The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • When fake patriots peddle conspiracy theories against INEC

    When fake patriots peddle conspiracy theories against INEC

    • By Oluwaferanmi Ayinde

    Serial parochial and hypocritical criticisms of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and its Chairman, Prof Mahmood Yakubu, have become the pastime of some self-serving moralists, masquerading as patriots and opposition leaders. But their motive is nowhere near patriotism, only a desperate call for invitation to the “national dining table.” Their modus operandi is simple: give INEC a bad name to hang it. Thankfully, they are failing.

    I was amused when the former Director of the Muhammadu Buhari’s 2019 Presidential Campaign Council, Mr. Rotimi Amaechi in a recent interview he granted a national television outfit, said that the All Peoples Congress (APC) wouldn’t have won the 2015 Presidential Election if Prof. Yakubu had been in charge of INEC. Remember that Amaechi was also a former Rivers State Governor and Minister of Transportation.

    The immediate question is, who was in charge of INEC in 2019, when Amaechi’s principal, former President Buhari contested and won that year’s presidential election? Was it not Prof Yakubu? Could Amaechi have forgotten his role as Buhari’s Director General of Campaign for that election so soon? Not likely. After Buhari was declared winner at the time, Amaechi had no issues at all with either INEC or its Chairman. To him, that election was free and fair. Thereafter, he went about appealing to other contestants in the race to embrace the spirit of sportsmanship, concede defeat and join hands with the winner to take Nigeria forward. In fact, at a press briefing he held on March 5, 2019, Amaechi, among other things, said: “It is only those who fail elections that gather for meetings, while the winners just gather to pop champagne and drink to their victory.” That was how sweet the victory of his party and candidate in the 2019 polls felt for him.

    Read Also: NRM accuses INEC of imposing candidate in Anambra governorship election

    Fast forward to 2023. Amaechi wanted to be President, which is fair enough.  He participated in the All Progressives Congress (APC) Presidential primary election but lost. INEC did not conduct the election. But since then, for reasons best known to him, Amaechi became a turncoat of some sort, transforming into a bitter critic of INEC and its Chairman.

    Many subjective supporters of the Labour Party (LP) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) have also continued to delude themselves by insisting that they both won the 2023 presidential election that they knew they did not win. Even after their parties lost at the Supreme Court, they have continued to denigrate INEC on social media. Not only that, they have also continued to berate the judiciary, with some of them labeling the Supreme Court Justices as “compromised jurists.”  There is no name and conspiracy theory they have not peddled to tarnish Prof Yakubu’s image. But to their utter disappointment, he has refused to respond to their antics and to be drawn into their pits.

    I agree that the 2023 general election was not perfect. In any case, who can show me one country in the world where perfect elections are conducted? Not even in the United States, the so-called bastion of democracy where we copied our presidential system from. The memory of the 2020 presidential election controversy, which led to what analysts have described as an instigated but failed insurrection is still very fresh. 

    An objective assessment of INEC’s trajectory since 2015, devoid of petty sentiments, will reveal positive developments which, unfortunately in my view, have been grossly under-reported. In contrast to what the modern-day Pharisees have been saying, I think the 2023 general elections, comprising the presidential, national assembly, governorship, and state assembly sets, met the required threshold of substantial compliance, meaning they were free, fair, and credible. 

    I have my reasons. The election produced several firsts. For the first time since 1999, four political parties won governorship seats, unlike in the past when only two political parties dominated the scene. Seven parties won senatorial seats, while eight parties secured federal constituencies. Nine parties also won seats in the State Assembly, paving the way for unprecedented diversity in the national and state legislatures.

    Since 2015, when Prof. Mahmood Yakubu took office, several innovations and milestones that would stand the test of time have been implemented. One of the technological innovations is the multi-purpose Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS), which replaced the Smart Card Reader (SCR) after it became clear that fraudulent politicians had found a way to circumvent the SCR. That singular action effectively ended voting by proxy, leading to the subsequent widespread dumping of Permanent Voters’ Cards (PVCs) in forests and shrines by those who had warehoused them for election rigging purposes. It also led to a spike in vote buying, as it became clear to politicians that only real voters could cast a valid vote in an election.

    Under Prof. Yakubu, there has been a massive expansion of voter access to polling units. For the first time in 25 years, the total number of polling units in Nigeria increased from 119,974 to 176,846. Also, for the first time, the Commission introduced an online voter registration portal, which enabled voters aged 18 and above to log on to the Commission’s portal, upload their information, and validate their registration at designated centres. Approximately 9.5 million new voters registered between June 2021 and July 2022, increasing the National Register to its current figure of 93,469,008.

    The Commission was the first Electoral Management Body (EMB) in Africa to produce a Policy on Conducting Elections in the Context of COVID-19 in 2020, a year when the world was reeling from the devastating effects of the virus. The policy enabled the Commission to conduct several elections safely during the pandemic.

    There was also the enactment of a new Electoral Act 2022, which the Commission vigorously campaigned for with the assistance of civil society. Among other things, the new Electoral Act made it possible for the Commission to receive its funds for the general election one year in advance, just as it was given the power to review the result of an election in a situation where a Returning Officer was forced to declare the wrong person as the winner.

    The INEC Result Viewing (IReV), established by the Commission to promote transparency in the result management process and provide citizens with the opportunity to view polling unit results in real time, was a game-changer. Despite the unexpected glitch that temporarily froze the portal during the 2023 Presidential election and which was quickly rectified, the IReV, which is not a result collation outfit, has given citizens more insight into the election result management architecture than ever before.

    The Commission has also made significant gains in inclusivity matters. In recognition of the importance attached to the interests of Persons with Disabilities (PWDs), the Commission created a separate Department of Gender and Inclusivity to address the needs of persons in extraordinary circumstances, enabling them to participate actively in the electoral process. Through this route, the Commission has reconfigured its polling booths, provided magnifying glasses for individuals living with albinism, and braille guides for persons with visual challenges, among others.

    There are many more. It is thus unfortunate that professional naysayers would, due to purely selfish interests, continue to push destructive narratives, reckless statements, lies and conspiracy theories in a determined effort to destroy one of the foundations of democracy in Nigeria. They are bound to fail.

    • Dr Ayinde, an entrepreneur, lives in Uyo.
  • Democratic dividends: Building on legacies of June 12

    Democratic dividends: Building on legacies of June 12

    Nigeria recently marked the anniversary of its most symbolic election. Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI reflects on the democratic gains of June 12 and how Nigeria can build on them in a time that tests both leadership and citizen resolve

    More than three decades have passed, yet the echoes of the June 12, 1993, presidential election still reverberate through Nigeria’s political consciousness. That election, which is widely hailed as the freest and fairest in history, was more than a democratic milestone—it was a collective leap of faith.

    Nigerians, across ethnic, religious, and regional lines, were united behind a shared belief that their vote could count and that democracy could deliver. It was a glimpse of what Nigeria could become if its people, not power brokers, held the pen of history.

    But that democratic moment was cut short. On June 23, 1993—just 11 days after the election—the military regime led by General Ibrahim Babangida annulled the results, citing alleged electoral irregularities and legal disputes.

    Yet many Nigerians and international observers believed the real reason was fear: that a civilian government led by Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, a southern Muslim with widespread national support, threatened the entrenched interests of the military and the political elite. The decision sent shockwaves through the country.

    Decades later, the truth that Nigerians long held onto was finally acknowledged. In a rare and belated admission, former Military President Ibrahim Babangida recently confirmed during the public presentation of his memoir, “A Journey in Service: An Autobiography”, that Abiola did indeed win the June 12 election.

    While the statement came years after the fact—and long after the damage had been done—it marked a significant, if symbolic, shift. For many, it was not just a vindication of the democratic will but a reminder that history cannot be buried forever. Truth, even when delayed, has its power.

    The annulment sparked mass protests, civil disobedience, and international condemnation. It marked not just the reversal of a democratic election but the betrayal of a nation’s collective optimism.  “I remember standing in line for hours, under the sun, to cast my vote,” recalled Mr. Idris Salako, a retired teacher who voted in Lagos.

    “For the first time, it felt like our voice mattered, like we were choosing hope over fear. When they annulled the election, it was like a betrayal of our hopes and aspirations for a better life. The annulment of June 12 represents not just a stolen mandate, but a profound rupture in Nigeria’s democratic evolution,” Salako added.

    Today, June 12 serves not just as a historical commemoration but as a living benchmark. It invites reflection: how far has Nigeria come, and how far is it willing to go to keep the democratic promise alive?

    What made June 12 unforgettable wasn’t just the high voter turnout. It was the defiance of cynicism. In Abiola, Nigerians saw a candidate whose “Hope ’93” manifesto transcended old divisions. His campaign was not just a slogan—it was a vision of unity, inclusion, and economic fairness.

    More than 30 years later, that vision remains partially fulfilled. Questions still hang over Nigeria’s electoral integrity. Delayed results, allegations of rigging, and judicial decisions that raise eyebrows have all contributed to a legitimacy deficit in the electoral system.

    If the spirit of June 12 is to endure, electoral credibility must become non-negotiable. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, himself a key figure in the June 12 struggle, acknowledged this in his Democracy Day address last year:

    “Let us recommit to the values of inclusivity, accountability, and transparency, ensuring that our democracy not only endures but flourishes for generations to come.”

    Read Also: June 12: Remembrance and omissions

    Yet, for democracy to continue to flourish, structural reforms are essential. Civil society groups, political opposition, and citizen coalitions have been advocating for legal and technological safeguards in voting processes. These efforts are acts of democratic participation.

    June 12 was never just about voting. It was a fight for the right to speak, to assemble, and to dissent without fear. Abiola was jailed not for insurrection, but for standing by a democratic mandate. His wife, Kudirat, paid with her life for echoing that cause.

    In today’s Nigeria, the frontlines have shifted. Digital platforms are now battlegrounds for truth, disinformation, and political expression. Journalists face intimidation, and peaceful protesters are at times met with force. Yet, there are also moments of restraint and dialogue that signal democratic maturity.

    During last year’s Democracy Day broadcast, in response to labour’s call for a national strike, President Tinubu stated, “We did not seek to oppress or crack down on the workers as a dictatorial government would have done. We chose the path of cooperation over conflict.”

    Such gestures are encouraging, but they must be matched by consistent policies that protect freedom of expression and the right to dissent. These freedoms are the lifeblood of democracy.

    A central demand of the June 12 movement was the establishment of institutions capable of checking power. Yet, questions persist about the neutrality of the judiciary, the electoral commission, and law enforcement bodies.

    Recent court rulings on disputed elections in several states have deepened public scepticism, casting doubt on the impartiality of both the judiciary and the electoral umpire. Transparency advocates, including Yunusa Ya’u, convener of the Nigeria Civil Society Situation Room, have called for full disclosure of INEC’s financial operations, highlighting persistent opacity in logistics and budgeting. These concerns go beyond administrative complaints; they speak to the heart of democratic legitimacy.

    The strength of a democracy lies not only in the fairness of its institutions but in the public’s belief in that fairness. Perception is as vital as the process.

    There is a strong relationship between democracy and economic development. When Abiola campaigned under “Hope ’93,” he wasn’t just promising political freedom—he was championing economic justice. He envisioned a Nigeria where prosperity was shared, not concentrated.

    That vision still resonates. Inflation, unemployment, and inequality have worsened in recent years. The removal of fuel subsidies and the floating of the naira, while considered necessary for long-term reform, have imposed short-term hardship on millions.

    As a means of diversifying the economy, the Tinubu administration has budgeted N54.99 trillion this year—the largest in Nigeria’s history—to finance infrastructure and human capital development.

    But citizens are asking a crucial question: Will the benefits of this budget be felt where it matters most? For many, the gap between policy intent and everyday experience remains wide.

    The opposition, including the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), has called for more targeted economic strategies—ones that protect vulnerable communities while addressing structural inefficiencies. This is the kind of policy-driven dialogue that sustains a healthy democracy.

    From memory to mandate

    Under President Muhammadu Buhari, June 12 was officially designated Nigeria’s Democracy Day. The move was long overdue. But for President Tinubu, who once faced exile for defending June 12, the challenge is not symbolic. It is substantive.

    “Both triumphs and trials have marked our progress,” Tinubu recently said, adding: “each serving as a reminder of the preciousness of our democratic principles.”

    The weight of history now demands action. For democracy to thrive, reforms must be both institutional and cultural. As former Governor Aminu Bello Masari aptly put it, “Democracy is about the government of the people, not just politicians.”

    Who are the architects of Nigeria’s democracy? The story of June 12 was not written in statehouses—it was written in the trenches: by the market woman who waited hours to vote, the student who faced tear gas, and the journalist who risked everything to report the truth. These are the real architects of democracy.

    To honour their sacrifice, democracy must be embedded in daily governance and lived realities, not just observed during elections.

    To honour the spirit of June 12, Nigeria must not only strengthen its public institutions but redesign them for resilience. This should involve legal and administrative safeguards to shield the judiciary, INEC, and anti-corruption agencies from political interference. Electoral processes should be auditable, technologically secure, and accessible, beginning with the phased implementation of electronic voting, as successfully piloted in countries like Ghana and Kenya. A credible democracy demands not just free elections, but also a voting process that inspires confidence from start to finish.

    Likewise, the protection of journalists, whistleblowers, and peaceful protesters must be enshrined in law, with clear enforcement mechanisms. Freedom of speech and dissent must be defended not just in principle, but in practice.

    Civic education should be integrated into school curricula nationwide. Young Nigerians must learn the history, responsibilities, and rights that come with democracy. Participation must be taught and encouraged from an early age.

    In addition, citizen engagement must be institutionalised at all levels of governance. Regular town hall meetings, participatory budgeting, and public feedback platforms should become the norm, not the exception. Governance must be a dialogue, not a monologue.

    And most crucially, economic reforms must be inclusive, because growth that does not lift the people is not progress—it is disenfranchisement.

    As Nigeria commemorates the 29th anniversary of Kudirat Abiola’s assassination, her legacy remains vital to the democratic narrative. In a joint statement, her daughter, Dr. Hafsat Abiola, and women’s rights advocate Dr. Joe Okei-Odumakin called for renewed commitment to democracy and greater inclusion of women in leadership.

    “Kudirat believed it was a mistake for mothers to focus solely on raising their children without ensuring that the world was ready to receive them,” the statement read.

    The call for gender equity is not a side issue—it is central to democratic progress. A just and inclusive Nigeria can only emerge when both men and women shape the nation’s future. As they noted, “Nigeria’s problems are not greater than the Nigerian people, if men and women work together to solve them.”

    Democracy as a daily mandate

    Progress will not be easy, but it is within reach—if every stakeholder, from the presidency to the polling unit, upholds democracy not as a ceremonial ritual but as a shared, everyday commitment. June 12 gave Nigeria more than a memory—it offered a mandate. That mandate calls for institutions that serve, leaders who listen, and citizens who participate with purpose.

    The path forward is not paved by nostalgia, but by courage. To make democracy real, Nigerian leaders must summon the will to reform, to include, and to trust in the collective strength of the people.

    June 12 was a vision. The task now is to live it.

  • How peace can return to PDP, by Suswam

    How peace can return to PDP, by Suswam

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is going through protracted crisis, making many to doubt its survival. In this interview by Assistant Editor, Emmanuel Badejo, a former governor of Benue State, Senator Gabriel Suswam, contends that there is need for a total overhauling of its leadership.

    Your party has been in crisis for several reasons. Chiefly among them is the feud over the office of PDP national secretary. Where do you stand?

    By law and based on the judgment of the Supreme Court, Senator Samuel Anyanwu’s claim to the office of the secretary of the party is in order. This is because his name is still what the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has in its register. However, by our party’s constitution, it is stated that once you’ve left to contest an election, you should have left the party’s exco, which was not done in this case. Unfortunately, many of us didn’t know that wasn’t done. As at the time he left to contest the election, the South-Eastern zonal organ of the party had chosen another candidate for the office. But, because Anyanwu didn’t resign, he returned to the NWC and he was reabsorbed.

    The National Working Committee under the leadership of the acting chairman has been very unfair to the party. It is the same chairman who insisted that Anyanwu is the secretary of the party after he came back. Now, he is singing another tune. He is creating a lot of confusion. If the National Working Committee (NWC) had taken action at the time the Southeast organ of the party had nominated another person, we wouldn’t have been in this quagmire.

     All sides are laying claim to an order by the Supreme Court to maintain the status quo. What’s exactly the status quo because we’ve been hearing different interpretations to the court’s verdict?

    The real thing is with the INEC. As it stands today, Senator Anyanwu is the one recognized by INEC. And this is because he was elected and his name is still there. When he left to contest election, it was for our party’s National Chairman to have informed the INEC that our secretary had left and gone to contest another election. But, he didn’t do that. I have always indicted the acting National Chairman.

     So, are you saying your chairman is the architect of this problem?

    He is, of course.  This is because when Anyanwu came back, I was in a meeting of BoT, where the Southeast vehemently raised this issue. He, the chairman was sitting there, but he didn’t listen to them. Rather, he told them that Anyanwu is the secretary.

    What has now changed?

    Well, that is the question we should all be asking. I don’t know what has changed. The acting chairman has successfully thrown the party into this mess, and painfully, many are not holding him accountable to it.

     In your own wisdom, having been a two-term governor and a senator, how best do you think the party can handle this?

    Well, based on the judgment of the Supreme Court, the power to sack is with the National Executive Committee (NEC). It is for them to accept the report from the Southeast saying that the region has now nominated somebody to replace Anyanwu. Then, the acting chairman will write to INEC informing it that the party’s NEC has approved a new secretary for the party. Without that, there’s no way out of this conundrum.

    Sam Anyanwu was elected by the convention. Can the zonal organ of the party be asking for his replacement?

    Sam Anyanwu actually tendered a letter of resignation. You can’t say you want to leave to contest an election and return to that office. Our party’s constitution is clear on that. The acting national chairman is complicit in all of these.

    Does the constitution of your party allow you to resign and return to the same office?

    This is why I say that most members of NEC are complicit in this. After he resigned and he returned, some people raised the flag that he had resigned. But, some members of the NWC came out to defend him saying he actually took leave of absence.

    This always happens. Why is Anyanwu’s case different?

    No, his case is not different. He was supposed to have been replaced at the time he left to contest, but they didn’t replace him because they had ulterior motives; they had ulterior motives. It’s unfortunate that most stakeholders of the party in the Southeast have left the party because of this issue. They were angry with the NWC, which didn’t listen to the region on their nomination to replace Anyanwu. 

    Apart from the secretary issue, some believe there are bigger issues plaguing the party like the Wike-Makinde feud. Is the party not sinking further?

    I will say I’m not competent to speak on the agreements the Federal Capital Territory Minister, Nyesom Wike had with those governors. This is also an unfortunate situation. If you and I hold a gentleman agreement, it is just honourable to honour your side of the agreement. It was reported that they met in Lagos and Abuja. That means the meeting in Abuja was to conclude that which was held in Lagos. They agreed.

    Read Also: Osun council crisis: Police deploy operatives in councils as APC, PDP executives resume Monday

    There was another meeting I was privy to when the incumbent governors invited all ex-governors. Wike was also invited. We all came. And Wike at the meeting also said they invited him. So he, Wike, believed that whatever they had agreed would be implemented. Funnily, at that meeting, no one mentioned to us that they had had two previous meetings with Wike.

    So, they have been unfair to him (Wike) based on what’s on ground now?

    Yes, they have. That’s why I said before that I don’t blame Wike for saying what he’s saying. These are the leaders of the party for crying out loud. 

    Are you worried with Wike’s statement “I will fight to finish?

    I’m not worried about what Wike said. I’ve avoided it in the past to reduce the conflict in the party to become a Wike thing for the reason being that if the NWC had done what they needed to do at the onset, we wouldn’t be where we are today. All of them are responsible. Good enough, Wike is not somebody who hides anything. When the chips are down, he reveals everything. The question I keep asking is that why did they enter into such agreement when they knew they won’t honour same? I put this blame squarely on the acting national chairman and the chairman of the PDP’s Governors’ Forum, Bala Muhammed. Bala is the president of the PDP because he leads the arm of the party that sponsors the party. Governors are the ones providing the money. If there was proper leadership, we won’t be where we are today. So, when they say Wike, Wike, it’s not about Wike at all. It is about incapacity on the part of the leadership.

    So, you’re putting this blame on Umar Damagum and Bala Muhammed’s doorsteps?

    Squarely, I put it on their doorsteps. If they had done what they needed to do, we won’t be where we are today. I think there’s a lot of deceit and that’s what Wike is complaining about. He entered into an agreement with them believing they’re the leaders of the party. I am a stakeholder in the party. Why didn’t he, Wike, enter into such agreement with me? He entered into agreement with them because those are the leaders. You can’t extricate them, the party leaders, from the crisis in the PDP. 

    Are you able to provide the needed leadership for your party? Myself? If I’ve not been given the opportunity, how will I do that? 

    Will you be able to do it, if given the opportunity?

    That was why I wanted to be the chairman.

     Your kinsman, Senator Iyorchia Ayu, was said to have led the party into this mess. Can we trust another Benue man to lead the PDP?

    Running an organization is not a tribal thing, it’s about individuals. You, as an individual can handle this program better than me as an individual. That you couldn’t handle it doesn’t mean I won’t be able. It is simply because you have failed as an individual. The acting chairman of the party has failed us. Let us call a spade, a spade! 

    If Gabriel Suswam is given the opportunity, would he do much better?

    I would have done far better because I won’t engage in agreement with the Minister of FCT and renege on it. If I engage in agreement in consultation with stakeholders, we would have done better than that. What you see is people engage in agreement without consultation with stakeholders, meanwhile the interest of these stakeholders is at stake.

    The feeling is that the PDP is dead. Would you be able to lead a dead party?

    I have said it repeatedly that the party is in intensive care unit. And since people survive from intensive care unit, I believe if the right thing, which I doubt, will be done, is done, the PDP will revive. The major problem I have is that most people no longer have confidence in the leadership of the party. So, it is difficult for us to resuscitate the party with the current leadership we have.

    The current leadership should leave in November. Isn’t it?

    Yes. 

    There’s going to be a mid-term convention in August?

    Between now and August, so many things might have happened. For the first time in the history of the party, PDP has two factions in almost all the state. We now have a situation where we have two chairmen in many states. This is fundamental and it must be addressed. If not addressed, why going to convention without dealing with the fundamentals that had led to this problem?

     Is the PDP serious enough to wake itself up with the way things are going in the party?

    At some point in this country, the PDP was everywhere. Look at the case of the current president. At some point, Alliance of Democracy (AD) was the only surviving party in the whole of Southwest. That was under President Olusegun Obasanjo’s second term. That time, one would have thought AD was completely dead. But, that didn’t happen. It metamorphosed into Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), and thereafter to All Progressives Congress (APC). If the governors had put themselves together, with sincerity of purpose, the party can be revived. It’s unfortunate that there’s no sincerity of purpose. People have inordinate ambition, one leg in, one leg out. Majority of the leaders of the party is being driven by ambition and not the interest of the party.

    People have said the PDP is already at the burial ground and can’t wake up over North-South zoning arrangement. Do you agree with this view?

    I don’t agree with that view. President Obasanjo did eight years.  Good luck Jonathan did six years. Both of them are from the South. I don’t believe the major problem in our party was because we didn’t allow a southern candidate to emerge in the last election. 

    Are you saying another northerner could have emerged after Mohammadu Buhari did eight years?

    No, Buhari is an APC, and not PDP. PDP has its own regulation.

    Does the PDP operate outside the society?

    It’s not a question of operating outside the society. What I’m saying is this: you have a society and within that society, you have associations that are regulated by their own rules. Presidency has gone to the South and the Yorubas have it twice. Are there not other people in the South? Presidency has come to North too and a state has produced the president twice. Are there not other people in the North. The best way to correct this is to specify the zone to occupy an office at any given time.

    Are you saying the PDP can actually field a northerner?

    I don’t really know yet. We haven’t gotten there yet.

    Northern and Southern controversy angered your friend, Samuel Orton and many others.

    It was more of interest, I mean personal interest and less of northern-southern rage. It was a question of selfish interest. Incidentally, the person you mentioned (Orton) was the chairman of zoning at the time, but his committee couldn’t zone, and that led to the current crisis. In this country, we lay so much emphasis on where the president comes from. We don’t talk about the capacity of the person occupying the office. It doesn’t matter to me and to most Nigerians who the president is provided he can put three daily meals on my table and transport themselves with ease from one place to another. And because we have dwelt so much where the president comes from, people began to appropriate the presidency to themselves and not to the country.

    What’s your assessment of the current government?

    My assessment of this government, just like any other Nigerian, is that this administration has not done well at all. As a student of global economics, I would say that when you embark on certain economic policies that may impact negatively on the people that you govern, you must also in the same vain, initiate factors that will mitigate the effects of those policies. Unfortunately, you devalued your currency, removed subsidy on energy, transportation, fuel, increased MPR (Monetary Policy Rate), there’s no way any country, particularly, a developing economy such as ours, can survive. I know of the Asian Tigers like Indonesia, Malaysia, only Singapore was able to see through. There’s no way a developing country like ours will survive that. This government didn’t give any buffer. The government should have first put in place mitigating measures. 

    In the last two years, how can you assess this government?

    Nigerians are groaning; Nigerians are groaning. If any person is deceiving any person, there’s palpable poverty in the land. And this government is simply not mindful about the pains of the people. Yes, those economic policies were okay, but they weren’t to be taken in haste. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu can fix it, If he sits with his lieutenants and they are sincere about it. But that will be difficult to do with so many sycophants around him. Now, the President, if he’s intentional with those economic policies he took, then I’ll blame his lieutenants.

    Many APC chieftains endorsed the President, but you’re saying otherwise?

    I was in government when Jonathan got so many endorsements, yet we lost that election. My advice is that the President should attend to the people and forget about the sycophants who are endorsing him. Let the President face the people.

  • Tinubu-Shettima: A tag-team Presidency anchored on trust, unity

    Tinubu-Shettima: A tag-team Presidency anchored on trust, unity

    Since their inauguration into Nigeria’s highest offices on 29 May 2023, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima have presented themselves as a seamless presidential duo. Dressed in well rehearsed symmetry, they’ve projected unity, purpose, and direction under their “Renewed Hope Agenda”. To date, this image appears not only managed but genuine. Yet, recent events—including a tempestuous North East APC meeting in Gombe on Sunday, 15 June 2025—have prompted fresh speculation of a rift. Examining their political rise, key moments, and party tensions reveals a relationship born of trust and loyalty and tested by external currents, writes BOLAJI OGUNDELE.

    Since Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999, the relationship between presidents and their deputies has often made headlines—sometimes for the wrong reasons. But in the case of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima, what is unfolding is a rare political partnership marked by mutual trust, unwavering loyalty, and an unshakable commitment to the Renewed Hope Agenda.

    From the moment their joint presidential ticket was announced in July 2022 under the All Progressives Congress (APC), Tinubu and Shettima have consistently projected a united front. Critics raised concerns over their religious alignment, with both being Muslims, but more than two years into their administration, those fears have not only dissipated—they have been proven irrelevant. Instead, Nigerians are witnessing a functional presidency that thrives on complementarity, strategic delegation, and a shared vision for national development.

    The synergy between the President and his deputy did not begin at the swearing-in ceremony in May 2023. It began long before the 2023 presidential elections. As early as January 2022, Shettima was one of the most vocal advocates for Tinubu’s presidential ambition. At a high-profile Tinubu Support Group event in Abuja, Shettima—then a Senator and former Governor of Borno State—called for Tinubu to be granted the “right of first refusal” in the APC’s nomination process, emphasizing Tinubu’s instrumental role in helping President Muhammadu Buhari win power in 2015.

    Shettima didn’t just talk the talk. He walked it. He became the Director-General of the Tinubu Campaign Organisation, overseeing strategy and outreach during the intense buildup to the APC primaries and the general election. His commitment to the Tinubu project was clear and unwavering, setting the stage for the confident partnership now evident at the highest level of governance.

    In a country as politically vibrant—and sometimes volatile—as Nigeria, rumours are currency. The relationship between the President and his Vice has not been spared from such speculations. Political opponents and even some insiders within the ruling APC have tried to stoke tensions, circulating narratives that seek to portray Vice President Shettima as sidelined, disgruntled, or diminished within the administration.

    Read Also: Tinubu heads for Benue to galvanise against serial killings

    Much of this talk has been orchestrated through the media, social commentary, and in some instances, calculated misinformation from opposition actors and ambitious insiders. The aim is clear: to cause disharmony, create political wedge issues, and ultimately fracture the solid Tinubu-Shettima alliance.

    Presidency aides have often had to issue clarifications on misinterpreted statements or skewed reports. In truth, what is visible to insiders and stakeholders is the exact opposite of what naysayers are projecting: a relationship built on loyalty, pragmatism, and mutual respect.

    It is no exaggeration to say that Vice President Kashim Shettima has become the model of a loyal second-in-command. In a country where past deputies have sometimes worked at cross-purposes with their principals, Shettima stands out for his unwavering loyalty and humility.

    This trust is evident in the kind of assignments President Tinubu delegates to him. When the President chose not to attend the 2024 United Nations General Assembly (UNGA), it was Shettima who stood in for Nigeria. Representing a country at such a critical global forum is not a responsibility one hands over lightly. It was a clear endorsement of Shettima’s capability, depth, and diplomatic finesse.

    On national economic strategy, Shettima also plays a critical role. He chairs the National Economic Council (NEC), a constitutional body composed of all state governors and critical economic ministers. Under his leadership, NEC has deliberated on far-reaching fiscal reforms, public sector wage adjustments, and collaborative solutions to food security and economic diversification.

    President Tinubu’s delegation of real power, not just ceremonial duties, is a direct vote of confidence in Shettima’s competence and loyalty. It also puts to rest the false claims that the Vice President is isolated or side-lined.

    A lot of the speculation around Vice President Shettima’s role and political fate has centered on what 2027 may hold. Some within the APC fear that if Shettima goes into a second term with President Tinubu, the unwritten zoning arrangement within the party might imply the presidency returns to the North post-Tinubu. This, for some, jeopardizes their personal political ambitions.

    These self-serving calculations are what fuel the second group of mischief-makers—those not from the opposition, but from within the ruling party itself. Their worry is not about loyalty or performance; it is about positioning. They assume that Shettima will have an edge if he continues as Vice President into a second term, especially given the rising stature he has acquired since assuming office.

    But they underestimate the clarity of Tinubu’s political judgment. The President is no stranger to managing ambition within a large political coalition. His ability to forge consensus and pacify competing interests is part of why the APC remains Nigeria’s most formidable political machinery.

    At the APC National Policy Dialogue held last May, President Tinubu publicly acknowledged Shettima as his “tag-team” partner. The declaration was unequivocal and ended all speculation.

    “Let me… from the Vice President, if you have the signature for the prerogative of mercy, I can cede a little bit of it to you. I will start this protocol excusing you because we’re a tag-team,” the President said, reinforcing their indivisible political partnership.

    Events at the Northeast APC Consultative Meeting in Gombe on Sunday, June 15, were unfortunate but instructive. A rowdy session almost marred what should have been a celebration of unity and support for the Tinubu administration in Shettima’s home zone.

    The confusion stemmed from the absence of a direct mention of Vice President Shettima when the national party leadership, led by APC National Chairman Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje, reaffirmed support for President Tinubu’s leadership. The optics were misread, and the emotions of party loyalists in the Northeast—who see Shettima as their pride—boiled over.

    But context matters. In nearly all zones, declarations of support for Tinubu are taken as inclusive of his deputy, especially given their joint mandate. The oversight in naming Shettima explicitly may have been procedural rather than intentional. That said, it serves as a lesson in sensitivity. Party leaders must understand the regional nuances that define political identity in Nigeria.

    As a Northeast leader and a grassroots politician, Shettima commands deep loyalty in the region. It would be unwise, even politically suicidal, for the national leadership of the party to underestimate this.

    The Tinubu-Shettima relationship is more than political chemistry; it’s also symbolic of a deliberate effort to unite Nigeria across geopolitical and religious divides. Tinubu, a Southern Muslim, chose a Northern Muslim not out of disregard for diversity, but in pursuit of strategic competence and national cohesion.

    Contrary to critics’ fears, the Muslim-Muslim ticket has not marginalised any faith. President Tinubu has consistently demonstrated inclusive governance—from appointments to religious engagements. Christian leaders hold key positions in his cabinet, and his administration has maintained an open-door policy for leaders of all faiths.

    Moreover, Vice President Shettima has maintained active engagements with Christian leaders and groups, especially in the North. He understands the sensitivities and the historical contexts, and he works daily to bridge gaps.

    The unity they symbolize is perhaps more important now than ever, as Nigeria navigates complex socio-political currents. A united presidency, devoid of suspicion and rancour, is essential to delivering the Renewed Hope Agenda.

    In a political era where speculation often overshadows substance, the Tinubu-Shettima relationship stands as a beacon of stability and purpose. Theirs is a partnership forged in trust and sustained by performance. It is a political symphony with both men playing their instruments in harmony.

    For President Tinubu, whose legacy depends on the success of his reforms, having a dependable deputy is non-negotiable. For Vice President Shettima, serving loyally and effectively is the surest path to political longevity and national relevance.

    As 2027 approaches, it is increasingly clear that those working to insert wedges between the two are swimming against the tide. The presidency is not a battleground of egos but a coalition of minds united in service.

    In Shettima, Tinubu has found a worthy ally. In Tinubu, Shettima has found a mentor and a trusted leader. And in both, Nigeria may well have found the kind of cohesive leadership it desperately needs.

  • No plan to defect to APC, says Damagum

    No plan to defect to APC, says Damagum

    Acting National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Ambassador Ilyas Umar Damagum, has refuted reports he is plotting to join the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). 

    He attributed the reports to desperate and determined political foes, asserting he was not pursuing a secret deal towards defecting to the APC.

    “It is my detractors,” Damagum asserted in a response to The Nation’s text message requesting clarifications over the alleged plans. 

    He was alleged to be secretly plotting to dump PDP once his tenure as acting chairman expires at the party’s national convention scheduled for August 28-30, 2025.

    But in a subsequent statement  by his Personal Assistant, Nuru Jos, Damagum ascribed his purported plan to defect to APC as the handiwork of some desperate political forces who lost out in the PDP’s recent North East zonal congress while their stooges also lost in Yobe PDP’s ward and local government congresses.

    He alleged those behind the reports were not only seeking to tarnish his reputation but also aiming to discredit his leadership of the PDP and distract it from his ongoing efforts to actualise reconciliation and reposition the party.

    Read Also: Oyetola rallies Island nations for Nigeria’s IMO Council bid

    The statement reads: “The attention of the Office of the Acting National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), His Excellency, Ambassador Umar Iliya Damagum, has been drawn to a fake and malicious news item circulated by an obscure platform, alleging that the Acting National Chairman is considering defection to the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    “This baseless report, authored by faceless individuals, was clearly fashioned to smear and defame the person and leadership of Ambassador Damagum.

    “To set the record straight, let the world know that all Ward, Local Government, and Zonal congresses conducted in Yobe State, including those in the North-East zone, were peaceful, successful, and widely conducted without rancour.

    “Unfortunately, a few disgruntled individuals, unable to deliver or prove their relevance within the party, have resorted to cheap blackmail in a desperate attempt to sabotage the efforts of the hardworking Acting National Chairman.

    “The smear campaign is being orchestrated by internal saboteurs who, failing to impose impunity and personal agenda, falsely accuse Ambassador Damagum of standing in their way; their displeasure stems from his principled stand against the arbitrary removal of elected officers and his refusal to yield to sectional interests.

    “Let it be clearly stated: the PDP in Yobe State, under the able influence of Ambassador Damagum, remains strong, united, and healthy. He will continue to work diligently to stabilize and reposition the party from the grassroots in his home state and across the nation.

    “Mischief-makers must desist from their divisive antics and instead support the reforms being led by Ambassador Damagum to reposition the PDP for a stronger outing in the 2027 general elections.”

    The statement added: “He (Damagum) remains above petty politics and remains impartial in all internal party affairs. It is this sense of balance that has earned him the confidence and backing of the party’s stakeholders across the board, hence, Damagum will remain committed to the unity and reconciliation of our great party—the PDP.”

    “If we could read the secret history of our enemies, we should find in each man’s life, sorrow and suffering enough to disarm all hostility.”

    – Henry Wadsworth Longfellow (27 February 1807 – 24 March 1882)

  • Abbas: Two years of legislative governance

    Abbas: Two years of legislative governance

    • By Leke Baiyewu

    The 10th National Assembly is now two years old. On June 13, 2023, the overwhelming majority of the members of the 10th House of Representatives — 353 out of 359 — reposed their massive confidence in Rt. Hon. Abbas Tajudeen, Ph.D, GCON to become the Speaker. Two years down the line, the confidence has neither waned nor declined. In fact, it can be safely said that the confidence has increased in leaps and bounds.

    Not just his colleagues; Nigerians from all walks of life have at different times in the past two years expressed conviction in the leadership of Speaker Abbas Tajudeen. “We appreciate you (Speaker Abbas) and we appreciate the calm nature of the House of Reps under your leadership. We are all witnesses,” said the President of the Chartered Institute of Taxation in Nigeria (CITN), Samuel Olushola Agbeluyi, mni, FCTI, during a courtesy visit to the Speaker on February 13, 2025.

    Speaker Abbas, a technocrat-turned-politician, was an accountant and teacher before he ventured into politics. As an academic, Speaker Abbas traversed the academia, with records of being the pioneer head of the departments of accounting at two different institutions — Nuhu Bamalli Polytechnic in 1989, and the Kaduna State University (KASU) in 2005. He had many papers published in his name and had attended over 40 national and international workshops, seminars, and conferences.

    He is a Fellow, Chartered Institute of Logistics and Transport (CILTS); Fellow, Chartered Institute of Marketers; Fellow, Chartered Institute of Administrators; Fellow, Chartered Institute of Treasury Management; Associate Member, Chartered Institute of Cost & Management Accountants of Nigeria; Associate Members, Chartered Institute of Management.

    After becoming Speaker, Rt. Hon. Abbas Tajudeen, Ph.D, GCON delivered convocation lectures at two institutions of higher learning, occasioned by the academia’s recognition of his intellectual capacity. Similarly, more academic and professional institutions have conferred various honours on him. None was ever influenced just for the sake of recognition; they were all on merit.

    Read Also: 2027: Northeast APC declares support for Tinubu/Shettima ticket

    On December 30, 2024, Speaker Abbas delivered the 14th Convocation Lecture of Al-Hikmah University, Ilorin, Kwara State, after which the university conferred on him, the Doctor of Public Administration (Honoris Causa). The lecture was entitled: ‘Beyond Oil: Exploring Alternative Revenue Potentials for Economic Growth and Sustainable Development in Nigeria.’

    When the leadership of the university visited to robe the Speaker for the honorary degree on January 30, 2025, the Vice-Chancellor, Prof. Noah Yusuf, attested to the contribution of the Speaker’s lecture to academic knowledge. “Till today, the lecture has continued to receive positive reactions from the global academic community, relevant stakeholders of the national economy, and the public,” VC Yusuf said.

    On January 31, 2025, the Speaker delivered the 33rd Convocation Lecture of the Federal University of Technology (FUT), Minna, themed: ‘From Crisis to Prosperity: Harnessing Technology to Drive Nigeria’s Transformation.’

    Furthermore, on April 10, 2025, at the 14th Convocation of the National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN), he was conferred with the Doctor of Business Administration (DBA)(Honoris Causa), for his many contributions to nation-building.

    Earlier on December 10, 2024, the Governing Council of the Chartered Institute of Project Managers of Nigeria (CIPMN) presented him with an Honorary Fellowship Award of the institute.

    Likewise, on April 10, 2025, Speaker Abbas was honoured with the Honorary Fellow of the Nigeria Institute of Public Relations (NIPR). Another honorary fellowship came knocking on May 15, 2025. This time around, it was from the Nigerian Institute of Architects (NIA).

    The Speaker is a gentleman to the core – almost to perfection. Highly motivated for the nation-building job, he is a silent achiever. Little wonder his legislative exploits – sponsoring a record 74 bills in the 9th Assembly, the highest by an individual lawmaker in the history of Nigerian democracy, out of which 21 got presidential assent – were not publicised until his campaigns for the speakership seat. Even after steering the wheel of the 10th House for two years, it is safe to say that his achievements speak for themselves. He enjoys getting busy with the job done, rather than attracting encomiums. Nevertheless, he deserves the accolades, honours, and recognitions that are due to a patriotic public servant.

    One of the major highlights of the 10th House under Speaker Abbas is the prioritisation of issues affecting women and children. Several women associations and gender-based non-governmental and civil society organisations have not only recognised his efforts but also honoured him. On the issue of women and youth empowerment, the Speaker has proven that he meant business.

    Twice, the Speaker vacated his seat for teenagers in recognition of the Nigerian children. The first time was on October 10, 2024, when a 16-year-old gender advocate, Isabel Anani, served as ‘Shadow Speaker’ in commemoration of the International Day for the Girl Child. Again, on May 27, 2025, Lawal Haruna Saliu, a student of Government Secondary School, Kuje, presided over the ceremonial session as the ‘Shadow Speaker’ in celebration of the Children’s Day.

    On the international scene, Speaker Abbas has continued his parliamentary diplomacy across the world, with the mission to attract bilateral and multilateral deals for Nigeria via parliament-to-parliament negotiations and dialogues. He has established parliamentary friendship groups with virtually every country. While President Tinubu is selling Nigeria to the world, Speaker Abbas is marketing the country to the foreign parliaments, whose governments and businessmen will approve Foreign Direct Investments.

    The Speaker has also paid considerable attention to the capacity building of lawmakers, legislative aides and National Assembly staff. Here, the Parliamentary Development Programme, a joint partnership with between the House and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) aimed at enhancing the capacity of the aforementioned, is a good point of reference.

    Issues around policy are also on the front burner. No wonder, the Speaker created the Programmes Coordination Unit (PCU) in his office, charged with the responsibility of coordinating all policy-related issues as well as collaborating with the development partners for the good of Nigeria.

    Moreover, Speaker Abbas is the first Speaker of the House to have received the second-highest national honour – Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger (GCON) – which was hitherto mostly reserved for the Vice-President, President of the Senate, the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), some distinguished Nigerians, and international figures. All thanks to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, who upgraded the initial Commander of the Federal Republic (CFR) to GCON. This gesture was not only a vote of confidence in Speaker Abbas and his leadership; it corrected a longstanding anomaly in the national/constitutional hierarchy.

    Indeed, as an academic, Speaker Abbas has not only provided leadership in the 10th House, but the chamber has witnessed peace and stability under him. That confirms his popularity and acceptability among his colleagues.

    There is a common saying among analysts of Nigerian politics: ‘Enough of professional politicians. Let’s have professionals in politics.’ Indeed, Nigerians have seen many on the political scene who are known for none other than politics and politicking. Some were even born into political families: the chip off the old block, they are called.

    There are also those who found themselves in politics by providence. Rt. Hon. Abbas Tajudeen is one of the few. And if providence were a human being, it would have been proud of him.

    • Baiyewu is the Chief Press Secretary of the Speaker of the House of Representatives.

  • Uwais: An advocate of electoral reform goes home

    Uwais: An advocate of electoral reform goes home

    With the passing of former Chief Justice Muhammad Lawal Uwais, Nigeria mourns a jurist whose quiet strength shaped law, democracy, and national integrity. Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI examines the life and times of the departed elder statesman

    With the passing of Justice Muhammad Lawal Uwais (GCON), former Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), the nation has lost not only a jurist but also a statesman—one who viewed the law not as a tool of power but as a compass for justice.

    Justice Uwais passed away six days before his 89th  birthday last Friday, marking the end of an era in Nigeria’s legal history. A towering figure in the judiciary and one of the finest minds to grace the Supreme Court bench, his legacy is defined by integrity, judicial courage, and an enduring contribution to Nigeria’s democratic framework.

    Transformative role

    He played a transformative role in Nigeria’s legal and political evolution, not only through landmark rulings but through visionary leadership in electoral reform. As chair of the Electoral Reform Committee, established in 2007 by the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, he led a team that set a new benchmark for conducting elections with transparency and credibility. Members of that committee included the Bishop of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Sokoto, Mathew Hassan Kukah; former chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof. Attahiru Jega; and lawyer and human rights activist, Dr. Olisa Agbakoba (SAN).

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu described Uwais as “a compass of constitutional order who defended the law without fear or favour”. The Nigerian Bar Association also hailed him as “a titan of justice whose voice strengthened democracy”. Even critics of the judiciary agree that Uwais left the institution stronger than he found it.

    Early life and education

    Born on June 12, 1936, in Zaria, Kaduna State, Uwais came of age during Nigeria’s transition from colonial rule to independence. His early education in Zaria, followed by legal training in London, forged a disciplined and rigorous intellect. He was called to the English Bar at the Middle Temple in 1963 and to the Nigerian Bar the same year, thereby beginning a four-decade journey of service to law and nation.

    His judicial career commenced in 1966 at the Northern Nigeria Ministry of Justice. By 1973, he had become a Judge of the High Court of the former North Central State. In 1979, he was appointed to the Court of Appeal and, later that same year, to the Supreme Court. His rise to Chief Justice in 1995 marked the beginning of one of the most consequential tenures in Nigeria’s judicial history. He retired in 2006, making him the second-longest-serving CJN.

    Read Also: Tinubu orders security chiefs to restore peace in Benue

    Guardian of judicial independence

    One of Justice Uwais’s most defining qualities was his steadfast commitment to judicial independence. In an era when military regimes exerted suffocating control over state institutions, he maintained a stance of principled neutrality and quiet defiance. He shielded the judiciary from overt political interference, insisting on the sanctity of due process and the clear separation of powers.

    Under his leadership, the Supreme Court asserted its constitutional authority in pivotal cases. His jurisprudence reflected an unwavering commitment to the rule of law and the protection of citizens’ rights, even in politically turbulent times.

    While many decisions bore his influence, notable cases such as INEC v. Musa (2003) reinforced the autonomy of Nigeria’s electoral commission. Even the post-retirement decision in Attorney-General of the Federation v. Abubakar (2007)—a case concerning executive authority—reflected a constitutional clarity and boldness shaped by the judicial tone Uwais had helped establish.

    Architect of electoral reform

    Justice Uwais’s legacy extends beyond the courtroom. Following the contentious 2007 elections, President Yar’Adua appointed him to lead the Electoral Reform Committee. The outcome of the exercise, the “Uwais Electoral Reform Committee Report”, remains a cornerstone in the quest for credible elections in Nigeria.

    Its recommendations were bold and pragmatic. They include the establishment of an Electoral Offences Commission, technological integration such as electronic voting and result transmission, unbundling INEC into specialised commissions, and reforms to voter education and political financing.

    Though successive governments have only selectively implemented its proposals, the report remains a reference point for any genuine conversation about electoral integrity.

    Dr. Kayode Ajulo (SAN), Attorney General of Ondo State, who first announced Uwais’s passing in a viral online tribute, noted:

    “His call for an independent electoral commission was a vital measure designed to enhance transparency. He championed voter education, technological innovation, and fair financing—all aimed at making democracy more inclusive.”

    Legacy of modesty

    Despite his elevated status, Justice Uwais was known for humility and composure. Colleagues remember him as soft-spoken but firm, meticulous in his logic, and generous in mentorship. He never courted publicity but commanded respect—from court clerks to presidents.

    In a country often weakened by personality cults and theatrics, Uwais demonstrated that true authority rests on principle, not performance.

    Even after retirement, he remained engaged in public policy, serving on the National Judicial Council (NJC) and lecturing at legal institutions. His judgments are still cited regularly in courts across Nigeria. His insistence on legal clarity, procedural fairness, and judicial restraint continues to shape the ethical spine of the legal profession.

     Last of a golden generation

    Justice Uwais stood for order in chaos, for law amid lawlessness. He belonged to a generation that valued service over spectacle, substance over show. His death is a monumental loss, but his ideals remain a guidepost for those who believe in the rule of law.

    As Nigeria continues its journey toward democratic maturity and institutional reform, his legacy endures—not merely in the pages of law reports or reform documents, but in the hearts of all who yearn for a just society.

    May his life remind Nigerians that the law, at its best, is not an instrument of power, but of conscience.

  • Oyo APC governorship hopeful tours Ogbomoso zone

    Oyo APC governorship hopeful tours Ogbomoso zone

    An All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship aspirant in Oyo, Rtr. Colonel Gbenga Adegbola has embarked on strategic political tour to Ogbomoso zone of the state.

    The tour was to engage traditional rulers and party stakeholders in a bid to strengthen grassroots support for his aspiration.

    Highlight of the tour was a courtesy visit to the Soun of Ogbomosoland, Oba Ghandi Afolabi Olaoye, and a closed-door meeting with former Senator Ayoade Adeseun, who declared that the time has come for political power to shift from Ibadan to other long-marginalized zones.

    Speaking during Adegbola’s visit to his residence, Senator Adeseun, who represented Oyo Central in the Senate between 2011 and 2015, decried what he described as Governor Seyi Makinde’s lopsided development agenda.

    He criticised the concentration of state resources in Ibadan at the expense of other regions such as Oke-Ogun, Ibarapa, and Ogbomoso.

    According to him: “It is wrong to focus on 11 local governments and neglect 22 others. Let’s streamline our efforts to support one candidate in our party. And we should support whoever emerges as candidate to make our party victorious in the next governorship election.”

    He also challenged the popular narrative that Ibadan holds 52% of the state’s voting population.

    “That is a fallacy. Ibadan cannot have more than 30% of Oyo State’s voting strength. People from Ogbomoso, Oke-Ogun, and other regions reside in Ibadan. Look at Ekiti, Ondo, and Osun—none has had a governor from the capital city. It’s time Oyo State followed suit,” he asserted.

    While expressing admiration for Minister of Power, Bayo Adelabu, Adeseun maintained that the next Governor should emerge from outside Ibadan to ensure balanced development across the state.

    Adegbola, who recently joined the APC from his ward in Saki, said the aspiration is rooted in a desire to serve all regions of the state.

    He reiterated the importance of security, equity, and rural development in his agenda.

    He said: “Since joining APC, I’ve toured Oke-Ogun, Oyo, Ibarapa, and now Ogbomoso. I believe in a united Oyo State. In the military, we lived communally. I deeply respect Ogbomoso and its people — everyone from this land I served with was trustworthy. That makes this zone very special to me.”

    He further stressed the need for traditional institutions to be involved in policymaking and security coordination, criticizing the current administration’s disregard for royal fathers.

    Read Also: Medical professionals from US lift Delta communities with free surgeries

    During his visit, Adegbola met with several key traditional rulers including:
    The Alajaawa of Ajaawa, Oba Thompson Adeyeye Oyetunji (Olumole II); the Olopete of Opete, Oba Samuel Bamigboye; the Onipetu of Ijeru, Oba Sunday Oladapo Oyediran; the Olu of Obada, Oja-Oba, Oba Samuel Oyekunle

    Oba Ghandi Olaoye praised Adegbola’s foresight and early declaration.

    He said “Oyo is a complex state. To govern it, one needs strategic planning and broad consultation. I am glad you’re not a last-minute aspirant. Oke-Ogun has long been excluded. Let’s see what the future holds,” the monarch said.

    Adegbola was accompanied by party loyalists from Saki, Oyo, Ogbomoso, Ajaawa, Opete, and other communities across the Oyo North Senatorial District.

    Adeseun and the Soun emphasised the need for political unity within the APC, urging the people of Oke-Ogun and other zones to rally behind a single, viable candidate to challenge the Ibadan-dominant status quo.

    With political alignments already taking shape, Adegbola’s Ogbomoso tour and the growing call for power rotation underscore the intensifying build-up to what promises to be a fiercely contested 2027 governorship race in Oyo State

  • June 12, Dickson and challenges of Fubara’s reinstatement

    June 12, Dickson and challenges of Fubara’s reinstatement

    The camp of the suspended Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, waxed in an unusual expectation that Fubara would be reinstated on Thursday June 12, the Democracy Day. Their hope was high, though the source was unclear. The Simplified Family as members of the camp are fondly called had put everything in place to return to the Government House, Port Harcourt.

    Those, who spread the ‘renewed hope’ claimed that the President would lift the emergency rule during his nationwide broadcast as part of his democratic gift to the nation. They believed that the paragraphs containing the pronouncement had been written and that the President would read it.

    But the hope started ebbing away when the Presidency announced the cancellation of a formerly scheduled nationwide broadcast. President Tinubu would rather address a joint session of the National Assembly, the announcement said.

    Despite the fading hope, some members of the Simplified Family, still believed that at some points while reading his address to the National Assembly, the President would proclaim the end to an emergency rule in Rivers.

    In fact, everybody was glued to their television waiting for President Tinubu to order the Rivers Sole Administrator, Vice-Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas (retd) to vacate the Rivers Government House.

    But Tinubu dashed their hope. The President in his lengthy address said nothing about Rivers State. He neither mentioned Fubara nor the suspended members of the state House of Assembly throughout his speech. The Senate in its speech read by the Senate President, Chief Godswill Akpabio, failed to mention the Rivers case. Even the House of Representatives in its remarks read at the joint session also said nothing about Rivers.

    The only mention of Rivers on the Democracy Day was when the President transmitted communication to the Senate seeking confirmation for some appointments made by Ibas. President Tinubu in the letter sought confirmation for Ibas’ appointments of members of the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RISIEC), Rivers State Primary Healthcare Board, Rivers State Civil Service Commission and Rivers State Local Government Civil Service Commission.

    The letter was read on the floor of the Senate by Akpabio and was referred to the Ad-hoc Committee on Emergency Rule. The Senator representing Bayelsa West and former Governor of Bayelsa, Seriake Dickson, saw the letter read by Akpabio as provocative and wondered why the Senate President could read what he described as an undemocratic document on the Democracy Day.

    Dickson later on that day delivered his Democracy Day address accusing President Tinubu of missing a golden opportunity to restore democratic rule in Rivers State. Dickson, threw innuendoes at the President suggesting that for not mentioning anything about Rivers in his address, Tinubu was displaying undemocratic tendencies.

    But some persons quickly replied Dickson and reminded him of his undemocratic actions when he held sway in Bayelsa as the first two-term governor of the Ijaw homogeneous state. They remembered how Dickson led thugs that harassed and beat up a judge and lawyers including a pregnant lawyer at the Federal High Court in Yenagoa over a case he was interested in.

    A member of the Bayelsa State House of Assembly, Timi Agala-Omubo, criticised Dickson’s democracy day sanctimony and recalled how he failed to recognize minority opposition lawmakers in Bayelsa when he was the governor. He remembered that Dickson frustrated the inauguration of three members elected on opposition party platforms.

    He wrote: “I admire Sen. Henry Seriake Dickson for his dogged disposition to whatever course he believes in, and his courage to speak eloquently without fear. However; like most mortals if not all; he also has the two or many sides of man: probating and reprobating, blowing hot and cold depending on the circumstances when it favours him, and when it does not.

    “I picked the above part of his video as he bemoans his minority status in the Senate as he claimed to have been ignored by the Senate President. The Senator Dickson today is not different from the Governor Dickson who prevented three Assembly members-elect from being inaugurated into the 5th Bayelsa State House of Assembly for several months for no other possible reason, than that, they were of the minority APGA, Labour, and ADC  and not of his ruling party, PDP.

    “He is also not different from the Governor Dickson who in 2019 declared in public that he recognises only the 19 PDP members-elect into the 6th Assembly; and that the other four APC members-elect including myself were unknown to him, and unrecognised.”

    While some persons reminded Dickson of his many actions that trampled on democracy during his tenure as the governor, others queried his meddlesomness in the Rivers situation. According to them as a leader, who wanted the best for Fubara, he should have guided the suspended governor through the process of reconciliation instead of attempting to wear the messianic garb through his public oratory.

    Public commentators are reminding the likes of Dickson that only sincere and genuine reconciliation can abort the six-month emergency rule and bring Fubara back to his coveted office. Both Fubara and members of the House of Assembly must resolve their differences before they could begin to make case for their return to power.

    Read Also: Rivers situation shows democracy still delicate, requires protection, says Fubara 

    If President Tinubu had toed the path of Dickson by sidestepping reconciliation to restore the legislative and executive arms of government on the Democracy Day, Rivers would have returned to the trenches. The crisis would worsen. It would only lead to the resumption of the cat-and-rat relationship between the executive and the legislature and eventually culminate in the impeachment of Fubara with all the baggage of violence and bloodshed that would accompany it.

    Dickson seemed to have forgotten that the emergency rule was instituted to create a window for the warring arms of government to resolve their differences. What Dickson should have been concerned about is how far Fubara has gone with the reconciliation process.

    Besides, Dickson may have feigned ignorance of the Rivers emergency rule case at the Supreme Court. The matter is sub judice prohibiting the President from any interference. If Fubara and his team had deepened the reconciliation, they would have prevailed on the PDP governors, who are the plaintiffs in the matter, to withdraw the case as part of the peace process.

    People had expected that by now Fubara and his would have gone beyond holding meetings with Wike and President Tinubu to having roundtable discussions with the suspended Speaker Martins Amaewhule and other aggrieved members of the Rivers State House of Assembly. They had expected that Fubara by now would have made inroads into the leadership of the National Assembly and involve them in the peace process.

    Beyond the theatrics and showmanship, there are strong indications that the parties have not commenced proper reconciliation process.

    A principal officer of the suspended House of Assembly, who spoke in confidence, said Fubara had not held any reconciliatory meetings with the suspended lawmakers.

    He said: “You recalled that he met with his predecessor and Minister of FCT, Nyesom Wike, who told him to meet with other aggrieved stakeholders. He met with President Tinubu after meeting with Wike. But since then till now, the suspended governor had not met with anybody.

    “He recently went to see the President in Lagos, but that will not guarantee his coming back. If he even comes back, remember that the National Assembly has not passed the Rivers Budget. This means that the House of Assembly will also come back and the National Assembly will return the budget to the state Assembly and the crisis will continue.

    “As we speak, Fubara has not even met with those he himself called the three wise men. These men, OCJ Okocha, Sargent Awuse and Ferdinand Alabraba,  were instrumental to his election. So, no reconciliation has taken place”.

    A former Local Government Chairman of Emohua Local Government Area, Dr Chidi Lloyd, said there was nothing exciting about Fubara returning to office without reconciliation.

    Lloyd said no reconciliatory meeting had held between Fubara and other aggrieved soldiers adding that the practice of running to President Tinubu would not guarantee peace in Rivers. He insisted that Fubara was playing the ostrich explaining that even if he returned to office, the crisis would remain and the House of Assembly members would throw him out.

    Besides, Lloyd said subject matter of emergency rule was under suspension following the case at the Supreme Court between the PDP governors and President Tinubu.

    He said: “What is the hullabaloo about his coming back. He has been told many times to go and make peace. Assuming he comes back June 12, has the problem with the House Assembly been resolved.

    “The lawmakers will throw him out because there is nothing like the Chief Judge setting up any panel. The Supreme Court has already itemised all his sins. I am bothered about governance in Rivers. Others have moved on. See what is happening in Enugu and Delta States. That is our priority.

    “If he had met with the state Assembly, we would know. Fubara is playing the ostrich. Going to see the President and taking photograph, does it stop the problem? Why are they even expecting June 12? The governors have gone to the Supreme Court and the subject matter is under suspension. The President cannot take any decision that will affect the matter in court.”

    Indeed, genuine lovers of Fubara wants him back to a calm political atmosphere and in amicable relationship and understanding with the House of Assembly. They don’t want Fubara back to a cantankerous political environment that could lead to his removal from office.

    A former President of the Ijaw Youths Council (IYC) Worldwide has been courageously advising Fubara to show leadership in the reconciliation by driving the process. He said it would be dangerous for Fubara to return to office without first dispensing with the reconciliation process. He recalled that he had earlier advised Fubara to deepen the reconciliation after his first meeting with Wike.

    Eradiri, a Fellow of the Nigeria Society of Engineers (NSE), however, said he was disturbed to hear that Fubara had not advanced the reconciliation process.

    He said: “I was disturbed, shocked and surprised to hear that the suspended Governor Fubara has yet to hold reconciliatory meetings with some critical stakeholders such as the Speaker and members of the suspended House of Assembly, aggrieved Rivers elders and those local government chairmen, who were once in the same political family with him.

    “The recent media chat of Chief Wike is instructive and revealing especially where he said that Governor Fubara was doing reconciliation on television and radio. This for me is a low mark and does not sit well with the required antidote to resolve the crisis and return democracy to Rivers”.

    Eradiri, a former Commissioner for Youths and later Environment in Bayelsa, advised Fubara to sit up, show leadership by owning the reconciliation process and avoiding optics of showmanship capable of truncatating the Rivers peace process.

    “Suddenly, those who called themselves Fubara’s have resumed their singing and dancing and shows where the make remarks and cast innuendos inimical to any peace process. Fubara must discourage his supporters from engaging in similar political showbiz and busybody that worsened the crisis in Rivers”, he said.

    Eradiri said Fubara should be thinking of engaging with governors elected on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to withdraw the case they instituted at the Supreme Court on emergency rule against President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    He said: “This is where I think by now the reconciliation should progressed to. There is nothing the President can do on this matter because that case at the Supreme Court has tied his hands. The matter is sub judice and Fubara is expected to reach out to the governors to withdraw the matter as part of the reconciliation process.

    “Governor Fubara should also know that if he is reinstated without genuine reconciliation, the bad blood will continue and may lead to his impeachment. Lack of reconciliation will only return the state to a violent part and make nonsense of the emergency rule instituted to save him from impeachment”.

    It is high time Fubara surrounded himself with and listen to selfless leaders, who are capable of helping him navigate the reconciliation process. The suspended governor must distance himself from most of his aides, who are only interested in seeking ways to hurry him back to office for their selfish interests, but lack the courage to tell him the truth.

  • Lawal: Why we introduced political education in secondary schools

    Lawal: Why we introduced political education in secondary schools

    Kunle Lawal is a prominent Nigerian political figure and Executive Director of Electoral College Nigeria, where he leads the charge for political literacy, civic engagement, and democratic accountability. A tireless advocate for informed democracy, and former National Publicity Secretary of Kowa Party, Lawal spoke with Assistant Editor, Gbenga Bada, he opened up on his passion for educating and enlightening youths and adults on elections, voting and democracy.

    hat necessitated the need to start the Electoral College in Nigeria?

    We started the Electoral College Nigeria because of a glaring gap in our democracy was running on autopilot, and young people were mostly spectators. There was plenty of political noise but very little real political literacy. We realized that if we wanted a generation of transformational leaders, we had to build them from scratch. Electoral College Nigeria was born to be that training ground where patriotism meets governance, and capacity meets clarity.

    With the name “Electoral College,” many might mistake it for the U.S. Electoral College. Do they play the same role?

    That’s a common misunderstanding. The U.S. Electoral College is an institution for electing the president. Our Electoral College is about educating, enlightening, and empowering young Nigerians on governance, politics, and public service. We’re building a generation that will not just run for office but run it with competence and conscience and understand politics and governance

    “Young leaders are exposed to mechanics of budgeting, lawmaking, conflict resolution, and public service ethics…” Can you shed more light?

    Absolutely. Through our SUG Politeracy Cohorts, we simulate real-life governance situations. We show young leaders what a budget means not just on paper, but how it affects lives. They learn how to draft bills, debate ethically, resolve conflicts among student populations, and manage responsibility. We believe it’s better to make their first political mistakes here, where they learn from them, than when they’re holding national office.

    Has there been much achievement with the SUG Politeracy Cohorts?

    Without a doubt. Some of our alumni have gone on to lead student governments responsibly and this has led us to train their contemporaries so they could be successful in delivering leadership in the SUG , others have started policy-based NGOs, and many now serve as advisors at state levels. More importantly, they go back to their schools and communities and change narratives and shifting mindsets from “chop politics” to “serve politics.”

    What is the aim of expanding to secondary schools through Electoral College Nigeria clubs?

    Catch them young. That’s the mantra. By introducing political education in secondary schools, we help students see governance not as something far removed but as something they’re part of. It’s easier to build good citizens than to fix broken leaders.

    Has the purpose of institutionalising the project been achieved in six years?

    We’re close, but we’re not done. Institutionalisation isn’t just about survival,it’s about sustainability. We now have structure, reach, and impact. But until every Nigerian child knows the constitution like their school anthem, we’ll keep going.

    How many success stories do you have from the project and sub-projects?

    We’ve graduated over 140,000 individuals across Nigeria. Many have gone on to serve as aides, councillors, SUG presidents, and public policy advocates. Others are simply better citizens and empowered voters and advocates for justice. Our Electoral College Nigeria clubs and SUG cohorts have birthed at least 40 initiatives on campuses across the country. That’s real movement.

    How have you been funding the Electoral College Nigeria?

    Passion, partnerships, and personal sacrifice. We’ve received some donor support and private sponsorships, but much of it has been self-funded. We’ve partnered with people who believe in the mission. We’re not just asking for money.we’re offering a chance to invest in the future of Nigeria.

    Would you refer to yourself as a successful politician or educator?

    Both titles are flattering, but if I had to choose, I’d say I’m a nation builder. Education is the weapon I chose, and politics is the terrain I understand. I don’t care much about titles. I care that lives are changed and Nigeria moves forward.

    What are the next steps for Electoral College Nigeria?

    We’re launching in other african countries, creating digital learning platforms, and pushing for the National Political Literacy Curriculum in public schools. We’re also expanding our alumni network to act as mentors and community mobilisers. This isn’t just a programme, it’s an idea and ideas are bulletproof .

    Read Also: Oyo Assembly moves to curb use of mobile phones across secondary schools

    Tell us more about your recent anniversary and how your alumni support one another.

    Our sixth anniversary was a celebration of resilience. Alumni from across the country joined virtually and in person sharing stories of impact, growth, and transformation. We also made six bold predictions about Nigeria’s democracy. Alumni shared their journeys via videos, podcasts, written reflections, and photos. The most beautiful part? Alumni now employ, mentor, and collaborate with each other. They’re building the Nigeria we dream of together.

    What is your dream for a new Nigeria, and how can this be achieved?

    A Nigeria where competence is more powerful than connection, where service outweighs self, and where the constitution is not feared but followed. To get there, we must educate, empower, and embolden our citizens especially the youth and women

    During your anniversary, you made some bold predictions about Nigeria. Can you share them?

    Voter turnout will keep declining unless trust is restored. From 43.7% in 2015 to 26.7% in 2023, turnout risks falling below 25% by 2027 without reforms like transparent results and internal party democracy. Opposition coalitions will stay fragile and tactical. Groups like CUPP and OBIdients form quickly but lack ideology and long-term plans, letting the ruling party win by default. Elections will increasingly be decided in courts. Over 1,000 petitions in 2023 show politics is shifting from ballots to bench rulings, undermining public confidence. Urban youth will be vocal online but less engaged offline. Despite 70% of new voters being young, turnout is low. Without strong offline platforms and leadership training, online activism won’t translate to votes. Identity politics will worsen before it improves. Ethnic and religious divisions dominated 2023, but growing urban and youth pushback may bring issue-based politics by 2031. Micro-parties will grow as local power players. Smaller parties like YPP and LP are winning strategic local seats, shaping coalitions especially in state assemblies. In conclusion, democracy is a process, not an event. These trends demand reforms to strengthen institutions, boost political literacy, and prioritize integrity over opportunism.

    What are your other social interests?

    I’m a lover of Nigerian food and please don’t test me on soups! I’m a fan of Afrobeat, Amapiano, and old school R&B. I enjoy long road trips across the country.I’ve travelled to every state. I also unwind by mentoring young people and watching biographies of great leaders.

    Describe your typical day.

    I start early around 6:00 AM with morning reflections, catching up on the news, and some writing. By 8:00 AM, it’s meetings, strategy sessions, calls, or travel to programme sites. Evenings are for reading or speaking with fellows across the country. I sleep late but with purpose. I’m also an avid chess player and love football whether watching or playing with friends.