of the President in this case because it undermines his legacy and his future. If he is proud of his performance in the past 8 years, which he ought to be, he must take measures to protect it. You just do not throw away a child you nursed for eight years to fate. Nigeria is that child which he nursed that long. The projects he started and the younger ones that traveled with him along the difficult path of governance must not be abandoned. There is a future for completion in one case and of political ambition in the other even as the president personally feels fulfilled.

    The other reason is that no one can predict what happens after allowing power to slip away from his fingers. Because it could be brutal, chances are not taken. Men acquiring power after a dirty fight behave like lions, except for few forgiving ones. Once victors, the majority do not take hostages. They strangulate the enemy until it cannot no longer breathe. That tradition of power was miscalculated in the risk estimation of Buhari in 1985. The corruption he fought retuned full swing and the lieutenants he brought were suddenly washed away into the sea by the new regime as he spends his dark days in prison.

    Today, none can assure the President of the continuity of his good policies, finish his projects and shelter his lieutenants better than his party and its presidential candidate. Relying on the promises of the opponent is like writing on water. To think of safety in the jaws of the lion will be regrettable.

    “Lion of Jada”

    The opposition is naturally cashing on the pain which the deliberate failure of the government is causing Nigerians, smiling as if it has grabbed a manna falling from heaven. Officials—many of whom are companions of the opposition—who want the corrupt practices to persist should the opposition win the election are happy too, while the ruling APC and its candidate are left in pain, helplessly.

    If I were the President or a member of his cabinet, I will have a rethink. I will remember 1985 and the pain it caused me. I will not miscalculate it this time as I can see the same people who orchestrated 1985 are today busy running errands for the PDP to defeat my government again. It will be a mistake to trust them or hand over the country to them.

    And what will follow the victory of an injured “Lion of Jada”, can best be imagined. This time it will not only affect the President but also his family, relatives, friends, associates, ministers and the party. Anyone who does not know what election defeat portends should ask some ex-governors. Bauchi in 2007 is a classical example. Good luck was for Jonathan; it might not be for everybody. “The Lion” cannot be indifferent.

    In the unlikely event of Tinubu losing the elections, the biggest loser will be the APC. It is a merger of three parties cobbled together to defeat the PDP and which will disintegrate in the ensuing atmosphere of distrust that the defeat will bring.

    The President and the government must wake up to their responsibility and not allow saboteurs from within and petrol marketers to succeed. While we are in the front vanguard of welcoming the cashless policy, the CBN must be directed to issue sufficient new notes to banks and the public. The President must also press the NNPC to ensure that fuel scarcity is overcome quickly.

    Otherwise, he must know that he only has, like a coin, two outcomes in 2023: a head with the anticipated victory of the front runner, which must not be in spite of the President and his officials but because of them; a tail, in which he loses and the President and his officials must prepare for a long night in which the sun will set, stars will eclipse and life after office will not be the quiet they calculate but a bitterly distressing one.

    Call

    I will call on Nigerians, as did the APC candidate, to defy the antics of the saboteurs and vote for someone who has the capacity to change things; someone who in his business and position as a governor has proven to be an achiever; a modernising innovator; ready to draw from brains of experts and technocrats; deploy latest techniques and technologies to solve intractable administrative problems and to execute projects in record time; carry workers and the Nigerian public along; etc.

    That person is the front runner in the presidential race, Chief Bola Ahmed Tinubu. He leads with the determination that problems like fuel shortage and distribution of Naira notes shall be solved with the aptitude that will end the privileges of saboteurs, who conjure our present suffering and whom we must not support. Four years for our undergraduates, he said, will be four years. Period. That is the language of efficient administrators that saboteurs hate to hear but which we will continue to sound into their ears.

    I must remind the President that in the game of power, peace is earned, not granted. The wise, like Obasanjo and many governors, by determining their successors, fought hard while still in power to earn the peace they would enjoy. President Buhari must fight hard to ensure the success of his flag bearer as if he were on the ballot paper. 1985 must not reincarnate. For his future peace, it must remain dead. A stitch in time!

  • How to resolve power sector challenges

    How to resolve power sector challenges

    Prof. Yemi Oke

    One of the crucial issues raised in my inaugural lecture delivered on Wednesday November 23, 2022 at the University of Lagos, titled “An answer’ in search of ‘a question’: A pioneer’s prognosis of the Nigerian Electricity Law” was that, if the *ENRON-Lagos power project of 1999/2000 had been allowed to scale through (and not scuttled by needless exercise of “Federal might”), Nigeria would, probably, by now have been close to national self-sufficiency in power generation, transmission and distribution.

    As pioneering electricity law scholar, researcher and expert, I anticipate that a Bola Ahmed Presidency would seek to do things differently with emphasis on result-oriented power sector governance and administration.

    Given his (Bola Tinubu’s) experimental intervention in the botched ENRON-LAGOS power project of the 1999s/2000s, it is expected that BAT would radically deploy his best endevours in human capacity and knowledge-based approach to sector governance.

    BAT would have no alternatives than to chat a more prosperous regime for the Nigerian power sector including generation, transmission, distribution, metering and allied services. Beyond doubts, power sector is the engine of economic growth and the much-desired wealth creation for Nigeria and Nigerians.

    To this extent, speculatively though, and as amplified elsewhere including/in addition to my 10-Point Proposal for Stable Electricity in Nigeria in my inaugural lecture, *a President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (come May 2023), may deploy all or some the following twenty (20) urgent policy and regulatory interventions in the power sector:

    Re-acquisition and Refinancing in the Power Sector: BAT may likely consider another round of re-acquisition and refinancing in the power sector as a matter of inevitable realities. This may entail that the Federal Government may give up some of its current equity stakes in the DISCOs and GENCOs to serious-minded, financially and technically buoyant investors to enable new entrants have controlling shares.

    Restructuring of DISCOs and GENCOs: The DISCOs and GENCOs may also need to restructure by voluntarily or persuasively surrendering some of their stakes in (carefully structured share buy-outs or sale, deals) for the same purpose. This may be further to a policy directive.*Certainly, reversing privatisation, though wrongly and hastily done, is not an option; it might create more problems than we intend to solve as a country.*

    National Grid Concession: Concessional Grid structuring may be explored by a BAT presidency as against Federated grid. For instance, Abuja, Lagos, Rivers may be on separate grid structures, so also South-West, North-Central, etc on separate grid arrangements along the lines of the six (6) geo-political zones of Nigeria (being part of the writer’s theory of *Decentralised Energy Options-DEOPs).* The grid structure may also be remodeled or paired-grids, like “Lagos-Ogun-Oyo”, ”Kano-Kaduna-Katsina”, etc.

    Restructuring of NERC: A BAT presidency may view the NERC- Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission as being unconstitutional as presently constituted. NERC may only exist for grid-based generations, transmission, and distribution (as contained in Items 13 and 14 of Schedule to the CFRN, 1999). The functions of Nigerian Electricity Management Services Agency is duplicative, and should be subsumed under relevant directorate of a reformed NERC.

    State Government and Power Sector: Like his experimental ENRON-LAGOS initiative, State Governments may now get involved more actively to begin to license power entities or companies for off-grid generation, transmission, and distribution including setting up of State Regulators, E.g., Lagos State Electricity Regulatory Commission- LAGSERC; Edo State Electricity Regulatory Commission, Ogun State Electricity Regulatory, Kaduna State Electricity Regulatory Commission, etc.

    Progressive Licensing Regime (PLR): This or a similar policy may also be deployed by a BAT Government. As a model of incentivised (Progressive) licensing regime that allows allottees to undertake electricity activities like generation, transmission, or distribution vide bank guarantees (BGs) and get waivers for provisional licenses subject to actual generation and distribution of agreed megawatts (as the case may be) within the first two years of allocation otherwise, the bank guarantee is called in default as aggravated penalties beginning from the date the license was first issued.

    Abolition of Rural Electrification Agency: Federal Government under a BAT presidency may back-off from all forms of off-grid regulation and scrap RURAL ELECTRIFICATION AGENCY.

    Ceding Rural Electrification Funds to States: Further to the above, a Federal Government under BAT presidency may also consider ceding Rural Electrification Funds to States and Local Governments, to pursue some of the initiatives listed below, being closer to the rural populace.

    Local Government-based Power Generation: Nigeria has 774 Local Government Councils (aside Local Council Development Areas- LCDAs). For example, if every Local Government in Nigeria is able to generate at least one (1) Megawatt every other year (2 M/W for four years) through off-grid models like renewables, solar, wind turbines, de-bushing technologies, captive, mobile power stations and others, Nigeria will generate additional 1,548 to add to the existing capacity. Making it a yearly policy for 4 years will add another 3,096 to the existing national capacity vide Local Government-based generation alone!

    Rural Electrification: This initiative may be left exclusively to State Governments to pursue under a BAT presidency.

    Captive Power Generation: This is off-grid generation that falls squarely within the regulatory purview of State Governments. A BAT presidency, for its known disposition to decentralization, may allow States to license companies to undertake captive power generation, being generation for exclusive usage of the company or entity generating same.

    Mobile Power Sub-Stations: I foresee a BAT presidency massively deploying mobile power stations across the country in collaboration with States and Local Governments under a policy that reads like “National Mobile Power Initiative”.

    Extensive Solarisation: Similar to the above, Solar panels and solar panel farms will also be vigorously pursued by a BAT Presidency in active collaboration with States and Local Governments.

    M-for-M Initiative: A BAT presidency may seriously consider a policy that will lead to the concessioning of Metering to only meter manufacturers under a funding scheme backed by Federal and State Governments. Nigeria has well-established, highly reputable meter manufacturers (like MOMAS, and others) which may undertake this vital national task. In the telecommunication sectors, you source your brand of handsets and get connected to a GSM service provider. Same should be targeted for the power sector, by allowing consumers source for suitable categories and brand of meters.

    Cross-Licensed DISCOs and GENCOs: A BAT presidency may support and pursue a policy of decentralization in the power sector that enables Discos and/or Gencos and other entities get Cross-Licensed in their States of operation for small-scale power generation, distribution, and transmission (some States in the US have about 7 to 8 Gencos and Discos).

    Restructured Licensing Regime: Federal Government and NERC under a BAT may have nothing to do with licensing of one (1) M/W as currently provided under the EPSR Act of 2005. It may be scaled-up to allow NERC license those not less than 6-10 M/W. This is to allow States to undertake licensing and regulation of 0-5 M/W.

    Amending or Replacing of EPSR Act: A BAT presidency may speed-up and complete the amendment of the Electric Power Sector Reform Act, 2005 which currently governs the power sector. This is because it is not intended as a Law to operationalise the power sector but, as its names connotes, to midwife sector reforms. We should rework the Act as it contains over 200 errors (by documented research findings of the writer).

    Power Sector Deregulation: The power sector is overregulated. The world is now in favour of “self-regulation” as no Government prompted collaboration of TELCOs and Banks and FINTECH on payment and recharge platforms. The current “Regulatory Surplusage” in the power sector should be streamlined into 2 or 3 comprehensive bundles. This could be periodically reviewed and updated to add or remove obsolete provisions for new ones without legislation.

    NELMCO as Sector Insurer: The Nigeria Electricity Liability Management Company (NELMCO) may be re-packed by a BAT Presidency to perform functions similar to NDIC- Nigeria Deposit Insurance Corporation in the power sector to reduce high rate of insolvency of power sector firms.

    NBET as Power Sector Investor: The Nigerian Bulk Electricity Trading (NBET) Plc should no longer act as government agent in bulk-trading power, but as net-player in the power sector, just like the new NNPC Limited.

    A BAT presidency will, all things being equal, achieve the objective of stable, affordable and sustainable electricity for homes and businesses in Nigeria by deploying all or any of the above policy options, and more. A more prudent approach is to deploy appropriate human resources to drive-home policy initiatives that will help to ameliorate the suffering of Nigerians.

    • Oke teaches at the University of Lagos, Akoka

  • Electoral significance of the voter register

    Electoral significance of the voter register

    In Nigeria, the voter register draws its legality from the Electoral Act of 2022. Thus, it is pertinent to the electoral process, the breach of which, depending on the nature, could mar the process.

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) said 93.4 million people are eligible to participate in the forthcoming general election.

    Section 9 of the Electoral Act identifies the voters register to be a document stating the names of those eligible to participate in the voting exercise.

    This register, created by INEC, in conformation with the technological development of the age, takes electronic and paper forms.

    The register is further broken down into parts containing a register of voters for each state, and the register of voters for each state of the federation is also broken into various parts which contain another voter’s register for each local government or area council. The particulars of an eligible voter which is required by the commission are also imputed into the register.

    Some particulars include the name of the voter, photograph, gender, occupation and age amongst others for identification. The requirement for the inclusion of the particulars curbs the participation of fictitious characters in the electoral process and also helps raise awareness to prompt the removal of those who are ineligible to partake in the voting exercise.

    The register of voters is mandated to be free of alteration within 90 days of any general elections, thus prohibiting the registration of voters or revision of the list within those days. The right to vote is a right constitutionally available to citizens resident in the country.

    However, the right in itself is not exercisable, and it is only exercisable upon the fulfilment of certain requirements. Therefore, while a person above the age of 18 can vote in Nigeria, such a person does not merely advance to the polling unit to cast votes; the person must fulfil the precondition of registration as a voter.

    Disenfranchisement involves the deprivation of one’s right and in this circumstance, one’s right to vote in an election. The requirement of the appearance of the details of an individual in the register of voter as a prerequisite to voting in Nigeria draws its validity from the legislature, therefore, rendering null the argument that the requirement of registration causes, encourages or sponsors disenfranchisement.

    The court has also stated that to be disenfranchised involves a situation where an individual is validly registered to vote but was not allowed to vote in the election and to prove such, a voter’s register must be presented as evidence with his voter’s card, amongst others.

    The Electoral Act of 2022 is the legislation that guides the activities involved in the electoral process. It gives life to the voter register as well as its uses in elections. Section 15 is a mandatory provision requiring the certified true copy of the voter register to be made and forwarded to the state, local government or area council.

    Ballot papers are only issued to those whose name appears on the voter register within that polling unit. After the casting of a vote by an individual, it would be indicated on the register that such a person has cast his vote and failure to follow this procedure is a valid ground to challenge the counting of votes cast in the polling unit.

    The issuance of a voter card as directed in Section 16 of the Electoral Act 2022 is also upon the fulfilment of the inclusion of details of an individual in the register of voters. Consequently, the validity of a voter’s card is traced to the existence of the individual’s name in the register of voters.

    Where a voter card is given to an individual without a prior consultation in the register of voters,, such a card is null, as there is still a subsequent consultation of the register of voters before a ballot paper will be given to such card holder.

    Such a card is further made null as the register of voters is required to identify the voter’s constituency. It is for this reason that a voter cannot vote in a constituency not ascribed as the voter’s constituency.

    In addition, the number of votes cast at a polling unit must not exceed the number of voters contained in the register of voters. Cancellation of the result of a polling unit is retained as a consequence in the Act where the number of votes cast exceeds the number in the register.

    Read Also: ‘Vote for Tinubu, give Nigeria new lease of life’

    The particulars of the register are also displayed at each polling unit for the scrutiny of the public and failure to effect such action is met with sanctions. There are also sanctions for the inclusion in the register of the names of people who are not eligible to partake in voting exercises, such sanction is imposed on those possessing knowledge of the absence of their eligibility but went ahead to supply false information to avail themselves a spot at the voting exercise.

    The Act also protects those seeking to fulfil this threshold to election participation. Thus, it provides that the prevention of a person from having his name entered into the register without a lawful justification attracts the sanction of a minimum of N500,000 fine or at most a 5 years imprisonment. 

    The frenzy that ravages Nigeria every four years interval returned to Nigeria due to the upcoming presidential election comes up. 

    Whilst the register of voters has been officially utiliSed in determining the eligibility of people to vote, it has also been consulted by political analysts to determine the level of participation of the populace in the electoral process of the country.

    INEC stated that the particulars of 93.4 million resident citizens were contained in the register of voters out of a 213 million populace. The Northwest with 22.5 million boasting as the highest number of eligible voters, following the North-West is the Southwest with 17.95million eligible voters. The region with the least number of eligible voters is the South East with 10.90million eligible voters.

    The number revealed a continued progression in participation as the years 2019 and 2015 recorded a total number of 84 million and 68 million eligible voters’ respectively, however, the total number of eligible voters when compared with the total population of Nigeria reveals that more than half of the total population is yet to participate in the election process of the country. Stating that the result of the election reveals the opinion of the majority on the policy of the country will therefore be farfetched, thus leaving a key feature of democracy to be deficient.

    When compared with the 2019 elections, there is a slight increase in terms of the number of registered voters across the six geopolitical zones. The number of registered voters in the six geopolitical zones in 2019 stood as follows: Northwest has 20,158,100 registered voters; Southwest 16,292,212 registered voters; Northcentral has 13,366,070 registered voters; Southsouth has 12,841,279 registered voters; Northeast has 11,289, 293 registered voters; Southeast has 10,057,130 registered voters. Total= 84,004,084

    Despite the increase in the current number of registered voters, the regions still maintained their positions and this is a pointer to the fact that the 2023 election could be largely decided by voters from the Northwest and Southwest.

    The register of voters will play a more active legal role during the election as it is pertinent to the casting of a vote by a voter and the admissibility of the result of a polling unit.

    The voters register will also be utilised in identifying cases of disenfranchisement that occurred during the election process. Therefore, it is a useful piece of evidence in tribunals to dispute the result of an election.

    •Shittu is a law teacher and Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN)

  • 2023 Presidency: Block Votes for Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu (BAT) – Part 1

    2023 Presidency: Block Votes for Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu (BAT) – Part 1

    By Prof. Ojo Emmanuel Ademola

    With less than seven (7) weeks to the crucial presidential election in Nigeria, the forecasts are beginning to add up in favour of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu (BAT), a foremost presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC). Contrary to the earlier foggy postulation that most pollsters based their assumptions on, recent intense, concerted and unrelenting back-to-back campaigns, as well as informal consultations by BAT’s Presidential Campaign Council (PCC) across the geo-political zones, have indicated that BAT is clearly heading to an overwhelmingly positive outcome in the polls.    From the North West (NW) to the North East (NE); North Central (NC) to the South West (SW); and from South East (SE) to South-South (SS), consensus and all-round block votes are being formed to ensure Asiwaju’s victory.

    Let me begin dissecting my informed position from the South West (SW) of Lagos, Ogun, Oyo, Ondo, Osun and Ekiti States. Predominantly, these are heterogeneous states of the Yoruba-speaking people of Nigeria with commonality in culture, language, exposure, zeal, desires, attitude and political sophistry. Like other dominant ethnic groups in the Country, the SW is desirous of economic growth/prosperity, equity, fairness and justice for all and has always been in the vanguard of progressive governance in the Country.

    In my previous article on “Why All Yoruba should vote for Asiwaju”, the pungent points are made, and I had submitted partly:

    “The aphorism goes that all politics is local; thus, for a people, the fad during elections is to weigh the contending candidates and how best their programmes and manifestos positively benefit them. That is what I am doing in this piece for my Yoruba people.

    “In pursuing the task ahead, I must state that I am a full-blooded Yoruba, a Prince in Yorubaland, born and bred in Yorubaland; thus, I am schooled in the cultural norms of my Yoruba people.

    “Among the Yoruba, it is taboo to sell a lousy product or lend support to any Yoruba son or daughter that will eventually bring shame to the Yoruba race. The Yoruba are very much rooted in cultural competence that demands them to put their best foot forward and avoid those that stand to bring shame and reproach to their race.

    “Even in my long years of living and working in Europe, I am guided by this moral code and this etiquette guides every Omoluabi that it requires us to put forward our best and go all out to support such choice.

    “I am wholly convinced and sure that Asiwaju is Yoruba’s best foot in 2023. In saying this, I consider his antecedents and his fruitful governance history, which Nigeria, as a nation, is wholly tapping from today.

    “In taking Lagos from a run-down slum, he made it the fifth largest economy in Africa; Asiwaju had worked out an oasis of growth and economic development, which has benefitted and continues to benefit other states and other ethnic groups apart from the Yoruba. Lagos today serves as a refuge to other Nigerians who are fleeing from the farcical misrule and gross incompetence in their home states. Lagos is not playing this role by accident. Tinubu deliberately planned Lagos for this role when he involved other tribes in the governance of Lagos and ensured that the all-encompassing policy was enduring to date.

    “So as a Yoruba man, I am not supporting my tribesman because he is Yoruba but because I know he has the capacity to serve other Nigerians in equal measures as his Yoruba tribesmen. If Tinubu is elected president, he will be a Nigerian first before being a Yoruba man, and he did demonstrate this cosmopolitan carriage when he was Lagos governor. Lagos benefits the Yoruba as it benefits other Nigerians-thanks to Tinubu’s liberal persona and conviction.

    “I am appealing to my South West brethren that we must unreservedly speak with one voice in support of the Tinubu-Shettima Ticket because it represents the best for us as Yoruba and for the rest of Nigeria.

    “I have noted the desperate efforts of the opposition to demarket a Buhari government that has achieved massively in building a modern Nigeria and employing same to demarket the Tinubu candidacy because they belong to the same party and because they say that Tinubu brought Buhari. These efforts are based on wildly false, skewed and syndicated premises that take hostage of facts and figures but are aimed at making cheap political gains by the opposition. While this is not for the enumeration of the Buhari government’s achievements, I boldly say that no regime in the history of Nigeria has achieved more than the present regime, and no regime in Nigeria’s history has benefitted the Yoruba more than the Buhari government they said Tinubu brought.

    “The Yoruba are significant beneficiaries of the APC government, which has recorded massive developmental feats in Nigeria and the South West despite the global economic and security challenges.

    ‘I will proceed to enumerate what the Yoruba race has gained in the past seven years that makes the support for the Tinubu-Shettima ticket very imperative.

    ‘Firstly, for several years, there had been this veiled conspiracy to conceal the importance of June 12 and inter the considerable sacrifice made by the late Chief MKO Abiola to secure the present democracy we have in Nigeria today. Even when a Yoruba man, Chief Obasanjo, was in power, he never mentioned June 12 and his government for the entire eight years he was president; despite that, he remains the greatest beneficiary of the sacrifice of Chief Abiola. To Obasanjo and his PDP, June 12 was inconsequential and didn’t deserve any attention despite the loud plea of pro-democracy agitators.

    “But Buhari came and, in a revolutionary manner, reverted all the neglect and scorn with which June 12 was treated. Buhari not only validated the annulled victory of Abiola, but he also bestowed on him the highest national honour reserved for only Presidents and Heads of State, named the National Stadium Abuja after Abiola and declared June 12 the real democracy day for Nigeria!  This singular act not only restored the wounded feelings of Abiola’s family, associates and friends, but it also restored the potency and pride of the Yoruba race and healed the deep wounds of the June 12 annulment.

    “Do I need to talk about the massive infrastructural investment the current government has made in the South West? A regime that has gifted the South West with an ultra-modern Standard-gauge rail line that runs from Lagos to Ibadan, a brand-new Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, a new Benin-Ore -Shagamu Expressway, Ibadan-Ogbomosho-Ilorin Expressway, Apapa-Oshodi-Oworonshoki expressway, among many other heavy infrastructure projects, never ever seen in the history of the South West has unlocked the potentials of growth the Yoruba needs to excel.

    Presently a dry port is being established at the Ibadan end of the Lagos-Ibadan Standard Guage rail line, direct from the Apapa seaport to freight imported goods, through rail, from the port to the dry dock at Ibadan for clearance!  You can imagine what a Tinubu presidency can do to advance and add to these solid investments to drive a resurgent South West as the hub of growth and prosperity.

    “In the area of appointments, never has the Southwest enjoyed its golden era in political positions and placing than during the Buhari/APC regime. Before Buhari, the highest-ever appointment a South Westerner held was Minister of State for Works under the past Jonathan/PDP era. In terms of the top ten positions in government, South West had no representation. But these dramatically changed when APC came to power. The South West got the Vice Presidency (No two position), Speaker of the House of Representatives (No five position) and the Chief Justice of Nigeria (No four position) in the country’s power scale. Today, South Westerners hold critical ministerial posts and head very many powerful parastatals in Nigeria, all thanks to Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. Even when Obasanjo, a Yoruba man, was president, Yorubas never recorded this massive mileage in the power organogram of Nigeria. What will happen with a Tinubu Presidency could better be imagined by every Yoruba man.

    ‘I have enumerated these merits Yoruba got from the Buhari/APC government to show that in leading Yoruba to APC, Tinubu charted a positive route that will lead Yoruba to glory. The zenith of that glory will come when Tinubu himself becomes president, and he needs the total support of the Yoruba for that ambition.

    “I leave the right-thinking Yoruba to imagine what a Tinubu presidency would impact on the general human capital development of the country, which provides the right atmosphere for the highly educated, sophisticated Yoruba race to excel in their various endeavours. Good enough, Tinubu’s massive success in infrastructure capacity development, education, security, economic growth, and the justice system in Lagos shows what every Nigerian stand to gain from a Tinubu presidency; the reason why every Yoruba must show total support to the project. Given the massive success Tinubu wrought in Lagos, it behoves every Yoruba man to see the dawn of a golden future not only for Yoruba but all Nigerians with a Tinubu presidency.

    ‘The South as a whole and indeed every Nigerian must now see this season as an opportunity we cannot afford to miss in the interest of the entire country.

    “Good enough, the North had taken the lead by giving the proper support to the Asiwaju-Shettima ticket; that was why he won the APC presidential primary with such a significant margin. Key and viable political leaders from the North have equally committed that power must go to the South after eight years of stay in the North. Despite the cheeky political antics of PDP and its presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, to violate the power rotation commitment for purely self-serving ends, the North has shown irrevocable commitment to support the South to take over the presidency in 2023. The North has demonstrated, in act and deed, that Asiwaju is their preferred choice to take over from President Buhari in 2023. That was why things happened the way they happened at the APC presidential primaries. If the Northerners were not in full support of Asiwaju, there was no way for him to win the primary with such margins as he did. Democracy remains a game of numbers, and Asiwaju is in a pole position to emerge as the next president.

    “It will be a monumental tragedy if the South West refuse to reciprocate the positive reach-out from the North and shoot itself in the feet by pandering to the invidious propaganda of those few Yoruba black legs which are still smarting from the rot lodged in their teeth after devouring a poisonous PDP apple in 2015. We need to mass in great numbers, as Yoruba, to support our very best chance at the Nigerian presidency in 2023.

    “So, to my Yoruba kith and kins, I want to conclude that the march has started again. We are on course, and Asiwaju is the man. Therefore, the Yoruba must unite behind the Democratic jewels in Asiwaju/Shettima ticket and bring unprecedented block votes as had never happened in the history of the South West. The North is ready to deliver for the progressive ticket to win. All Yorubas must be prepared to deliver massively too. Let us recall that Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Chief MKO Abiola strived bravely in vain for this golden crown but missed it by inches. Asiwaju is a man of destiny, our golden boy, our star, our jewel, our wreath and garland, and the pride of the Yoruba nation. He is at the very door of success. The least every Yoruba owe him is our total and unalloyed support as history beckons in 2023”.

    Since the publication of the piece about seven months ago, the entire Yoruba race in the SW has risen up to the clarion call of challenges inherent in the leadership quest in a pluralistic society like ours. It is genuinely poised to deliver a block vote for Asiwaju’s Presidency; this is evident in the massive turnout of the faithful at APC’s campaign rallies across the six States of the region and the unrelenting grassroots mobilisation efforts that are currently electrifying.

    In the next series, the electoral strides already made by the Asiwaju’s PCC from other zones, pointing to block-pattern votes, will be discussed.

    Prof. Ojo Emmanuel ADEMOLA

  • Safety and security of rail transportation in Nigeria

    Safety and security of rail transportation in Nigeria

    OPEIFA is the Nigeria Rail Transportation System pioneered the rapid opening of the geographical area called Nigeria.

    The railway act of 1955 (as amended 2004) mandates the Corporation to develop National Rail Infrastructure and Operate Rail service on both the Narrow- and Standard-gauge rail lines. In view of the above, the Federal government of Nigeria through the Federal Ministry of transportation has embarked upon a public service obligation of revamping the Nigerian Railway transportation system with the aim of providing safe, secure, efficient, reliable and high-quality Train services.

    Transportation infrastructure in an economy is perhaps the most fundamental developmental initiative to ensure mass transit and heavy-duty freight movement across the country; this explains the Federal Governments strong commitment to revamping and sustaining the drive for a better and sustainable rail service delivery to its populace,

    The Nigeria Railway Corporation is about 124 years old (1898 to 2022).

    In line with the mandate, the Federal Government has commissioned NRC’s two (2) Standard Gauge rail lines on the  Lagos Ibadan route (LITS) which runs between Ebute-Metta in Lagos State to Ibadan in Oyo State. AKTS runs from IDU-Rigassa (Kaduna State). To recommence shortly after atlack. Warri Itakpe Train Service (WITS), which runs between Ujevwu in Delta State to Itakpe in Kogi State.  The narrow-gauge rail lines consist of the Western line which runs from Lagos (Iddo) to Kano, and the Eastern line which runs from Port Harcourt to Maiduguri.

    The desire of the Federal Government to revamp the rail sector and make it a major player in the transportation sector is seen in its various policy documents.

    The Nigeria 25 years Rail Modernisation Master Plan and the Nigerian Rail Transportation System

    The Policy and implementation document was unveiled in July 2002 as a vehicle for the delivery of Sustainable economic growth (GDP contribution and Jobs creation), Social harmony (linking people and places), and Political stability (extensive connectivity without borders). In my own words;

    i. Link people to Jobs

    ii. Deliver products to the market

    iii. Underpin supply chains and logistics

    iv. Support domestic and international trade

    v. Support tourism

    vi. Support urban and rural economic goals

    vii. Reduce poverty (by improving mobility)

    viii.  Improve quality of life (reduce congestion, reduce pollutions etc.)

    The document comes in 3 Phases:

    System Transition  2002- 2007

    System Modernisation 2002-2015

    System Stability 2016-2027

    It recommends short, medium and long-term action plans to implement the “vision’, including strategies of implementation at the different phases.

    Let me at this point call attention of the Honorable Minister of Transport to an urgent need to set up a strong technical committee to review the implementation of this fantastic and excellent document with a view to updating it as it seems the implementation mile stones are lagging and considering recent realities and opportunities facing the county as well as considering the fact that in 2022 we are still in phase 2.

    The vision proposed in The Document Will Materialize Only With Strong Leadership, Commitment, Broad National Support And Participation

    Assumptions:

    The Strategic Vision Document was developed against the following background:

    1. Nigeria is an integral part of the world community, therefore adaptation and flexibility will be the watchword for the years ahead.

    2. Nigerians will want best value for their money and will therefore demand a rail system that will move them quickly, safely, and comfortably in a way that is environmentally friendly.

    3. Nigeria is grossly underdeveloped with respect to rail service. A study of the comparative mobility indexes for African States and other countries – establishes this fact.

    4. Technological change will influence developments in the Transportation Sector.

    5.  Operational and demographic changes will encourage integrated and intermodal transportation.

    6.     Potential investors will invest under conditions that enable them make fair returns on their investment.

    In all, what makes the Railway transportation system is not just the Rail tracks and the Rolling stock but much more including the governance structure, safety and security systems, Passenger and freight services administration, statutes and legal framework/environment, ticketing systems, Data and information management systems, signaling Systems among others and the associated policies guiding them.

    Hence, discussing Safety and Security systems of Rail Transportation in Nigeria in context of modern day realities could not be done in 1hr. I would however be brief.

    I will focus more on gaps and what should be and needs to be met. I expect the discussants and the follow up contribution and the Q/A session will throw up other issues.

    While Rail safety itself will be said to be in two parts, ie internally related Safety and externally influenced safety, we can safely assume the externally influenced to refer to Rail securities. Thanks the organizers already separated it.

    To many they are same of same, but not at all. They are different and never same as different regimes of policy, stakeholders, regulations, governance and authorities may be and usually responsible for their implementation.

    Rail Safety basically entails all activities involved and affected by internal day to day operations, administration, deployment, maintenance and passenger/freight movement under the direct and full control of the Rail Authority management/Board.

    They include issues related to:

    Derailment, Train Collision, Train Collision with obstacle, Track integrity/Damages, Rail crossing/Level crossing, Rolling stock fire,  Work related safety issues (HSE), Track obstruction, Washouts, Death by Railway (suicides and trespasses) and Localized by Regions

    Security on the other hand will relate to issues such as:

    Railway environment community relations, Stealing/Pilfering/Burglary/Theft, Personal attacks/Harassment within coaches and around corridor/coaches, Kidnapping /Terrorism, Smuggling, Riots/Public disturbance/War situation/and Immigration related issues

    From the above, the Nigerian Railway system or should we say the Nigerian Rail Transportation system has not been as challenged in recent time by securities related issues except for as a result of recent twin train terrorist attacks with kidnappings, killings and ransom demands. The security aspect is managed by the Specialist security agencies, the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) handled by a special Police Command headed by a Commissioner of Police rank Railway Police Command and the Nigeria Securities and Civil Defense Corporation (NSCDC). The recent attacks have led to shutdown of the AKTS Rail line and affecting opportunities on other lines. Discussion on this will be limited for obvious reasons for solution and opportunities.

    Railway Transportation Safety

    An overview of confirmed discussants Indicates that we will be having someone from the NRC and as such will speak more about current issues for me to look into what constitutes global practices and opportunities for Nigeria to join the world to make our rail system safer and secured. I will however not fail to let my insight reflect in my thoughts in my recommendations and conclusions.

    I have designed this presentation in such a way so that before I conclude, the audience would be in position to situate the current situation. We also need to be mindful not to create unnecessary panic or fears in the minds of the public via the media reportage.

    I am aware this is an open event and as such our media personnel need to exercise some restrain in view of the current effort at repositioning our Rail system under the present administration at National and some sub-national with huge local and foreign investment in Rail infrastructure. The Rail Transportation still remain the safest mode among Land Transport Modes.

    Safety systems in all transport modes though mostly measured by incidences and accidents, it is much more than that and includes systems failure, elements of the existence and compliance with the relevant statutes, rules, regulations, processes and penalty for breaches put in place, the people and their competence, assurance that accident, incidence and breaches will not happen and if it does it will be promptly and correctly attended to without or with minimal consequences within acceptable limit.

    The situation in Nigeria is not that bad as it is similar to the situation in many African and developing countries. Is that what we want, definitely not? We strive to be at the level of global readiness as we represent the hope of African and the world black people. Since 2002 and especially 2010 and 2016, we have improved and things changed for the better. Also because of our current level of operations, we face fewer risk as rail safety indices are often measured in Km travelled, Passenger moved, hours worked or in operations among others. In all, we ought to be better than where we are.

    Safety culture is critical and should be Top Management driven. Rail transportation safety and security is also about the quality and commitment of Top management as Rail safety measures are often very expensive with Low Benefit-Cost ratio as a result of strong Institution, Legal and Political pressures. For better result and in line with global trend, separate departments are created for safety and safety Officers who must be certified as such, often reports directly to the Board/Top management. Safety is a central issue that challenges decision-making during the planning and implementation of modern day railway system especially with the advent of High Speed Rail (HSR) and as such appropriate systems should be in place to ensure safe performance during operations.

    According to Hale in 2000, integrated safety approach to all modes of Transport not just rail is necessary to gain trust from the public and government.

    If it is perceived unsafe as with the AbjKad line in recent time due to the twin attack society will choose not to use it, hence a “waste of the infrastructure assets”.

    Parker yet al (2006) classified rail safety into different levels;

    1.     Pathological                   Who cares

    2.     Reactive               Safety is important (we do everything necessary after the accident).

    3.     Calculative           We have systems in place to deal with the situation

    4.     Proactive              We try to anticipate before it happens

    5.     General                 Safety is our business

    In all, critical will be:

                                 Human

                                 Technology

                                 Innovation

                                 Interoperability

                                 Simplicity

    Most recent approach is the installation of Train Protection System (TPS) which is one of the most implemented safety procedures. It can stop the train. I believe the Abuja Rail Mass Transit System has this. The trains on track can be viewed/monitored and the train stopped from the Central Control room at Idu.

    Quick ones on Nigeria Rail Transportation Safety

    How often do we conduct Rail Track Safety Audit (RTSA)

    How often do we check Rolling stock/wagon/Locos/EMU/DMU/cranes etc?

    How often do we check diesel and water quality?

    How often do we renew our personnel safety certification?

    How often do we conduct work related training?

    How often do we conduct systems audit

    How often do we conduct and document incidence/accident investigation

    Rail Transportation Safety in Nigeria

    Haven said so much, let me now be specific on what we need to do.

    There is definitely a gap and an opportunity to close it considering the ongoing efforts, the support from the FMoT and our various state governments like the FCT, Lagos, Niger states and co. We need to quickly establish what we are considering, where we should be or what we currently doing:

    Elements for consideration:

    1.     We need to establish a National Rail Safety Policy (if it is not currently part of the national Transport Policy under consideration), a document on our National Rail Safety intention, minimum expectation and standards to achieve in line with global best practices/standards as well as purposes.

    2.     Arising from the Policy document;

    a.     Develop a statute, laws, regulations and rules of engagement.

    b.     Structure. Arising from 1, establish an Agency/Authority or an Administration to superintend/implement the expectations of the Policy document and or whatever is contained in the statutes, laws, regulations in 1 (like with NCAA, AIB, FRSC).

    c.      Develop established proceses, standards, procedures and methodologies for the implementation and operations of 1 and by 2 above. That’s the Ways and Means.

    d.     Develop Compliance, Reward and Punishment systems

    e.      Set up an independent incident/accident investigation administration. Investigation must be independent to be valuable, reliable and acceptable. It must be of highest degree of Integrity.

    f.       We need to monitor or target a ZERO incidence/accident system

    Rail Security

    Experience of March 2022 has provided some opportunities. Let it be established that Terrorist attacks on transportation assets is not new nor limited to Nigeria as the sector and rail inclusive meets all the requirement of terrorist soft targets. Examples abound worldwide.

    1.     In addition to the ongoing efforts by the National government, FMOT and the Nigerian Railway Corporation as efforts are in top gear to not just resume the AbjKad Rail line services but provide a sustainable, secured and safer rail transportation services along all Rail corridors.

    2.     We need to establish a National minimum security checklist for Rail operations in Nigeria.

    3.     We need to be Proactive to provide Security systems based on modern technology taking advantage of innovations and AI.

    4.     We need to declare not just a Rail Transportation security system but a Transportation wide system as we move towards achieving an intermodal transportation system. Attack on one injures others

    5. There must be a regular safety review committee of top level stakeholders with the office of the National security adviser

    6. Beyond regular safety audit, we need to carry out regular Security audit of all Rail Infrastructure assets and systems to assure the passenger/freight, government, investors and relevant stakeholders.

    7. We need to encourage sharing of information among modes and between security operatives.

    8.  We need to deepen on lesson learnt from the last twin terrorist attacks on the AKTS rail line as findings is key to preventing the next one.

    9. While deploying technology, we need serious engagement with host communities along rail infrastructure installation as part of our intelligence gathering system for a more secured corridor.

    10. We need to support the ongoing efforts of the National government, FMOT, NRC at resuming the AKTS Rail services after the deployment of the appropriate security systems.

    In conclusion, we must adopt an Holistic General System, where safety and security is approached as the minimum standard of operation of the Rail Transportation sector just as we have done with the Air transportation sector. We need National coordination with safety compliance information available freely and willingly by all operators and stakeholders on a monthly basis not just on request,       (FO1 ACT)

  • Tinubu, academic affairs and students of tertiary institutions in Nigeria

    Tinubu, academic affairs and students of tertiary institutions in Nigeria

    By Prof. Yemi Oke

    Next month’s presidential elections is getting more interesting as the three leading aspirants, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar and Mr. Peter Obi of APC, PDP and LP have respectively been rolling out critical contents to influence the electorates, particularly the youth and academic communities. Among crucial issues that have dominated their campaigning and related electioneering engagements are issues of tertiary education, student welfare, student loan schemes, access to sustained quality of tertiary education, incessant strikes by ASUU and other unions in our universities, including polytechnics and colleges of education. 

    Understandably, this is a needful imperative as it involves a critical mass being the constituency of the Nigerian youth. Thus, whatever approaches, issues, concerns or policies deployed, done or left undone therein will directly affect the future of this special species of Nigerians- the Youth. 

    Close observers and stakeholders in academia and issues affecting tertiary education are of the considered view that, every point to the fact that only Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu seems to have put structures, actions and strategies in place to deal effectively and most proactively with this vital issue, beyond rhetorics. 

    The establishment of a special office for Academic Affairs to be manned by a *National Academic Adviser (NAA)* is one of the policy options being considered by the thinkers of the soon-to-be Asiwaju Bola Tinubu presidency. This is in addition to soft loans for students among other schemes. The idea of an office of *National Academic Adviser* is reasonably justified, and stands-out Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu for the following reasons:

    (1) Peculiarities of Academic Issues and Challenges:

    The issue of academic activities in our tertiary institutions is not one that could be addressed only under the existing bureaucratic structures of the Ministry of Education. Any attempt to subject the issue of tertiary education, sustained quality of tertiary education, welfare of academic and non-teaching staff of tertiary institutions, incessant strikes by ASUU and other unions in our universities, including polytechnics and colleges of education and sundry challenges under the existing bureaucracy might undermine the efficiency of policy measures aimed at dealing with these challenges. This is one of the reasons why the foresight of Bola Ahmed Tinubu on the possibility of the office of *National Academic Adviser* is heartwarming. 

    (2) Tertiary Education as a “National security” issue:

    Globally, a strategic way to ensure effective management of a crucial national issue is to extricate it from bureaucratic bottlenecks of day-to-day activities of government. The existence of the office of *National Security Adviser* (NSA) for example, is strategic and without prejudice to the existence of the Ministry of Defense, Ministry of Police Affairs and others. The anticipated office of a *National Academic Adviser (NAA)* must therefore not to be seen as a duplication of existing structures like Ministry of Education, NUC and others, but to give deserving attention to crucial issues affecting the interest and future of the Nigerian youth and their handlers. 

    (3) When Ministry or Minister of Education May be a Hindrance: 

    Research findings indicate that in Nigeria, a not-so-educated person, anti-academic, educated but anti-academic and/or needlessly overzealous maneuverers who indulge in over-politicisation of issues may be and had been appointed Ministers of Education. When this happens, it negatively affects the peace on our tertiary institutions and may also be directly or indirectly responsible for how labour disputes involving unions in our higher institutions are resolved to avoid shutting-down the future of our youths due to avoidable strikes. An Academic worth the appellation, sitting as a *National Academic Adviser (NAA)* to guide and advise a President would certainly have been able to better manage this sensitive issue as it directly involves the youth as the future of this country. This further makes the consideration of an office of *National Academic Adviser (NAA)* under a BAT presidency vital and laudable.

    (4) Tertiary Institutions Unions, SUGs and Student Loans as Homogeneous Academic Exigencies:  

    Some have argued that the existing National Universities Commission (NUC), National Board of Technical Education (NBTE) and other bureaucracies may be saddled with additional responsibilities, as regulators, to deal with issues of tertiary education and undergraduates in Nigeria. The fact is that at no time did NUC, NBTE, and others speak for or defend the interests of ASUU, NASU, SUGs and other unions on campuses. At best, they are regulators without powers to fix and determine welfare of Staff and Students. An office of *National Academic Adviser (NAA)* is the best platform for articulating, aggregating and dealing promptly and effectively with sundry issues involving higher institution unions, staff and student-like issues such as student loans and others. This is only possible under a BAT government, and is a major plus for BAT, his thinkers and strategists. 

    (5) The BAT’23 Academic Group:

    This appears to have spurred crucial, strategic and critical thinking for the campaign structures of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. Early in his electioneering activities, *South-West Agenda (SWAGA)* – arguably the first among the advocacy groups pushing for BAT presidency saw the need for academic contents in its activities. At every of *SWAGA’s* activities, a notable academic figure is invited to give a Key-Note Lecture. The group subsequently conveyed the directive of BAT to set an Academic Group. “BAT’23 Academic Group” was thus set up as a body of intellectuals and intellectually-minded professionals volunteering for BAT. The Group generates, stimulates and disseminates crucial intellectual and academic contents in all fields of human endevaours in support of the emergence of BAT Presidency. This critical group is pushing several laudable, critical initiatives like the establishment of an office of *National Academic Adviser (NAA)* under BAT Presidency. This clearly distinguishes BAT campaign model from those of his other two contenders. 

    (6) BAT and ASUU Issues:

    In specific terms, BAT had shown keen interest in intervening in the regrettable outcome of ASUU-FGN face-off. The academic body of BAT campaign advised on the need to intervene but without directly handling such intervention or mediation. Few days later, it was in the media that President Buhari had given BAT the go-ahead to intervene in ASUU-FGN disputes. Subsequently, Rt. Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila (one of the foremost allies of BAT) took-up the task of mediation. Recently, one of the presidential candidates (Atiku) attempted to make payment of the withheld salaries of ASUU and other unions a campaign issue. He was promptly reminded that, while they were unconcerned, BAT had promised to and indeed intervened. Further assurances, based on facts and structures on ground (including the office of *National Academic Adviser (NAA)* being contemplated) all point to the fact that ASUU, SSANU, NAT, COHESU, ASUP, SUG and all related issues, including withheld salaries and general welfare of staff would receive prompt, accelerated and much more dignifying attention under a BAT presidency. 

    (7) BAT and Student Loans:

    Student loans in a crucial imperative. While other candidates have made general, sweeping and non-categorical statements about the plights of Nigerian students, BAT is frontally determined to ensure sustained quality of tertiary education including standard and affordable tertiary education for all youths of Nigeria. The office of a *National Academic Adviser (NAA)* in collaboration with all relevant agencies and bodies would ensure a seamless coordination of student loans and related schemes to address academic challenges of staff and students in our higher institutions of learning. 

    (8) AT’s Antecedents on Higher Education:

    Beyond the thoughts of considering the establishment of an office of *National Academic Adviser (NAA)*, compared to the other two presidential candidates, only BAT has shown the most significant commitment to tertiary education. His approach to funding of *Lagos State University,* all two or three *Lagos State Polytechnics* and *Lagos State Colleges of Education* while in Government was unique, with payment of salaries higher than that of Federal Government. He sustained LASU established by his predecessor and till date *LASU* continues to rank as the best State University in Nigeria. While Atiku prefers to establish a huge-fee-paying private university in Yola; Obi is a known capitalist (who never pretends to be a Progressive) and prefers harsh economic models and approaches to academic and student-related issues. Like Obi, his running mate, Datti-Ahmed owns two private universities in Abuja and Kano. Arguably though, Obi and his running-mate Datti-Ahmed have no known records of endowments in any public higher institution in Nigeria. 

    (9) BAT and Other Bureaucracies of Tertiary Education: The firm position of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu is that the existing agencies for handling tertiary institutions in Nigeria such as *Tertiary Education Trust Fund-TETFUND*, *National Universities Commission (NUC)*, *National Board of Technical Education (NBTE)* and other bureaucracies need to be extensively over-hauled. They may be saddled with additional crucial responsibilities, as regulators and agencies to ensue efficiency in quality delivery in our tertiary institutions in terms of staff welfare, research funding, infrastructure, and student welfare in collaboration with other relevant ministries, agencies including the anticipated office of *National Academic Adviser (NAA)*. This makes BAT’s approach to tertiary institutions and higher education uniquely different from the other two contenders who have made no categorical statements or commitments on this subject and related issues.  

    (10) Interest-Driven Youth Participation in National Politics:

    In terms of interest-driven engagement, BAT and structures under his party, APC have shown better commitments to issues involving students in our tertiary institutions. Aside from BAT’s mentoring of a young Nigerian youth who later became the National Youth Leader of APC (Dayo Israel), the other two contenders appointed or elected “grandfathers-images” as youth leaders. Out of the National Youth Leaders of APC, PDP and LP, only APC’s NYL, being a youth himself, took-up the plight of the Nigerian students in public universities to President Buhari, BAT, Minister of Education and others during the prolonged ASUU strike, and tabled this and other youth-related concerns. Similarly, compared to others, only APC has shown appreciable levels of “Interest-Driven Participation” in the on-going electioneering. While BAT/APC’s youths and youth strictures and groups are physically on campaign fields, those of Obi/LP’s are “busy on-line” while those of Atiku/PDP’s are virtually non-existing. 

    •Concluding Remarks:•

    In the final analyses, next month’s presidential elections on the subject is tilted widely in favour of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu and APC. This is largely because BAT’s approach to tertiary institutions and higher education is uniquely different from those of the other two contenders who prefer lip-service of rhetorics. Well ahead of time, and in a manner typical of a futuristic leader, BAT and his campaign structures saw the need for academic contents in all their activities but the other two contenders took issues of staff, students and other key higher institutions-related subjects for granted. BAT had shown keen and the most significant commitment to tertiary education by way of Student loans schemes as well as a special office of *National Academic Adviser (NAA)* to holistically engage and deal with issues involving welfare of ASUU, SSANU, NAT, COHESU, ASUP, SUG/students’ unions issues and subventions as well as other related issues. This includes the withheld salaries of university unions, general welfare of staff, soft-loans to students of tertiary institutions and others. All these and others listed are sure to receive prompt, accelerated and much more dignifying attentions under a BAT presidency. This further makes a BAT presidency preferable to that of any of his other two contenders.