The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • Intrigues, power play stall appointment of new ministers

    Intrigues, power play stall appointment of new ministers

    Plans by President Goodluck Jonathan to appoint new ministers from the ranks of new members of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) appears not to be sitting well with some old stakeholders of the ruling party, reports Assistant Editor, Remi Adelowo

    The high expectations that trailed the defection of former Kano State Governor, Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau, from the All Progressives Congress (APC) to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is seemingly giving way to a feeling of frustration.

    Some weeks ago, Shekarau was formally admitted into the PDP by the national leaders of the party, led by President Goodluck Jonathan and the National Chairman, Adamu Muazu, at a zonal rally held in Kaduna.

    His defection to the PDP came on the heels of a similar exercise held in Sokoto during which a former governor of the state, Attaihiru Bafarawa, also a former chieftain of the APC, formally declared for the ruling party.

    The unexpected decision of the duo to leave APC followed their irreconcilable differences with the leadership of the major opposition party over the control of the party in their respective states.

    The Nation gathered that two of the agreements allegedly reached between the Presidency and the two former governors include their appointment as ministers and their recognition as leaders of the PDP in Kano and Sokoto respectively.

    But weeks after their entries into the PDP, some stakeholders of the party are allegedly kicking against their being made leaders of the party in the concerned states, sources disclosed.

    Findings by The Nation revealed that the situation in Kano is more complicated, a development that is allegedly giving the Presidency and national leadership of the party a serious concern.

    Intrigues and power play among leading stakeholders of PDP in the North West state, it was gathered, is said to be stalling the appointment of Shekarau, who, reports claim, has been penciled down as the substantive Minister for Education.

    Many of the old PDP members in the state, led by a former Speaker of the House of Representatives, Ghali Na’Abba, are alleged not to be comfortable with the proposed appointment of Shekarau as a minister and are alleged to be doing everything possible to stall the move.

    Sources disclosed that the defection of Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso from the PDP to the APC had initially ended the internal wrangling in the party, as members of his Kwankwasiya group followed him to his new party.

    The development, it was learnt, closed the chapter of rivalry between his group and those loyal to Ambassador Aminu Wali, who was recently appointed as the minister for foreign affairs.

    Shekarau’s defection to the party has, however, ignited a fresh crisis in the party, with some of the leading members alleging that the former governor is being accorded a preferential treatment by the Presidency.

    Some members, it was further gathered, are also happy that Shekarau is being positioned to replace another nominee from the state, Hajia Jemila Salik, who was dropped two days after her nomination was announced.

    The crisis got to its peak sometime ago when nine, out of the 11 members of the caretaker committee of the party, announced their resignation.

    In a letter addressed to the National Chairman of the party, the deputy chairman of the caretaker committee, Alhaji Shehu Wada Sagagi, said members of the caretaker committee had unanimously resigned their appointments to, in his words, “provide a platform of the integration of new and old members of the party.”

    He added that they resolved to resign their appointments at a meeting attended by all members of the committee, excluding the caretaker committee chairman, Dr. Hassan Kafayos.

    But contrary to the reason advanced, it was learnt that the mass resignation of the party’s interim executive may not be unconnected to the battle for control and clash of interests between Shekarau, Aminu Wali and Mohammed Abacha, son of the late dictator, Gen. Sani Abacha, who sometime last year defected to the party from the defunct Congress for Progressives Change (CPC).

    The current scenario in the Kano State chapter of PDP has subsequently delayed Shekarau’s appointment as a member of the Federal Executive Council (FEC), with not a few of the old members preferring Na’Abba or Salik.

    Like Kano, like Kwara

    The intrigues currently prevailing in the Kano PDP is also playing out in the Kwara State chapter, it was gathered.

    The selection of a businesswoman, Hajia Bola Shagaya, who is also one of the closest associates of the First Lady, Patience Jonathan, as the Leader of the party in the state, has thrown the party into a crisis.

    Allegedly uncomfortable with Shagaya’s leadership is a returnee member of the party, Gbemi Saraki, with other stakeholders, including the Senator representing Kwara South, Simeon Ajibola, Prof. Abdulrahman Oba and former Minister of Transport, Ibrahim Isa Bio.

    Those opposed to Shagaya’s role in the party believe she wields so much power because of her closeness to the seat of power at the centre despite not being known to be a politician.

    The wealthy businesswoman was the chief host at the reception of the President during his recent visit to Kwara State – a development believed to have angered old party members and supporters of Simeon Ajibola – the only PDP Senator in the state.

    Again, Shagaya was alleged to have selected members of the state delegation that visited the President at the Aso Rock Villa some weeks ago, and allegedly leaving out key members of the party.

    Beside the issue of leadership tussle, top Kwara PDP members are also alleged to be at daggers drawn on the 2015 governorship election and who fills the state’s slot in the federal cabinet formerly held by Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi, the erstwhile Minister of Sports.

    “The PDP has tripod problems. It’s not only about the ministerial slot, their problems are in three folds; they have leadership problem, they are also engaged in-fighting over the 2015 governorship ticket as well as the ministerial slot. I wonder how the party can work together. Unlike PDP, APC has a clear-cut leader,” a source close to affairs of the party said.

    While Gbemi Saraki is being touted as Abdullahi’s replacement, other stakeholders like Bio and Oba are also allegedly scheming for a ministerial position.

    Bio’s argument, it was learnt, is that Kwara North, where he comes from, should fill the ministerial slot rather than another party member from the Central senatorial zone where the immediate past minister, Abdullahi, Saraki, Oba, and a new defector into the party, Mr. Dele Belgore, (who is also allegedly lobbying for a ministerial position) hail from.

    The Nation also gathered that the fear among those kicking against Gbemi Saraki’s appointment is that she may use her position to hijack the party structures in the state to advance her governorship ambition.

    How the Presidency and the PDP national leadership resolve the imbroglio in its Kano and Kwara states chapters remains a matter of conjecture.

  • Succession battle hots up in Taraba

    Succession battle hots up in Taraba

    The succession battle is gathering momentum in Taraba State. Ahead of the governorship poll, the people of the South District are agitating for power shift. But, there are certain odds. Acting Governor Garba Umar form the North District is scheming to succeed ailing Governor Dambaba Suntai. Will the South’s consensus candidate beat the acting governor at the primaries? Correspondent FANEN IHYONGO examines the politics of succession in the Northeast state. TWO years ago, the succession battle started in Taraba State. Governor Dambaba Suntai was involved in a plane crash in October 2012. Since his deputy, Alhaji Garba Umar, became the acting governor, he has positioned himself as the heir to the throne, to the consternation of Suntai’s supporters. The governor, it is believed, favours power shift to the South Senatorial District. But, he is indisposed and cannot muster the strength to fulfil this dream. The acting govenor, who is from the North, is scheming to succeed his boss. This has led to a major rift between the Suntai and Umar camps. Umar’s emergence as the acting governor has altered the power-sharing arrangement in the state. Alhough the state does not practice zoning, the South District, which has not tasted power since the state was carved out from the defunct Gongola State 25 years ago, is pushing for power shift. Before the air crash, Suntai had made a case for the district to be given a chance to produce the next governor in 2015. Suntai hails from the Central Zone. His predecessor, Jolly Nyame, who hails from the North, ruled for 10 years. Suntai had argued that the fairest thing to do was to hand over to a successor from the South when he bows out next year after serving his two terms. But after he was hit by the blow of fate, Umar, who is from the North, has consolidated his hold on power. He is also kicking against power shift. Having tasted power in the last one and half years, Umar is interested in the party’s ticket for the election. Ahead of the election, Umar has declared his intention to run. His posters now adorn the streets. Other party chieftains are also warming up for the race in the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). This has generated tension as various interest groups are justifying their interests in the slot. To secure the ticket, Taraba South has decided to endorse a consensus candidate. The leaders of the zone explained that the move would enable the district to avoid splitting its votes at the primaries. They are also persuading their allies from other zones to support them. Following this resolution, the zonal PDP chapter has taken up the responsibility of searching for a suitable candidate that would effectively wrestle the ticket from the acting governor or other contenders from the Central and North. But, it has been a difficult assignment because the aspirants from the North are many. If Suntai is effectively in charge, his influence would have robbed off on the selection process. The governor, it is believed, would have rallied support for a suitable candidate and convinced the stakeholders to endorse him as the flag bearer. Party sources said that the leaders of the Southern Taraba Stakeholders Forum (STSF) have been holding meetings with the aspirants. “Our leaders are holding meetings with the aspirants from the zone. They are trying to mediate to avoid a situation where choosing a candidate for the contest would divide the ranks of politicians from the zone and lead to violence”, said a source. Also, the forum has released a 10-point criteria for selecting a consensus candidate for the zone. The leaders have also been moving round to sell the idea to the traditional rulers, community leaders and other stakeholders. If these guidelines are strictly adhered to, they believe that no aspirants from other zones would be the South’s consensus candidate. Following the release of the guidelines, fear has gripped some of the aspirants. If they fail to meet the conditions, they are likely to be screened out, a source said. According to the ‘Guidelines’, signed by the STSF’s spokesman, James Nwunuji, the consensus candidate must possess certain verifiable qualities. These include experience, sound academic credential, integrity and political clout. Nwunuji stresed: The consensus candidate must have the fear of God and sense of justice, fairness and equity; experience in both the private and public sectors; track record of verifiable and quantifiable achievements in the private or public sector or both; acceptability the people in the state, particularly the masses; good disposition and maturity in tackling conflicts and other sensitive societal issues. The candidate should not be over 60 years old and his ideas should not be anachronistic in modern day governance. “The candidate should know how the Federal Government works. He must have a good knowledge of the internal diversities of Taraba State. He must possess morality, based on a decorous character, not one with a record of wantonness, corruption, profligacy, criminality, thuggery, intimidation and harassment. “ He or she must not curry the favour of the likes of General Theophilus Danjuma, the PDP National Chairman Adamu Mu’azu, the committee saddled with the selection responsibility or even the STSF. Finally, the consensus candidate must have a vision to continue with the developmental strides of former Governor Jolly Nyame and Governor Danbaba Suntai in road construction, health, security, education, peace and unity and culture andtourism development.” The guidelines, Nwunuji said, would help the selection committee to do a thorough job. He said the forum’s approach has shown that “the governorship race is not all comers’ show.” According to the STSF, the committee has 40 members. Among them are five members from each of the five local governments-Ibi, Wukari, Donga, Takum and Ussa. There are also ‘special stakeholders’ and three members from Special Development Areas. Prominent aspirants from the South include Hon.Agbu Kefas, Senator Emmanuel Bwacha, Ephraim Kifasi and Darius Ishaku. A source said that they have submitted their Curriculum Vitae (CV) to the committee. They have also intensified their consultations with the stakeholders. According to a member of the committee, who spoke on a condition of anonymity, the committee has completed its assignment and handed its report to another sub-committee made up of 11 members. The sub-committee, which was given two weeks to submit its report, is likely to do so next week. Following the submission of the report, the two committees would meet to announce the South’s consensus candidate. Nwunuji said the consensus candidate will be the face of the zone at the primaries. He added: “The endorsement is by elimination method and the ast man or woman standing would carry the day. And all those that would not make it would have to rally support for the endorsed candidate.”

  • ‘Nigeria has a lot to learn from Ghana’

    ‘Nigeria has a lot to learn from Ghana’

    The New Patriotic Party (NPP) presidential candidate in the 2012 Ghanaian election, Nana Akufo-Addo, was in Lagos recently. He spoke with reporters on the political developments in his country and plans for the next election. Musa Odoshimokhe was there.

    WHAT’s the political situation in Ghana after the last election?

    One thing that we would continue to be grateful for is the peace and stability in Ghana. Activities in the political arena is very vibrant, but by and large there is relative peace, and this matters so much to us. I am in the opposition, so I would speak as one. What is going on is not very complimentary. I don’t think the administration is doing a good job, handling the successes we have made so far. So, elections of 2012 are now history. Our party, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the people are preparing for the next election, which would come in two years time. There are different versions of stories about what is happenning in Ghana. But the civil society in the country is doing a good job to ensure that Ghana is on course.

    What are the challenges facing the people of Ghana?

    The complain of majority of Ghanaians centre around the economy; particularly weakness of the cedi, our local currency. We have had some significant depreciation of our currency over time to the extent that it has put the government in financial crisis. Expectations have not been met. In a situation where prices are going up generally, salaries of public servants and workers generally have not been regular. We have salary arrears of many months pending. There is escalating cost of living; prices of essential commodities are going up. All these things are taking place against the background of the deficit in government spending. They have been visiting lots of difficulties on the ordinary people of Ghana.

    What about the power supply in Ghana?

    What happens in Nigeria, in terms of power supply, is not too different from what obtains in Ghana. The Lagos power problem is similar to the Accra problem.

    But not long ago Ghana celebrated uninterrupted power supply…

    We have not been able to manage the department very well. There is depreciation in the level of gas. The sector is not getting its best from this administration. The development of infrastructure is not taking place. This has created lots of problems. Power supply has been on the lowest ebb. The business community may not be able to function because the country has not functioned well. These are the difficulties; these are the issues that has entrenched the political debate in Ghana at the moment.

    If you are going to run for the next election in Ghana, have you given a thought to the challenges on ground?

    I am coming from a party that have track records. When we came into office in 2001, many of the failing phenomenons that we are seeing today were not there. We were there for eight years and we brought stability into Ghana. The business environment functioned more than we are seeing now. The issues are simple; first of all we are borrowing in Ghana at the compromise of the future of our country. Today, interest rate payment on government bonds, both domestic and foreign overshadows our revenue. And I am disappointed by this discovery. The ruling party that has been in power in the last five years has not really addressed issues that are germane to the development of our country. Looking back at the election year in 2012, we have a deficit of four billion dollars. The future of our country is what we should think about and how we are going to salvage it. I have examined myself and I see that I have the support of my party to serve Ghana and rescue the country from the dwindling socio-economic challenges that have continued to be our lot under the present government. I have the drive and energy, the commitment to give Ghanaians good leadership.

    What advantage do you have over other contestants?

    First of all, I would provide honest government. You have to get honest people around you to manage the affairs of government. Thus, you would ensure that those doing the job give honest service by their action and conduct. When you have a government without a critical attitude to corruption, then the government would not get it well. That is very important. Between the eight years that John Kufuor was in office, there was transparency in government business. We believe in prudent use of public fund. We brought down our door for easy access to us in government. We would ensure that the interest rate come down in order to improve the economy. We would ensure that there is discipline in order to make government function properly.

    You seem to be criticising the government because you are not there?

    There is no reason to do that. All the statistics I’m reeling out are verifiable. The interest rate, inflationary trend etc are not the thing you can manufacture. Beyond that, you and I know that the opposition is supposed to be the watchdog, to enable it to be accountable to the people. I am not just talking from both sides of my mouth. I am telling the truth. These are the facts that I have put before you and you should find out whether I am telling the truth or not. Then, you would know whether it is just criticism or my genuine concern about the management of the economy of Ghana. We don’t do that in our country. The opposition doesn’t just look away, but must be seen to be doing its job.

    What do you think Nigeria and Ghana can learn from each other?

    Let us start with what Nigerian can learn from Ghana. The most important thing is our growing democracy. We have been able to supervise a peaceful transfer of power between the main contending parties. This has given very important impetus to the development of our democracy and our people. This has been done without violence, without external intervention. You have not had that experience here. It is an important phenomenon; it will be nice to see something like that happens in Nigeria. I think that is the biggest lesson Nigeria can learn from Ghana. We have achieved that twice in the first republic and also very recently. And, talking about what we can learn from Nigeria, I think we should all look at how we can use the resources of our countries to develop.

  • My agenda for Delta, by Tilije

    My agenda for Delta, by Tilije

    Delta State All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship aspirant Sir Fidelis Tilije has unfolded his agenda for the state. The highlights are free education, free health services, job creation and security. EMMANUEL OLADESU reports.

    Foremost banker and politician Sir Fidelis Okenmor Tilije has a vision for Delta State. The oil-rich state, he said, deserves the benefits of development. In post-Uduaghan era, the state must be led by a governor who can extend a duty of care to his neighbour, he added.

    Tilije is of the opinion that only his party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), can give a better leadership as from next year. Unfolding his ambition for governorship, inAsaba, the state capital, he said: “If God grants my prayer, I will lead Deltans and Delta State to our enviable position of first among the Nigerian states”.

    The financial expert has intensified his consultations with stakeholders in the heterogeneous state. He is armed with a roadmap christened: “For your neighbours’ sake”. These programmes mirror the APC mission statement encompassing national security, conflict resolution, national unity and social harmony, job creation and economic development, agriculture and food security, industrialisation, infrastructural development, education and health, social security, youth, women and cultural development , environment and foreign policy.

    The line of demarcation is that Tilije’s blueprint has taken into cognisance the peculiarity of the coastal state. The first critical task, in his view, is redirecting the morality of the people. This is important because public morality is at a low ebb. In Delta, the love of money has taken the central stage. The culture of theft and graft in high places is worrisome. Militants are also on the prowl. Kidnapping is a brisk business. “As a people, our morals have over the years gone from good to bad and indeed, at the worst level today. It cannot be worse than it is today”, he lamented.

    But, what is the solution? The politician unfolded plans to set up a campaign aimed at fostering good manners. This, he said, can be achieved through zero tolerance for corruption, respect for education and knowledge, promoting the dignity of labour, reducing the craving for primitive accumulation and enforcing community disciplinary system.

    In Delta, unemployment is a major problem. There is a link between joblessness and crime rate. If elected as the governor, Tilije said that he would resolve the challenge through job creation. He said the starting point is infrastructural development, adding that, when the state becomes a huge construction site, there will be jobs for both skilled and unskilled workers. “We shall within our means make the major cities construction sites. In Asaba, the capital, we will tar all medium and major roads and do their drainages, streetlights and traffic lights. We will open the major Onitsha/Agbor road and clean up the environment”, he said.

    To ease the traffic grid lock in Warri, the aspirant said that his government would urgently construct three short overhead bridges and complete the dualisation of Warri/Eku road. He also said that all federal constituency headquarters would be given city status, in terms of provision of amenities.

    Tilije promised to boost agricultural development and food security by providing an enabling environment that will support the mordernisation of agriculture. “We will support the establishment of two farming cooperative societies in each local government. We will massively inject guaranteed funds into this sector in the first year, but with sufficient monitoring with a view to introducing full commercial farming. We shall support the preservation, processing and canning of agricultural products”, he added.

    The politician believes that any government that neglects entrepreneurial and vocational training does so at the peril of the society. To support youths with low educational qualifications, Tilije promised to embark on massive vocational training in small scale business. He said that his government will also pursue the industrialisation of Asaba, warri, Sapele/Koko, Burutu, and Kwale. He was however, silent on how to translate the dream into reality.

    Tilije’s plans for the education sector is similar to what those before him had promised the state. He promised to raise the standard of teaching and learning, renovate 10 primary schools and five secondary schools in each local government, provide free primary and secondary education and one meal per day to pupils as it is being done in Osun State. He said that, in the second year, he would consider the possibility of extending free education to the tertiary institution.

    Health is wealth. Thus, the APC chieftain believes that Delta State should enjoy free medical services. “We believe that the state has the capacity to provide free health to its citizenry. However, we shall pronounce and ensure on our first day in office the provision of full free healthcare for babies and children up to and through primary school age. In our second year, all the secondary schools will have clinics. We shall also provide free medical care to senior citizens who are 65 years and above”, he added.

    In Tilije’s reckoning, peace and security are critical to development. In Delta, security of life is often threatened by kidnapping and other crimes. Other states are not insulated too from these horrors. The aspirant promised to enthrone justice, adding that this is the first criterion for peace. This promise is essential in the heterogeneous state. He also promised to tackle corruption, punish offenders by invoking the spirit of the law, support police to maintain law and order and the judiciary to achieve quick dispensation of justice, and pay unemployment allowance to unemployed graduates.

    The APC chieftain said that these goals are achievable. What is important, he stressed, is the prudent management of resources. “With zero tolerance for corruption and the rebirth of ethical values, a lot of leakages will be blocked and more resources made available. Moreover, as Deltans begin to see effective and positive changes in governance, more revenue are likely to be generated internally”, he added.

    Tilije is not a professional politician. Many stakeholders perceive him as a professional in politics. The 56 years old politician from Abbi, Ndokwa local government, is a banker, marketer, stockbroker, teacher and philanthropist. In 1983, he graduated from the University of Lagos, Akoka, where he studied Banking and Finance. He obtained a Masters Degree in Corporate Finance from the same institution in 1985.

    Also, in that year, he began his working career as a teacher at the Lagos State Polytechnic, Isolo. In the school, he taught Comparative banking, Business mathematics and Elements of Banking. In 1987, he left for the Securities and Exchange Commission. He left there as an Assistant Manager. In 1991, he became an Assistant Manager at the Merchant Bank of Africa. He headed the Investment Banking Department. Later, he was promoted into the position of the Deputy Manager.

    From the Merchant Bank, he moved to the First City Merchant bank, now First City Monument Bank PLC. That was in June 1994. He left there as an Assistant Manager and Head, Corporate Finance Department. In 1997,he left for the United Bank for Africa (UBA), where he became the Chief Banking Officer. In 1999, Okenmor became the Managing Director and Chief Executive officer of Fortune International Bank PLC.

    Following his retirement, he joined the Democratic Peoples Party (DPP). He was selected as the running mate to the governorship candidate, Chief Great Ogboru, in 2011.

  • Osun PDP in disarray over Omisore’s ambition

    Osun PDP in disarray over Omisore’s ambition

    The Osun State Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has been polarised over its recent governorship primaries. ADESOJI ADENIYI examines the implication of the post-primary crisis on the preparations of the troubled chapter for the poll.

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Osun State has not been the same since the race for the party’s ticket for the August 9 governorship election began. Four stalwarts initially signified intention to run for the election on the crisis-ridden platform. The aspirants are Senator Iyiola Omisore, former Minister of Youths Development Senator Olasunkanmi Akinlabi, former member of the House of Representatives, Hon. Oluwole Oke and former Secretary to the Government, Alhaji Akinade Akinbade, who has now defected to the Labour Party (LP). Former Governor Adetunji Adeleke joined the race about four weeks ago on the claim that he was called upon by the Presidency and the PDP leadership to do so.

    Senator Omisore had an edge over others. All the odds were stacked in his favour. For instance, he was believed to have installed the party’s executive committee led Alhaji Ganiyu Ola-Oluwa. He is seen as the major financier of the party. Even the state party secretariat, which doubles as the campaign office of President Goodluck Jonathan along Gbongan Road, is Omisore’s property, which he donated to the party. His political structure has always been made available to party members, including Prince Oyinlola.

    Omisore and Akinbade have been bidding his time to occupy the governor’s seat. They have been waiting in the wings, since the expiration of Oyinlola’s tenure. It was the November 26, 2010 judgment of the Court of Appeal, which sacked the Oyinlola, that put their ambitions on hold. This explains why Omisore has been so aggressive to get the plum job. He has also been struggling to shed the toga of a daring, fierce and violent politician.

    But it was perhaps the ambition of Senator Adeleke that further put things asunder for Omisore. A few weeks to the primary, Adeleke had claimed that he was the anointed candidate of the President. Omisore’s supporters had objected to the claim. Some PDP members are blaming Adeleke for the latest crisis in the party. They allege that he is being sponsored by the All Progressives Congress (APC) to spoil show for Omisore, who by all calculations, had the backing of the state executive committee for the job.

    However, Adeleke had denied that he was being sponsored to spoil Omisore’s chance. He said it was obvious that none of the aspirants could deliver the state for the PDP, except him. Omisore’s machinery for the governorship election has been in place a long time ago and he has spent so much money on it. Thus, one can say that Omisore is at the centre of the crisis threatening to tear the PDP apart in Osun State. Two days to the primaries, one of the aspirants, Oke, petitioned the Chairman, Congress Appeal Committee over the result of the April 2 Ward congress. He insisted that he wanted justice and fairness. Oke alleged that Olaoluwa worked for his colleague, Omisore. He described the result as a charade. In a statement by the Publicity and Media Committee of his Wole Oke Capaign Organisation (WOCO), he complained that the congress was “highly manipulated and despicably concocted by the s Olaoluwa, in favour of his sole chosen aspirant, Omisore.” Oke explained that he rejected the congress, owing to lack of transparency in the selection of ‘Electoral and Returning Officers’ and refusal of the party chairman to liaise with local government party chairmen, contrary to the directive of the Electoral Panel.

    Oke said: “Electoral and returning officers for the exercise were selected solely by the state Chairman, Alhaji Gani Olaoluwa. The list reveals that those who were selected to serve were chosen from known members of Omisore Youth Solidarity Forum (OYSF) and Omisore Grand Mobilisers (OGM). Whereas, the equitable thing to do would have been to get local government party chairmen to nominate names to the party secretariat. Our proof of this allegation is rooted in the fact that, as grassroot politicians, we know ourselves, and so, we recognise the individuals involved. The electoral and returning officers did not report to the local government party chairmen, but simply reported to Senator Omisore’s ‘Local government Coordinators,’ who simply filled the result sheets with prepared names.

    “In many councils, agents of other aspirants alleged that there was no voting, but manipulation and falsification of results by Omisore’s hired thugs. All representatives of other aspirants reported that the electoral and returning officers made use of photocopy result sheets, instead of the original required by the rules, which gave room for manipulation and distortion of results. The state secretary, who was supposed to sign and vet all results, by virtue of his position under the party constitution, Major Raphael Towobola (rtd.), remained suspended by Alhaji Gani Olaoluwa against an instruction from the National Working Committee for him to be reinstated without further delay. Against the backdrop of the fact that the failure, success and credibility of primaries depends on the outcome of the ward congress, it is clear that the manipulation of the congress of Wednesday 2nd April, 2014 by Alhaji Olaoluwa has effectively skewed the primaries to favour an aspirant. The so-called congress was not transparent, unfair and incredible.”

    Also, few days to the shadow election, Adeleke and his men were allegedly beaten up by Omisore supporters. The former governor alleged that the Minister of Police Affairs, Alhaji Jelili Adesiyan, believed to be a staunch supporter of Omisore, allegedly ordered his men to search Adeleke’s aides ,who had come to a popular hotel in Osogbo, where the aspirants came to meet a five-man electoral committee led by former Governor of Kebbi State, Senator Adamu Aliero, to preside over the exercise. Adeleke claimed that he was beaten up by one Sogo Agboola, Adesiyan and Omisore. But, Adesiyan said it was case of two fighting between Agboola and Adeleke.

    Omisore’s supporters also alleged that Adeleke came to the hotel with thugs to disrupt the meeting convened by the electoral committee. On the eve of the primaries, Adeleke called his supporters to his country home and announced his withdrawal from the race. He said he decided to boycott the exercise, owing to insecurity. He said he could not endanger the lives of his followers because of “an aspirant’s desperation and determination to maim and kill in order to secure the Osun State PDP’s governorship ticket at all costs.”

    Adeleke added: “The devil had taken control of Senator Iyiola Omisore, who is ready to kill to emerge as the party’s candidate.” He reiterated the allegation that the party machinery had been hijacked to favour Omisore, stressing his decision not to participate in the primary was not an act of cowardice or fear. Adeleke said when the party decides to organise a transparent contest in the future, he may decide to participate.

    When the result of the primary poll was released, Omisore was declared the winner with 1,128 votes, out of 1280 votes expected from the delegates. Two contestants, Akinlabi and Oke, scored 35 and 5 votes respectively and 18 void votes were recorded.

    Omisore said his victory was for the PDP members. He commended his co-contestants for their maturity. He said that the contest showed that the PDP was set for the governorship election.

    But, before the shadow election, Akinlabi and Oke, said the process should be reviewed because the party leadership had allowed all contestants to expend their resources on the exercise. They said that the resources should have been deployed to prosecute the governorship election.

    The genesis of the crisis in Osun PDP is traceable to the 2011 senatorial contest. Many had opposed the candidature of Adeleke and Omisore, claiming that new blood would have made an impact than the old brigade. Omisore lost to Senator Jide Omoworare in Ife/Ijesa District. Adeleke lost to Senator Mudashiru Hussain in Osun Central District.

    Fears are rife that the oppostion party may go to the election as a divided fold. Adeleke is popular in his Ede area and he may mobilise the people to vote for another party, if reconciliation between him and Omisore fails. Already, he had vowed to take Omisore and Adesiyan to court for an alleged assault before the primaries.

    Also, in the PDP, there are many chieftains who believe that the chapter may attract a negative perception, with Omisore as the candidate. They believe that Omisore is too controversial and the ruling party may invade the media with propaganda against his candidature.

    Analysts believe that, if the post-primary crisis is not resolved, the divided party may pay dearly for it at the poll.

  • Battle for Southwest’s soul

    Battle for Southwest’s soul

    The stage is set for the governorship polls in Ekiti and Osun states. Ekiti State Governor Kayode Fayemi and his Osun State counterpart, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola, are seeking second term on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC). Their challengers are Mr Ayo Fayose and Senator Iyiola Omisore, who are running on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI and Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN examine their chances at the polls.

    EKITI and Osun states are warm-ing up for governorship elec-tions.

    On June 21, voters would troop out in Ekiti for the exercise. On August 9, the people of Osun would have another opportunity to elect a governor.

    The two elections are a prelude to the next year’s general elections.

    In the Southwest geo-political zone, three parties are on the track. They are the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the Labour Party (LP).

    Going by contemporary political history of Ekiti State, Governor Kayode Fayemi faces a herculean task in the electoral contest. For one reason or the other, successive governors in the state were not able to secure a second term. So, the question on the lips of many observers is: Can Dr. Fayemi break the second term jinx?

    The PDP wants to regain control of the two states, where it was dislodged four years ago. The drafting of Mr Ayo Fayose into the race in Ekiti, eight years after he was impeached under controversial circumstances, to face Fayemi has been greeted with mixed feelings. For some observers, it suggests that the PDP is desperate to stage a comeback. This is based on Fayose’s antecedents in Ekiti politics.

    For others, it indicates that Fayose is in the race to serve as a spoiler for Fayemi by collaborating with the candidate of the Labour Party, Opeyemi Bamidele. If this happens, analysts reckone the governor must put in extra effort to retain his seat.

    Fayose’s tenure in office as governor was largely bedeviled by controversies, which ultimately culminated in his ouster through impeachment. The former governor, however, maintains that it was former President Olusegun Obasanjo who masterminded his removal. Analysts say youthful exuberance and arrogance were his greatest undoing. Fayose saw himself above others and talked down on power brokers, including the Ado-Ekiti monarch, it was said. As a result, he stepped on toes and cared less about what the victims felt about it.

    Those conversant with Ekiti politics say Fayose is a cat with nine lives. “He is a man who is used to pulling surprises; he has the ability to survive under the most severe and adverse conditions,” one of such observers noted. For instance, in 2003, when he entered the race to unseat Otunba Adeniyi Adebayo of the Alliance for Democracy (AD), no one gave him a chance. He was widely regarded as a greenhorn, who was pitched against a party that literarily had the entire Southwest under its firm grip. But, Fayose surprised everyone, when he successfully unseated Adebayo.

    But, how far Fayose can go in securing another four-year mandate is another matter. He was declared winner of the primary election, amidst protests from other aspirants, who boycotted the poll, based on the allegation that the leadership of the party had skewed the process to favour Fayose. Such aggrieved PDP members have vowed to stop him.

    A member of the PDP said: “I’m a card carrying member of PDP and I can tell you with all sense of responsibility that with Fayose, we would not even come third in Ekiti election. This is a state that is well enlightened and would never tolerate a Fayose because of his antecedents during his first term.”

    He added: “All my friends working for Fayemi popped Champagne when they received the announcement of Fayose’s candidacy,” the source who pleaded for anonymity said.

    The permutation of close watchers of Southwest politics is that there may be more to the emergence of Fayose in Ekiti and Omisore in Osun than meets the eye. Against the backdrop of what played out in Ondo and Anambra states, where the PDP candidates played the spoiler roles, they say a similar game plan may be in the offing in Ekiti and Osun. During the Anambra governorship election, for instance, Tony Nwoye, who was the PDP candidate, did not get adequate support to guarantee his electoral success from his party. The same fate befell Olushola Oke in Ondo State. Funds needed to prosecute the election did not come to them on time. In the two states, the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) and the LP won the elections with alleged tacit support from the PDP and the Federal Government.

    Ahead of 2015 general elections, indications are that the PDP is strategising to reclaim the Southwest from the APC. It was learnt that President Goodluck Jonathan had commissioned the LP to dislodge the APC in the region. LP, according to sources, is to infiltrate the APC and win some of its disenchanted members to the LP, particularly after primaries. Governor Olusegun Mimiko, the only LP governor, it was said, was to join the ruling PDP early this year, but has changed his mind. There are strong indications that under the new plan, he is to stay put in the LP and extend the party’s tentacles to other states in the Southwest.

    In Ekiti, a member of the House of Representatives, Opeyemi Bamidele, has dumped the APC for the LP, where he has picked the governorship ticket to run against Fayemi . In Osun State, Omisore was reportedly favoured by the LP to run for the governorship on its platform. Though Omisore is running on the platform of the PDP, he was said to be in alliance Dr Olusegun Mimiko, with the Ondo State governor, who has been a long term friend of the former since their university days.

    Indeed, it is believed that what is happening in Ekiti and Osun is part of the party’s build up towards the 2015 general elections.

    In Ogun, the President has picked former governor Gbenga Daniel, who has already defected to the LP with his supporters as the arrow head to present a formidable candidate against the APC Governor, Ibikunle Amosun, in 2015 general elections. In Oyo State, the LP has been working with the opposition Accord Party (AP) led by Senator Rasheed Ladoja to stop the re-election of Governor Abiola Ajimobi in 2015.

    A source disclosed that the alternative plan put in place by the President’s strategists is that, where a consensus candidate cannot be agreed upon within the PDP, the platform of the LP would come in as a back-up. In this wise, the PDP and the LP have a working agreement for the LP to declare their support for the PDP when election comes. The source added that, in return for the working relationship, the Presidency would bank roll LP activities in the zone to ensure that the party gives the APC a run for its money.

    But, a social critic, Bernard Briggs, described the PDP’s plan to regain power in the Southwest as wishful thinking. According to him, no amount of money PDP would make the it gain power. Briggs said the PDP has never had any stronghold in the Southwest. “What happened in 2003 was that Obasanjo as President used the federal might to rig the election, so that, he, as the President, could have a political base,” he added.

    Against this background, what really is the PDP up to in the Southwest, particularly in Ekiti and Osun states? The party is believed to be facing a crisis of credibility in the Southwest for two reasons. One: its performance while it was at the helm of affairs in the region is being called to question by the ruling party in the region. Secondly, the region appears to be marginalised, in terms of the distribution of elective offices and federal appointments. Besides, former President Olusegun Obasasnjo and his followers in the region do not belong to the mainstream of the party.

    Briggs said the performance of the APC governors has made the region a no-go area for any other party. In Lagos, Ogun, Oyo to Osun and Ekiti, the governors have raised the bar of governance in this country. “You need to visit these states for you to appreciate the superlative performances of these progressive governors,” he said, adding: “What has PDP governors done in their state that would attract the Yoruba, the most enlightened set of people in the country to dump APC? What has the Jonathan administration achieved in the last six years to sell the PDP in the Southwest? He said the outcome of the 2015 general elections would be decided by the performance of the political parties and not the amount of money doled out to bribe people. “Nigerians are wiser now. If you give them money or bags of rice, they will take and vote according to their conscience,” he added.

    However, former Southwest PDP Caretaker Committee Chairman Chief Ishola Filani said the party can win elections in the zone in 2015, provided it takes advantage of the situation on ground. He said: “we are greater in population than the opposition parties put together. Our problem has been our inability to harness our strength and counter the propaganda of the opposition.” Filani said that, with the leadership restructuring, proper mobilisation and propaganda machinery that would match that of the APC, the party would capture the Southwest.

    “The President’s performance is a plus for us in the Southwest. He is doing well. He is a humble and determined person, who does not believe in flamboyance. That is why some people are under assessing him. But, when you look at what he has been able to achieve and his developmental programmes in education, agriculture, aviation and creation of job opportunities, you would realise that President Jonathan is a very good leader.

    A student activist, Mr. Lanre Adisa, disagreed with Filani’s postulation. He said:” PDP’s plan to reclaim the Southwest in 2015 is a mirage. What did the party achieve in the zone when it was in power for eight years? It was an era of retrogression. No sensible person in the Southwest would pray for a return of the dark era.

    “PDP never had a foothold in the Southwest. The elections it claimed to have won in 2003 and 2007 were shamelessly rigged in connivance with the electoral commission under the supervision of Professor Maurice Iwu. That was why the PDP’s victory didn’t last. The party stole the peoples mandate, which it relinquished when it’s time was up.

    Fayemi kicked-off his re-election campaign before a mammoth crowd in Ado Ekiti two weeks ago. At the rally, he canvassed for the support of the people based on his achievements in the infrastructural development, education, healthcare and youth empowerment. In terms of performance, the governor said he towers above his rivals in other parties. Alluding to the antecedents of his major opponent, Fayemi noted that he has brought transparency and accountability to governance adding, that no official of his administration has been summoned by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, (EFCC).

    He said: “The advantage I am having is that I am running on record and there are people who will promise heaven and earth but I can tell you what I have done in education and how I have banished poverty among our elderly people.” The governor added: “I can tell you what I have done in infrastructure, how we have transformed Ikogosi Warm Spring to an international tourist centre, how we have empowered our women, how we have revived our industries.” Fayemi called on the people of Ekiti to be mindful of where they were coming from, adding: “We don’t want to return to the dark days of one week, one trouble.”

    But, the PDP is not impressed by Fayemi’s track record. The party insists that, contrary to the impression being created in the media, the administration has not really impacted positively on the lives of Ekiti people. “The government of Kayode Fayemi has incurred a huge debt that the state may not be able to repay in the nearest future because the funds were used for very wasteful and unnecessary projects like building a new Government House. They are not revenue-yielding projects that would help to repay the debts and ultimately impact on the lives of the people,” said PDP supporter.

    However, the PDP is in crisis in Ekiti and Osun. Their governorship primaries were rancorous.

    The internal wrangling in the party may mar its chances at the polls. The 13 aggrieved governorship aspirants in Ekiti, have told the party’s national leadership to forget about reclaiming the state, since it has decided to ratify the election of Fayose as its candidate. Tunji Olatunde, the campaign manager of one of the aspirants, Senator Gbenga Aluko, said categorically that “the PDP cannot win Ekiti State with Fayose and I am sure they know it”.

    Many believe that the LP candidate and member of the House of Representatives, Bamidele, is also a factor.

    But one thing that will work in Fayemi’s favour is the incumbency factor. A stakeholder, Jegede Akano, said: “The devil you know is better than the angel you do not know. The governor has the opportunity to say this is what I have done in the state, which others do not have. This goes to say that Fayemi has better chances.” At the last APC membership registration in Ekiti State, over 200,000 members were said to have been registered. Meanwhile, the total number of registered voters in Ekiti is 649,000. The result of the last election in the state put the total numbers of votes polled by the two leading candidates in excess of 200,000. If the APC membership registration figure is anything to go by, it would not be arithmetically wrong, to place the chances of the governor high.

    Traditionally, the Southwest is the base of the progressives. Right from the First Republic the politics of the region was dominated by the Action Group (AG) founded by the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, a party that prided itself of good welfare pro-grammes, including free education and free medical service. Analysts contend that it was the welfare programme of the AG, which transformed the region. It also made the people of the Southwest to embrace the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) led by Chief Awolowo in the Second Republic. UPN won election in Lagos, Ogun, Oyo, Ondo and even Bendel states. The four cardinal programmes of UPN – free education at all levels, free medical service, gainful employment and rural integration development – became household words in the region while its implementation endeared the people to the part leadership.

    In the aborted Third Republic, the Yoruba pitched their tent with the Social Democratic Party (SDP), whose manifesto was identical with Awolowo’s philosophy. It was not surprising therefore, that, in 1999, when the military lifted ban on politics, the Yoruba embraced the Alliance for Democracy (AD) because its ideology was similar to ideology of the AG, the UPN and the SDP. Thus, in 1999, the AD swept the polls in the Southwest.

    But, in 2003, the PDP hijacked power in the zone, using the federal might. Only Lagos State survived the onlaught. The AD chieftains claimed that the polls were rigged in Ogun, Oyo. Ondo, Osun and Ekiti states.

    In 2007, the Action Congress (AC), which later became the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), won elections in Lagos, Osun and Ekiti states. But, victory was alloted to the PDP. In 2010, the stolen mandates were retrieved from the interlopers.

    Also, in 2011, the ACN, which has now transformed into the APC, won the governorship pols in Oyo and Ogun states.

     

  • Southwest as progressives’ stronghold

    Southwest as progressives’ stronghold

    The All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) are locked in a battle of supremacy in the Southwest. The proposed governorship polls in Ekiti and Osun states, which is the first plase of the battle, will reveal their strengths and weaknesses, ahead of the 2015 general elections Group Political Editor  EMMANUEL OLADESU reports.

    The All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) are warming up for battle in the Southwest geo-political zone. On June 21, eyes will be on Ekiti State, where voters will troop out from 130 towns and villages to make a choice. The candidates are Governor Kayode Fayemi (APC), Mr. Ayodele Fayose (PDP) and Hon. Opeyemi Bamidele (Labour Party). Also, on August 9, voters from 30 local governments will make a choice between Governor Rauf Aregbesola (APC) and Senator Iyiola Omisore (PDP). In the two states, gladiators are on the field canvassing for votes.

    Fayemi is seeking re-election on merit. Even, key opposition figures have attested to his performance in the last three and half years. Apart from restoring peace and fostering development, he has presided over a transparent government. But, in Nigeria, performance is not the only criterion for winning an election. The war scholar and pro-democracy activist is seeking the renewal of his mandate at a time the PDP is scheming to bounce back in the Fountain of Knowledge. While Fayemi is campaigning based on his achievements, the opposition, which is pushing for power shift, is relying on the federal arsenal, police control, financial muscle and capacity for manipulation.

    Fayemi’s challenges are former Governor Ayo Fayose, who was removed from office in 2006, and Hon. Opeyemi Bamidele, a member of the House of Representatives, who defected to the Labour Party (LP) last year. His running mate is Deputy Governor Modupe Adelabu, a Professor of Education and princess of Ado-Ekiti. Fayose and Bamidele are yet to name their running mates.

    In 2011, Fayose contested for the Senate as the LP candidate. He lost to Senator Babafemi Ojudu. Bamidele became a member of the House of Representatives that year on the platform of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN).

    Aregbesola has the people behind him. Since his stolen mandate was restored, the governor has not relented in the work of development. Like Fayemi, Aregbesola has fought the infrastructure battle, restored the dignity of the state and given hope to the indigenes. His challenger is Omisore, who was impeached as the deputy governor in 2002. The Ife-born politician is a veteran governorship contender, having tried his luck thrice, but without success.

    Traditionally, the Southwest is the stronghold of the progressive bloc. When power shifted to the conservatives in the past, it was not without controversy and dire consequences. It was due to the fact that only progressive governments have tried to satisfy the peoples’ yearning for ‘life more abundant’. From the days of the Action Group (AG) led by the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the Southwest had placed its hand on the welfarist plough without an intention to look back. In the Second Republic, the zone built on its First Republic’s antecedents by embracing the defunct Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), also led by Awo. Even, in the post-Awolowo era, Southwest could only embrace the leftist platforms, including the Social Democratic Party (SDP), Alliance for Democracy (AD), Action Congress (AC), Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), and now, the APC.

    When the reactionary elements made the first attempt to capture the zone in the First Republic, it was disastrous. Although the leader, Awo, was caged, his followers did not disperse. The conservative leaders succeeded in installing the late Chief Ladoke Akintola, the leader of the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP), as the Premier. But, for four years, his administration was full of tension. In 1965, the traitor’s time was up. Up to now, the memory of the wild wild West lingers. It symbolised the rejection of interlopers. The event drew the curtains on the First Republic.

    Thirteen years after the first military interregnum, the progressives bounced back. The five states of Oyo, Ondo, Ogun, Bendel and Lagos were administered by the ideologically inclined Awo’s lieutenants. who implemented the four cardinal programmes of free education, free health services, full employment and rural development. Reminiscent of the First Republic, the enemies of the zone hijacked power in Oyo and Ondo states. The reaction of voters was spontaneous. The two states were in flames, once again. Electoral terrorism led to killings and destruction of property. Peace and tranquility took flight. Instructively, certain events heralded the trouble in the dominant group in the zone in the two dispensations. Desperate conservative politicians capitalised on the cracks on the wall to rig the polls.

    In 1999, the Southwest was about putting its house in order. AD was a promising party. It was growing in leaps and bounds. But, the political lessons of the past were lost on the leaders. As the AG crisis led to a bitter rift, the Afenifere crisis led to a split in the AD. Also, in 2003, AD governors, backed by Afenifere leaders, had a pact with PDP National Leader, former President Olusegun Obasanjo. It paled into a wrong calculation. The election of 2003 was a festival of rigging in the Southwest. The resultant earthquake shook the zone to its foundation. The former President, it was said, tricked the governors. After mobilising for his second term ambition, they met their waterloo. Only former Lagos State Governor Bola Tinubu survived the onslaught. Between 2003 and 2007, Ondo, Oyo. Ogun, Osun and Ekiti states groaned under the PDP.

    From Lagos State, the progressives picked up the gauntlet. Leading the soldiers of democracy on the battle front was Tinubu. After three years of struggle, the coast for clear. Not only were the mandates restored in Ekiti and Osun states, the PDP also suffered defeat during the 2011 governorship polls in Oyo and Ogun states.

    Since 2011, the opposition has been on the prowl in the zone. Will the PDP dislodge the APC on June 21 in Ekiti and August 9 in Osun? Time will tell.

     

  • ‘Dankwambo’s work speaks for itself’

    ‘Dankwambo’s work speaks for itself’

    Alhaji Buba Shanu is the State Secretary of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)  in Gombe State. In this interview with VINCENT OHONBAMU, he speaks on the party’s chances in 2015, and recent defections in the state.

    How prepared is the PDP for the 2015 general election in Gombe?

    As you can see, the Peoples Democratic Party, both at the national level and in Gombe State, is taking this as a serious business. I say so because we have the political infrastructure in place to take care of the business. If you look at our structure and activities, it is obvious that we are a serious party doing a serious business. At the national level, when the management of the PDP sneezes, Nigeria catches cold. This tells you that we are the party to beat. In Gombe State, we produced the last two governments from 2003 to date. And, if I may quote, His Excellency, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, during the economic summit here in December, said: “If every politician would act the way the Gombe State governor is acting, if every state is like Gombe State, there would be no problem in Nigeria”. This is because Gombe State exemplifies what democracy should be – the government of the people, for the people by the people. So, to sum it up, the PDP has never been readier because we take this as a serious business.

    Considering that Senator Danjuma Goje has defected to the major opposition party, the APC, what are the chances of Governor Ibrahim Hassan Dankwambo remaining in office beyond May 29, 2015?

    I know for certain he would be in office. The PDP is going to continue to rule Gombe State for quite a long time to come. As Jesus Christ once said: “By their fruits, ye shall know them.” What that means is that the product of a system characterises what the system is. Yes, I agree, personalities make government. The last government in Gombe State was principally characterised by Alhaji Mohammed Danjuma Goje; he gave it direction and form. This one is given direction by Dr. Ibrahim Hassan Dankwambo and he characterises the system. If you’ve been following trends in Gombe, you’ll discover that they are governments of the same party, but have taken two different steams. The incumbent is a government of professionals, by professionals, for the people. Every one of us is a professional in his own right. I have two Masters Degrees. You would be surprised, if I give you the rundown of other party officials. At the executive council, virtually 70 per cent of those individuals came from different professional constituencies. But, in Goje’s government, there were executive council members who didn’t see the four walls of secondary school.

    What, in your view, are the strengths of this government that would guarantee Dankwambo’s re-election?

    It’s a government that is prudent. We are accused of everything, but not stealing, killing, maiming, or coercion. We may be slow, but we are steady. We are not in a rush because we are sure footed. The government is moving step-by-step. This government is a government of people who are knowledgeable; it is a participatory government and everybody gets involved at his or her level. That way, it’s a government of Gombe people for themselves. If the people decide they no longer want this, they want the money to be shared; the money comes in and everybody gets his portion, no problem. But, I know for sure that we have done our best. These four years are going to speak for us, not just today, but for a long time to come

    There were speculations recently that some PDP councillors defected to the APC. What is the true position of the matter?

    I can tell you categorically that it is not true. It is not possible because, if you go back to our selection process, the PDP has a culture of obedience, particularly in Gombe State. Obedience is a child of faith. If you have faith and confidence in the system and then, you follow. In the process of selecting those who will ultimately contest as community leaders, the PDP management takes into cognisance loyalty, how long you have stayed with the party, your contributions to the party, your personal standing with the community where you want to contest and other factors. So, there is no way a serving councillor would leave the party. It’s like a crime has been committed – if they say Mr. Shanu killed somebody. The councillorship, I think, is one of the most serious responsibilities of elected representative of this country today. You want to leave the job and go to another party to contest for what, councillor again? It doesn’t make sense. If you say a former Councillor, I can understand that. Yes, he wants to be councillor again, but there is a better person in the community who is a councillor. So, he is going to another party to get a ticket.

    Talking about defectors, we have Senator Dajuma Goje here and others who defected with him? What is your view?

    I can understand the case of any politician who does not hold any public office, who out of frustration or wanton quest for power or office decides to politically prostitute. The former Vice President wants to be the President at all cost. But, it’s prostitution for a politician who is elected under the auspices of a party by his people to go and represent them, only to cross-carpet out of personal interest without the mandate and consent of his people. My advice to them is to come back because he is using your mandate for personal gains. But, if it’s okay with you, fine. If you are satisfied with what he has done, fine. But if out of ignorance you are not aware that you have an option, you are now aware. You decide the way you want to be represented, not the representative. It’s like religion; you don’t serve God the way you want, no. You serve him the way He should be served. So, we should not take these things for granted. My call for his people is that first, they should audit him. Why has he decided to change political party, is it because maybe he sees there are better people that probably might represent his people in 2015 and he is afraid he might not get the chance to contest, that is why he is running away, or has he committed some offence and he is like trying to take some insurance by moving to another party and maybe give conditions for returning? Or are there reasons why being in PDP cannot allow him to deliver the dividends of democracy to the people of Gombe central?

     

  • 2015: Senators, for governor

    2015: Senators, for governor

    Many senators and House of Representatives members are eager to govern  in their states. They have been  setting up campaign structures and consulting stakeholders. Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU writes on the scheming, the permutations and the gale of endorsements, ahead of the 2015 elections.
    It is the season of ambitions and endorsements of aspirants. Post-ers and stickers adorn streets, public buildings, parks and vehicles, drawing attention to the aspirations of the contenders. Senators and House of Representatives members eyeing the State Houses now spend their weekends at their constituencies. At the grassroots, there is a revival of political activities.

    Party supporters, cronies, and loyalists are warming up for a festival of choice and change. Partisan meetings are on across the 36 states. Many aspirants are engaging in clandestine activities to intimidate political opponents and convey real or imagined impressions of political superiority. Crowds sing praises of the contenders. Traditional rulers, community leaders, women and youth groups, and clerics are mobilised to lend support. Across the six geo-political zones, there is a clash of ambitions.

    Governors that are completing their two terms of eight years next year are not contemplating retirement. Many of them want to go to the Senate. Many senators and House of Representatives members are declaring their ambitions for governorship.

    In the United States, senators will prefer to contest for the presidency, instead of returning to their states to vie for the governorship. The reverse is the case in Nigeria. In the Second Republic, two senators – Cornelius Adebayo (Kwara) and Don Etiebet (Cross River) -blazed the trail, when they became governors in 1983. There were also senators who expressed interest in the governorship at that time. But, their ambition did not see the light of the day. In the old Ondo State, Senator Banji Akintoye, a Professor of History, contested against former Governor Adekunle Ajasin at the primaries in 1983. He lost. But, after the poll, the late Ajasin appointed him as the Commissioner for Health. In Lagos State, the late Senator Sikiru Shitta-Bey also indicated in the governorship. When the coast was not clear for him in the defunct Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), he defected to the National Party of Nigeria (NPN).

    In 1999, Senator Bola Tinubu became Lagos State governor. In 2007, Senators Tokunbo Afikuyomi and Musiliu Obanikoro unfolded their governorship aspirations. Afikuyomi made a feeble attempt in the All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP), following his defection from the Action Congress (AC). But, he retraced his step on the election day, emerging as the AC agent at the electoral commission’s office. Obanikoro, who contested on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). He lost to Mr. Babatunde Fashola (SAN). In 2003, Senator Rashidi Ladoja became the governor of Oyo State. Now, Senators Abiola Ajimobi (Oyo), Ibikunle Amosun (Ogun), and Liyel Imoke (Cross River) are governors. Last year, Senator Chris Ngige and Senator Chris Uba contested for the governorship in Anambra State. During the preparations for the primaries, Ngige’s rival was Senator Annie Okonkwo. Ngige is still in court challenging the victory of Governor Willy Obiano in court

    As preparations for the 2015 election hot up, many senators are warming up for the governorship. One of them is Senator Ganiyu Solomon, who represents the Lagos West District on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC). In Taraba State, Senator Joel Ikenya, who was a member of the National Assembly between 1999 and 2007, has also shown interest in the governorship. In Delta State, Senator Ifeanyi Okowa from the North District, has set up his campaign group. He is itching to succeed Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan next year. Other National Assembly members eyeing the governorship include Senator Magnus Abe and Hon. Dakuku Peterside (Rivers), Senator Victor Ndoma-Egba (Cross River), Senator Ike Ekweremadu (Enugu), Speaker of the House of Representatives Hon. Aminu Tambuwal (Sokoto), his deputy, Emeka ikhedioa (Imo), Senator Olufemi Lanlehin (Oyo), Senator Teslim Folarin (Oyo), Hon. Akinlade (Ogun), and Hon. Opeyemi Bamidele (Ekiti).

    A political scientist, Boniface Ayodele, explained why senators and other federal legislators are nursing governorship ambitions. He observed that age is still on their side, adding that they cannot contemplate political retirement. But, the Ekiti State University teacher pointed out that not all the National Assembly members are fit for governorship. He explained that some of them, who are professional politicians, have embraced politics as a career, instead of a vocation. Ayodele argued that. while some aspirants perceive their next political office as a call to further service to the state, others perceive the corridor of power as an avenue for private accumulation. The former works hard to erect lasting legacies. The latter merely strives for relevance and pecks of office.

    The political scientist also submitted that the quest for upward mobility may also translate into a situation whereby leaders are recycled. He explained African leaders are usually reluctant to leave power, pointing out that the 1999 Constitution, which specifies a definite tenure, is the saving grace for democracy. Ayodele alluded to what he described as the “cult of leadership”, which enjoys dominance and pre-eminence in the polity. He pointed out that the polity has now paled into a fiefdom dominated by these powerful figures, who are entrenched in the system. “Governors are so powerful and the President even courts them. As chief executives, some governors are lords of manor. Therefore, senators aspire to become governors in their quest for executive powers”, he added.

     

    Ekweremadu

     

    Senator Ike Ekweremadu is the Senate Deputy President. He is a governorship aspirant in Enugu State. He was tipped for the job in 2007, following the expiration of Governor Chimaroke Nnamani’s second term. But, the political family, Ebano Group, opposed his candidature. What makes observers to believe that Ekwere-madu still nurses the ambition is the array of projects he has commissioned in his constituency. Many people have benefitted from his Ikeoha Foundation. He has the financial muscle required for the contest. He is also close to Aso Rock.

    But, the zoning arrangement may knock him out of the race. Ekweremadu is from Enugu West like Governor Chime. The governor is has said that the slot would be zoned to the North. Ekweremadu has the financial muscle. The Deputy Senate President is acutely popular and influential in the Senate and his party, the PDP. Ekweremadu is not a bench warmer in the Upper Chamber. He has endowed his seat with visibility. The senator has also attracted many projects to his district. Recently, he commissioned many of them and increased his empowerment programmes at the grassroots. However, the senator is not enjoying the support of the governor, Sullivan Chime, who is pushing for power shift to the North District. The senator and governor are from the West District. Chime has repeatedly said that it will be unfair for his successor to come from the West because the zone would have enjoyed the slot for eight years when he bows out next year.

     

    Eze

     

    Senator Ayogu Eze is from Enugu North. He is a journalist. People give him the respect due to an intellectual. He is very sound. He is a good debater. But, the elite in Nsukka area perceive him as too ambitious and pompous. This may be due to envy or jealousy. The Senate President, Gen. David Mark, is fond of him. He refers to him as the ‘Enugu Government House’. Eze chairs the Senate Committee on Works. To many people, this is a big position. The unofficial decision of the party to zone the slot to the North is to the advantage of the senator, who also has the ears of the governor, the champion of the power shift agitation. But, the senator must move swiftly to reconcile himself with his educated rivals in the district. It is not certain that the Nwodo brothers are supporting his bid. The elite gang up against him is a big hurdle he must cross.

     

    Abaribe

     

    Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe is from Abia South. He is the Chairman of the Committee on Media, Information and Publicity. He is rich and he can fund a state-wide campaign. He served as the deputy governor under former Governor Orji Kalu. He was shoved aside as the deputy governor in controversial circumstance. But, the tragedy has not diminished his stature and image. He fired on as a warrior, emerging later as a senator. Abaribe is warming up for the governorship at a time people feel that power should shift to the Ngwa stock, South District. However, his kinsman, Emeka Nwogu, the Minister of Labour and Productivity, is also interested in the race. Also, his former boss, kalu, may still plot to abort his dream. Abaribe is always determined and his courage has always been his major source of strength. Therefore, party sources said that the minister may not be a threat to his ambition as he will stand shoulder to shoulder with him.

     

    Anyanwu

     

    Veteran journalist Senator Chris Anyanwu is a household name in the country. She hails from Imo East, which she represents in the Senate. In the days of political tribulation, she had hurriedly left the PDP for the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA). She had indicated her interest in the Senate. But, the Women Leader, Dr. Kema Chikwe, and former Governor Ikedi Ohakim raised objection. Her main supporter then was the former Interior Minister, Emmanuel Iheanacho. Today, Anyanwu is back in the PDP. She has an ambition. She is competent. She has experience. But, there are certain odds against her aspiration. Chikwe, Ohakim and Iheanancho, and Iheodioha, who is from her district, are now in the race. What chance does she has?

     

    Solomon

     

    Senator Ganiyu Solomon represents Lagos West District in the Senate. He declared his ambition to vie for the 2015 governorship election on the television, almost a year ago. He is the former Chairman of Mushin Council and member of House of Representatives. In 2007, former Lagos State Governor Tinubu opted out of the senatorial race and the ticket landed on Solomon’s palm. His ambition has caused a stir. Other aspirants who has not come out openly may have been relating to him as the number one rival. Solomon is not a baby politician in Lagos State. He has the network. He is also rooted at the grassroots. Many perceive him as a mobiliser and a close associate of Asiwaju Tinubu. This is not the first time Solomon has been eyeing the governorship. In 2007, he was among the 14 Alliance for Democracy (AD) aspirants itching to succeed Tinubu. His supporters have started canvassing for open primaries for the aspirants. In 2015, Solomon will slug it out with the House of Assembly Speaker Adeyemi Ikuforiji, Dr. Obafemi Hamzat, Femi Gbajabiamila, and Senator Gbenga Ashafa – if they join the race.

     

    Akinlade

     

    Abiodun Akinlade, a member of the House of Representatives from Yewa (Ogun West), has declared his ambition for the governorship. The former Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) chieftain became a legislator in 2011 on the platform of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). He is now a chieftain of the APC. The federal legislator unfolded his plan to rule the Gateway State at a time Governor Amosun is seeking re-election. A chieftain of the APC in Ogun State, Otunba Deinde Banjo, said that Akinlade is joining the race without sparing a thought for the political developments in the state. He said that it will be difficult for him to defeat Amosun at the primaries because the governor has lived to expectation. The legislator has objected to this. He said he will perform better than the governor, if elected. Akinlade maintained that power should shift to Yewaland, claiming that no indigene of the old Egbado Division has occupied the State House. Sources said that he may defect to the LP to realise his ambition.

     

    Lanlehin

     

    The senator representing Oyo South, Olufemi Lanlehin, is a lawyer and seasoned politician. He inherited political skills from his illustrious father, the late Pa. S.O. Lanlehin, one of the pioneer members of the Western Regional House of Assembly from Ibadan and treasurer of the defunct Action Group (AG) led by the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo. In the Third Republic, he was a member of the House of Representatives. Between 1999 and 2002, he was Special Adviser on Political and Legislative Matters in Lagos State. Until last week, when the party leaders brokered peace between him and Governor Abiola Ajimobi, the senator was a serious contender for the governorship in the Oyo APC. In 2011, he was an aspirant. But he was prevailed upon by party leaders to step down for Ajimobi, who has been endorsed as the consensus candidate by the party. However, Lanlehin has not renounced his governorship ambition.

     

    Okowa

     

    Senator Ifeanyi Okowa is a medical doctor from Delta North, a district that is mainly populated by Anioma people. The Aniomas have been agitating for power shift because they have not filled the slot before. Therefore, they are insisting that it is the turn of the district to produce the next governor. Power shift, Okowa explained, will give the people of Anioma a sense of pride and belonging. Besides, he said that power shift will foster equity and justice in the state. If this sentiment gains the sympathy of the other ethnic groups , then, Okowa has prospects as an aspirant. The senator is a former Secretary to the State Government. His constituents are impressed by his performance in the Upper Chamber, where he chairs the senate Committee on Health.

    No fewer than 15 aspirants are in the race for the Delta State Government House. Five of them are holding political office. Leading the pack of the aspirants is the Minister of Niger Delta Affairs, Godsday Orubebe, who hails from Delta South like Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan. It has been speculated that Orubebe was anointed by the Presidency to succeed the governor in 2015. But the Ijaw leader, Chief Edwin Clark, has kicked against the choice of Orubebe by President Jonathan. The rejection of Orubebe by Clark, who is perceived by many as the political godfather of the President, may make it difficult for Orubebe to achieve his governorship ambition.

    The recent entry of the Special Adviser to the President on Performance, Monitoring and Evaluation, Professor Sylvester Monye, may have also affected Okonwa’s calculations. He is also from the Delta North. Sources said that prominent indigenes of Delta North are backing him. Among them are the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, and former Managing Director of United Bank of Africa, Mr Tony Elumelu. Others in the race are a member of House of Representatives, Hon. Festus Okunbor, also from Delta North, Victor Ochei, and former Minister of State for Education, Kenneth Gbagi, a former Minister and the Speaker Delta House of Assembly.

     

    Gaya

     

    In Kano State Senator Kabiru Gaya, who was the governor of the state in the Third Republic, is staging a come back. He is a serving senator and a chieftain of the APC.

     

    Kawu

     

    A member of the House of Representatives, Abdulrahaman Kawu Sumaila, has been nursing governorship ambition since 2011. He is also in the APC. He was endorsed by some groups in the defunct ANPP last year.

     

    Ningi

     

    Senator Abdul Ningi represents Bauchi Central in the Senate. Before his elevation into the Senate, he was a member of the House of Representatives for eight years. His brilliant contributions to House debate won him the respect of his fellow legislators. He was the Majority Leader of the House during his tenure. As the Senate Deputy Majority Leader, Ningi is very close to the Presidency and maintains a good working relationship with the seat of power. The senator is also in the good book of Governor Isa Yuguda. However, zoning may affect his chance of becoming the governor. The people of Bauchi North Senatorial District claim that it is their turn to produce the governor. They argued that, since 1999, the zone has produced the governor. The last time that Bauchi North produced the governor was in 1979 when the late Alhaji Tatari Ali was elected on the platform of the defunct National Party of Nigeria (NPN).

     

    Abe

     

    Senator Magnus Abe is a successful politician from Rivers State. He has served as a state legislator, Commissioner for Information, Secretary to Government before taking his seat in the Senate where he chairs the Petroleum (Downstream) Committee. He is from Ogoni. But, the Kalabaris also want to enjoy the slot after the tenure of the Ikwere man, Governor Rotimi Amaechi, expires next year. Abe, a lawyer, is a man of honour and integrity. His committee investigated the oil subsidy scandal in 2011. He did not soil his hand. He is now a chieftain of the APC.

    Before the crisis in the Rivers State PDP escalated, many members were actually rooting for Senator Abe as the successor to Amaechi. His zone, Ogoniland, has not produced any governor. In fact, Amaechi is supporting power shift to this zone to correct the imbalance in the power sharing. However, it has been alleged that Mrs. Patience Jonathan, the wife of the President, preferred her fellow Okrika man, Nyesom Wike, Minster of State for Education, for the job.

    Abe’s choice was premised on his loyalty to the governor. He remains an ally of the governor during this turbulent period.

     

    Uzodinma

     

    Senator Hope Uzodinma is from Imo West Senatorial district. He is a member of the Board of Trustees of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). He was the head of the special panel set up to investigate the leadership crisis in the Taraba PDP. He’s also a member of the National Reconciliation Committee of the PDP mandated to unite warring factions in the states. The law maker is also very close to the chairman of the PDP BoT Chairman, Chief Tony Anenih.

     

    Ihedioha

     

    House of Representatives Deputy Speaker Emeka Ihedioha is warming up for the governorship race in Imo State. Ihedioha and Anyanwu are from the same zone and the implication is that they will share the votes from their senatorial district at the primaries.

     

    Nwogu

     

    Senator Nkechi Nwogu is a woman with a heart of steel and stone. She wants to make history as the first woman to be elected governor. Nwogu represents Abia Central in the Senate. She was a member of the House of Representatives. She was the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Banking in the Sixth Senate. Now, she chairs the Senate Committee on Gas.

     

    Bamidele

     

    He is a member of the House of Representatives from Ekiti Central. Bamidele defected to the Labour Party (LP) last year. He is now a governorship candidate in the Fountain of Knowledge.

     

  • Tambuwal’s 2015 calculations

    Tambuwal’s 2015 calculations

    Speaker of the House of Representatives Alhaji Aminu Tambuwal has become a beautiful bride to both the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC), even as pressure mounts on him to make a statement on his future ambition, writes Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN.

    If politics is about exploring all possibilities and seizing opportunities to achieve one’s political goal, then the Speaker, House of Representatives, Alhaji Aminu Waziri Tambuwal is, indeed, a politician. This is because he has utilised everything at his disposal to achieve his political goals.

    Tambuwal has turned a beautiful bride to both the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Party (APC). He exploits the affection both parties have for him by attending meetings and functions organised by both of them. He is often criticised by fellow PDP members for attending political events organised by the opposition. The Sokoto-born politician has always defended his action by saying that he is the Speaker of the House of Representatives and not Speaker of one particular political party.

    Following this development, Tambuwal was widely expected to formalise his move to the APC early this year by defecting to the opposition party from the PDP. But, he did not. Since then, the lawyer-turned politician has kept everyone guessing. This may however, be temporary as some insist that the Speaker’s days in the PDP are numbered. It was learnt that he had a last-minute change of mind, following a Federal High Court’s order restraining any change in the House leadership. In his ruling on the matter brought by the PDP against the House of Representatives and some of its principal officers, Justice Adeniyi Ademola ordered parties in the suit to maintain the status quo, pending the determination of the suit.

    The ruling, no doubt, is a temporary setback for Tambuwal and his colleagues in the House, who are determined to further their political ambition under the platform of the opposition.

    The Speaker has been linked with the presidential ticket of the APC for a very long time. He has neither confirmed nor refuted the claim. Others insist that he has been offered the Sokoto governorship ticket for 2015, for his loyalty to the party, even when it had little propects of playing a bigger role at the centre. Whatever the situation may be, Tambuwal’s body language suggests that he must have entered into some sort of secret pact with the opposition.

    Nevertheless, the PDP has not relented. It has mounted pressure on the Speaker in recent times to rethink his decision to dump the party, which has already lost 37 members of the House to the APC. Indeed, the opposition party was poised at a time to take over the control of the House on the grounds that it has a simple majority in the House.

    Against this background, the PDP has been making frantic efforts to keep the Speaker within the fold. The leadership of the party had in the past few months renewed its efforts to convince Tambuwal not to defect. For instance, Akwa Ibom Governor Godswill Akpabio, who enjoys a chummy relationship with the President, pleaded with him to remain in the party when he paid the governor a visit. Sources disclosed that Tambuwal’s visit followed a meeting the former Chairman of the PDP, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, had with President Jonathan where it was reportedly agreed that the Speaker could be offered Sokoto governorship ticket, if he is interested.

    Apart from asking Tabuwal to remain in the PDP, Akpabio also appealed to him to use his office to stop the defection to the APC. According to a reliable source privy to some of the closed door meetings the Speaker had with the top echelon of the PDP, the party presented the Speaker with some offers, including the retention of speakership and Sokoto State governorship ticket for the 2015 election.

    According to sources, he is weighing these options to know where he would finally pitch his tent. Although he is considering the PDP option, observers insist that the Speaker is also unaware of the dangers posed by the APC if remains with the PDP. Analysts believe that accepting the PDP offer would automatically set him against Governor Aliyu Wamakko, who is among the five former PDP governors who defected to the APC last December, following protracted crises in the party. Close associates of the Speaker disclosed that he has an unwritten agreement with Wamakko that he would defect to the APC at the right time.

    A senior aide to Wamakko recalled that all members of the House of Assembly have joined the APC. All members of the House of Representatives from Sokoto State have also defected, except the Speaker, Therefore, indications are that Tambuwal would follow his colleagues to the APC. He added that nearly all top political office holders in Sokoto State, including executive council members, local government chairmen and councillors have followed the governor to APC.

    Many have suggested that the Speaker’s may have, by his actions, suggested to the leadership of the PDP that he is Speaker of the House, not of the party. For instance, when the party leaders from the Northwest visited President Goodluck Jonathan at the Presidential Villa in January, Tambuwal and Wamakko shunned the meeting. The party leaders from the zone were in Aso Villa subsequently to assure the President of their support for his 2015 Presidential ambition. Tambuwal was not there.

    Tambuwal has also turned down his party’s directive to stop further defection in the House. He foreclosed the possibility of declaring the seats of defecting lawmakers vacant. The Speaker, at a function in Abuja, had in a veil manner conferred status on the decision on any lawmaker to defect. He contended that any attempt to stop defections was an encouragement of impunity, adding that, as the custodian of the House, he cannot promote illegality.

    He said: “All of us know that no fewer than four governors have defected from their political constituencies and issues were not made out of it. If some members representing different federal constituencies decide to defect, I don’t think it is right for anybody to expect Mr Speaker not to read any correspondence that comes to his table”.

    Analysts contend that Tambuwal would soon take a position on his neutrality. He must have to decide where his loyalty lies. He can no longer sit on the fence now that his friend and associate Wamakko has asked the Speaker to formally declare his stand. The Sokoto chapter of the APC has mandated its Tambuwal Local Government chapter to present a membership card to the Speaker.

    If Tambwal defects to the APC, as he is rumoured to be planning to do any moment from now, he would cause a major upset in the leadership structure of the House of Representatives. His defection would be the last nail on the coffin of the PDP leadership of the House. Speculations are rife that some other members of the House are also planning to defect to the APC along with the Speaker when he finally makes the move. Political observers insist that the Speaker would defect, even as they affirm that he is going to retain his seat as the Speaker.

    Public Affairs analyst Bernard Briggs is of the opinion that Tambuwal has no choice, but to move in the direction of his political associate, Wamakko. He said all the political structures in Sokoto State had been taken over by the APC. “Tambuwal is bidding for time. PDP is not a party for a progressive mind like Tambuwal,” he said.

    Briggs added: “In the case of Tambuwal, what he sees lifted before him is the lamp of his political future and not the lamp of love. He must, therefore, choose wisely because his next move could determine his political future.”

    The social critic noted that what worked in Tambuwal’s favour was his ability to carry every member of the House along in piloting the affairs of the Green Chamber. His charisma and popularity made his impeachment instigated by external forces impossible, he added.

    Tambuwal’s romance with the opposition predates his assumption of office as the Speaker. Against the zoning arrangement of the PDP, which had reserved the slot for party members from the Southwest, Tambuwal emerged as the Speaker with the support of the opposition. He reached out to the opposition leaders, who rallied support for him and eventually defeated his opponent, who was backed by the Presidency and the ruling party.

    Tambuwal started learning the legislative ropes at the inception of the Fourth Republic in 1999 while working as a Personal Assistant on Legislative Affairs to Senator Abdullahi Wali, the former Senate Leader. He acquired the experience that would see him through in his political endeavour under Senator Wali. In 2003, he dumped the PDP, the party of his principal, to run for a legislative seat as a representative of the Kebbi/Tambuwal Federal Constituency on the platform of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and won.

    Few months to the 2007 general elections, he defected to the Democratic Peoples’ Party (DPP), alongside the former governor of Sokoto State, Attahiru Bafarawa. But, when the DPP denied to former ANPP legislators, return tickets, he went back to the ANPP, where he eventually succeeded in picking the ticket for the election. In 2007, when the ANPP governorship candidate for Sokoto State in the 2007 election, Alhaji Aliyu Wamakko, dumped the party for the PDP, Tambuwal also went to the PDP.