Category: Politics

  • Tinubu: His vision, battles and 2015 calculations

    Tinubu: His vision, battles and 2015 calculations

    All Progressives Congress (APC) National Leader Asiwaju Bola Tinubu is 62 years old this week. Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU writes on the political struggles and ideas of the acclaimed opposition leader.

    The National Leader of the All Progressives Congress (APC) stands before the mirror of history as he celebrates his 62nd birthday. What is discernable from the mirror? He is a consummate politician, consistent democrat, tested and trusted leader, towering progressive arrowhead, seasoned administrator, financial surgeon, great organiser, powerful mobiliser, master strategist, defender of the oppressed, apostle of the rule of law, foremost philanthropist, and a citizen of the world.

    But, what will occupy his mind on his birthday, despite the festivities, is the plight of Nigerians who lack access to electricity, good roads, employment, health care system, security and other good things of life. Like the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the Asiwaju of Lagos will be thinking about the problems of Nigeria and how to make life more abundant for the people.

    As the polity gazes at 2015, Tinubu has a mission to fulfill. Between 1999 and now, he has played the role of an indomitable opposition leader, firing shots at the centre for debasing the principles of true federalism. With the release of the APC manifestos Tinubu and his colleagues in the main opposition party are now pushing for power shift. The alternative ideas that he is canvassing are being tested in 16 states with measured success. For the fledgling federation to survive, the former Lagos State governor has maintained that the ruling party should take a break from governance at the centre next year.

    Many commentators have argued that Tinubu’s struggles and his compatriots’ battles for a better society can only be worthwhile, if there is a paradigm shift in governance at the centre. They also believe that, with uncanny courage, the soldier of democracy, who is endowed with mega capabilities to spearhead the legitimate agitations, can lead the progressives to explore the alternative route to solutions to the fundamental questions. The APC has declared that this exploration has become compelling, in view of the obvious poor performance of the Jonathan Administration. In the view of observers, the resolve, resilience and determination to get to the promised land must never fail the great leader in this challenging period.

    Yet, Asiwaju’s platform is on the weighing scale. Eyes are also on the politician, who a political disciple and Lagos State Commissioner for Housing, Hon. Bosun Jeje, described as a formidable leader and an oak tree offering shades to a vast progressive followership. How will the APC resolve the challenge of formalising its leadership at its inaugural convention? How will its presidential candidate and his running mate emerge? How can the party dislodge the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) from power? Last year, the umpire bungled the Anambra State governorship election. Can the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) guarantee free and fair polls? More than the wining and dining, these are the issues that agitate the APC leader.

    Tinubu kicked off the liberation struggle from his Southwest base. Thus, he is not a prophet without honour at home. In 2003, he agonised over the loss of the region to the conservative interlopers. Except in Lagos, progress was at a standstill for the next four years. Tinubu successfully coordinated the battle for the restoration of progressive administrations in the five states.

    To displace the progressives from regional power, the PDP hawks penetrated the Alliance for Democracy (AD) and crippled the platform. That was when the pan-Yoruba socio-political group, the Afenifere, was in a serious crisis.The anti-Obasanjo leaders of the Action Congress (AC) were heart-broken. The old party, the AD, was in ruins. Tinubu, the lone AD governor, was troubled. The man of foresight, working in concert with like minds, spearheaded the establishment of the AC), which later metamorphosed into the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). In 2010, the party reclaimed Ekiti and Osun states from the PDP. A year later, it dislodged the PDP from power in Ogun and Oyo states. The epic battle served as the bridge that connected the past to the present. The late Awo, Adekunle Ajasin, Abraham Adesanya and Ige had advocated that only rational governments reputed for progressive tendencies should steer the affairs of the Southwest. The dream was fulfilled, with the ascension of Kayode Fayemi, Rauf Aregbesola and Abiola Ajimobi to power in Ekiti, Osun and Oyo states.

    Tinubu grew up in a political family. Her mother, the late Alhaja Abibat Mogaji, the Iyaloja-General of Nigeria, was a popular politician and women mobiliser in the days of the Action Group (AG), the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) and Social Democratic Party (SDP). Little did he guess that he would later emerge as a political colossus. It can be said that he became a politician by accident. During the long military interregnum, some old politicians dragged him into the fray. When he crossed the bridge from the board room to politics, the promising auditor took the polity by storm. He started politics at the top, emerging as a senator in the Third Republic. The two worlds of business and politics moulded the character of the professional accountant-turned political megastar. In the board room, he was a shrewd businessman and core investor, manager of men and resources and a benevolent capitalist. But when he entered politics, be became a consummate activist, prolific analyst, strategic thinker, humanist, philanthropist, astute administrator, visionary leader, man of foresight, courageous fighter, a peoples’ politician and a soldier of democracy.

    Tinubu has a notion of power. To him, politics is a vocation and the scramble for power is only meaningful, if power, which, in his opinion, is never served a lacarte, is used to create a new lease of life for the generality of the people. Between 1999 and 2007, Tinubu used power to raise the status of Lagos State. His achievements are indelible. Indeed, he laid the foundation for the Fashola Administration.

    Had Tinubu listened to his colleagues’ advice to shun politics, the story would have been different today. His former boss, Chief Pius Akinyelure, recalled that Tinubu was a workaholic Mobil treasurer, who never compromised the organisational goals of productivity, efficiency and office ethics. The chief from Ondo State had initially discouraged him from leaving his lucrative job. But, Tinubu insisted on moving on. Akinyelure only assured him that he was free to retrace his steps, if the political field proved to be hot.

    However, since 1989, when Tinubu placed his hands on the plough, he has not looked back. His senatorial form was obtained for him by his cousin, Alhaji Kola Oseni. In Lagos West Senatorial District, the technocrat deployed political prowess, mobilisation acumen, organisational ability, and masterful logic. During the senatorial screening, Tinubu, a green horn, scored the highest mark. He answered highly technical questions with immensurable wit from the panel headed by Chief Lanre Rasak. Old politicians on the panel, who had written off the new breed, had to change their mind. “We predicted that Tinubu will shake Lagos politics and it has been so”, recalled Rasak, who is now an APC chieftain.

    During the historic senatorial contest, Tinubu defeated the National Republican Convention (NRC) candidate, Mrs. Kemi Nelson, with a wide margin. He scored the highest number of senatorial votes in the country to represent the largest senatorial district. His compatriots in that turbulent Third Republic Senate of Dr Iyorcha Ayu and Ameh Ebute often marvelled at his sagacity. The Lagos West senator was a high flyer, tactician, and thorn in the flesh of the Babangida regime. He was on the firing line, challenging the regime to a duel. When the regime fell, the chain of events that followed aborted his career in the Senate.

    As a senator, he had objected to the annulment of the free and fair presidential election won by the SDP candidate, the late Basorun Moshood Abiola, the Aare Ona Kankanfo of Yorubaland. The poll was conducted on June 12, 1993. Tinubu joined the pro-democracy crusaders in their demand for the de-annulment of the credible election. He was an inspiring and principled fighter for justice anchored by the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO). His dedication, courage of conviction, untiring fighting spirit and financial backing for a noble cause sustained the crusade for justice. But, the battle was not totally won. The annulment was not reversed, despite the cries of despondency. But the military was forced out of power.

    During the June 12 crisis, which lasted between 1993 and 1998, several attempts were made against the lives of pro-democracy crusaders by the military. Their houses were razed. Tinubu, Prof. Wole Soyinka, and Gen. Alani Akinrinade went on exile. From there, he fired salvos at the military. He inspired many pro-democracy groups at home and abroad, whose activities led to the restoration of civil rule in 1999.

    In 1998, the former military Head of State, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar, announced a transition programme. It was distressing to Tinubu that the symbol of the struggle, Abiola, was not released by the former military leader. He died in mysterious circumstances in detention. When Gen. Abdulsalami unfolded his transition programme, the radical wing of the political class was skeptic. There was division in the ranks of the pro-democracy movement. A section supported the transition. Another would not participate.

    When Tinubu returned to Nigeria, he told his supporters that he wanted to return to the Senate. But the Lagos-based Afenifere leaders of Ogun State origin, including Pa Adesanya, Chief Ayo Adebanjo and Sir Olaniwun Ajayi, preferred Tinubu to the late Mr. Funso Williams of the Network Alliance, who had the support the late Chief Ganiyu Dawodu, for the governorship. He emerged as the AD candidate and defeated the PDP flag bearer, Chief Dapo Sarunmi, at the election.

    Tinubu made history as the governor of the ‘Centre of Excellence’ for eight years. The shrewd administrator was on top of every situation. His attention was diverted by litigation over his university certificate. But, he triumphed over his foes. The former governor jerked the internally generated revenue from the N6,000 monthly to billions. Tinubu fought the infrastructural battle in the city state. He constructed roads, built hospitals and schools, created opportunities for employment and sanitised the transport sector. The judiciary reforms he introduced were legendary. When his term was about to expire, he groomed a competent successor. Also, Tinubu said that the continuity of the development agenda was important. The former governor created additional 37 councils in Lagos State. The move was resented by the Federal Government. When the Lagos State allocation was seized by the Federal Government, his creative engineering paid off. The state survived because it relied on its internally generated revenue. This is a lesson Lagos State will continue to treasure. Today, he is perceived by the governors of the Southwest as a role model and pride of the region. His sphere of influence cuts across the 16 states, which are the strongholds of the APC.

    In politics and private life, Tinubu is reputed for philanthropy. He is a cheerful giver, benefactor and godfather to the oppressed, like his friend, the late MKO Abiola. But more than that, Tinubu is a detribalised apostle of national unity. Rewards for politics and community service have come in various dimensions. He has received many honorary chieftaincy titles. They include the Asiwaju of Lagos, conferred on him by the late Eleko of Lagos, Oba Adeyinka Oyekan, the Jagaban of Borgu Kingdom, the Aare of Ile-Oluji and the Aare Ago of Egbaland.

    As the polity prepares for the next year’s elections, attention is focussed on Tinubu and the APC. It is now the fastest growing party. The APC is in control of 16 states. In these states, the governors are performing. In 2015, it hopes to form the government at the centre to replicate these achievemnts. This is Tinubu’s priority.

    Paying tribute to Tinubu, former Lagos State Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs Prince Rotimi Agunsoye described him as a mentor and role model to many politicians. He said the APC leader spearheaded the return of the Southwest to its glorious past, adding that the region is now better under the APC governments. Agunsoye also said that the former Lagos State governor deserves commendation for his patriotism, love for Nigeria and push for change at the centre at a time the polity is fed up with the inept Federal Government. Also, he hailed his commitment to the resolution of the national question, noting that he has championed the crusade for true federalism, decentralisation of power, state police and good governance. “Our leader, Asiwaju Tinubu, is the opposition leader today. I believe that he and his colleagues in the apex leadership of the APC will lead the party to victory in 2015,” he added.

    Lagos APC chieftain Olajide Jimoh, described Tinubu as “the Tutor-General of Nigerian politics”. “He has raised many leaders who are serving society at various tiers. He is a leader who does not discriminate. He has a milk of human kindness”, said Jimoh, who is the Chairman of Yaba Council.

    Lagos State Special Duties Commissioner Dr. Wale Ahmed also paid tribute to Tinubu, saying that he is a lover and developer of talents. He recalled that the former governor set up a cabinet of talent in Lagos State, which was second to none in the country between 1999 and 2007. “Tinubu has proved himself as a nationalist fighting for true federalism and entrenchment of due process,” he said. Urging him not to relent on raising the fundamental question, the commissioner emphasised that the national question cannot be resolved without social and political agitation.

    The House of Representatives member from Ikorodu, Hon. Abike Dabiri-Erewa, described Tinubu as a caring and compassionate leader. He also praised him for mentoring the youth. The lawmaker said many leaders of the Southwest owe their rise to power to the indefagigable leader. Tinubu deserves applause for political mentoring, she said. Mrs Dabiri-Erewa also hailed Tinubu for initiating the idea of regional integration, which may return the Southwest to its glorious days. Mrs Dabiri-Erewa said Tinubu played a great role in her emergence as a legislator. She said: “When I signified my intention to go to the federal parliament, there were some opposition to my bid. But he was discreet as a leader. He observed that, if I had been able to perform well as a broadcaster, I would surely do well on the House. I am happy that I have not disappointed him and other leaders.” The legislator said that the task before Tinubu is that of leading the APC to victory in 2015.

    Taraba State APC leader Senator Joel Ikenya described Tinubu as an electoral reform curator, adding that he is passionate about the sanctity of the ballot box. He said: “Many people follow Asiwaju because he has the qualities of a leader. He is forthright, sincere, dedicated and committed to the cause of the common man.”

    Lagos APC stalwart and Chairman of Amuwo Odofin Council Hon. Ayodele Adewale lauded the disposition of Tinubu to the youth. He pointed out that, as a leader, he has given opportunities to many youths to excel. “He has interest in the younger generation. That is why he always give opportunities to youths and women to participate in politics and contribute their quota to development. He is a leader who is building other leaders for the purpose of the future,” Adewale added.

  • APC chieftain lauds Tinubu’s qualities

    APC chieftain lauds Tinubu’s qualities

    LAGOS State All Progressive Congress (APC) chieftain Hon. Kola Okesanjo has lauded the leadership qualities of the party leader, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. He described him as a master strategist with vision for a new Nigeria.

    Okesanjo told reporters in Lagos that the former Lagos State governor has become a political institution, urging his followers to remain loyal to him. He said that, in a country where leadership is critical to national development, Tinubu has shown a great example.

    The party stalwalt said that the great leader has an unfinished task of mobilising for power shift at the centre in the national interest. He said Nigeria has hope, if the APC can form the next government.

    Okesanjo said: “Tinubu, who is the avatar of the Southwest, is undoubtedly a replica of the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, and you will quite agree with me that his cap, eye glasses and political sagacity have vindicated him.

    “In the last one and half decades in this Fourth Republic, there’s no opposition as formidable as the APC. The important thing to note is that Asiwaju’s leadership has helped to formulate and implement sound polices that have contributed to better the well being of the people either when personally running government or when his disciples are in charge in the APC state.

    “From all indications, we hope to see greater development and improvement in the lives of Nigerians from 2015 when Nigerians will likely confer the leadership of the country on t0he APC and when this happens, the tireless efforts and astute leadership of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu will be real. He is a great leader”.

    The politician said that Tinubu’s disciples, especially Osun State Governor Rauf Aregbesola and his Ekiti State counterpart, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, have also justified the confidence reposed in them. He noted that they are implementing people-oriented policies and programmes. Okesanjo said: “That is why the two of them deserve second term.

  • ‘2015 is terminal year for PDP govt’

    ‘2015 is terminal year for PDP govt’

    Kano State Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso of Kano State spoke with ADEOLA OLADELE-FAYEHUN in Washington D.C, United States of America on his defection from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC), the Jonathan Administration, national insecurity and how to tackle the Boko Haram insurgency.

    Why are you in Washington at this time?

    We are here to attend a symposium, which was organised by the US Institute for Peace. And I am happy to say we started very well, and a lot has been achieved, and we are quite happy.

    Why did you leave the PDP?

    I believe I left the PDP because I so much love my country Nigeria, and, if I have to do any justice to it, the best way was to leave the party because I believe the leadership that we have today is not the best for the country, and I wouldn’t want to stay in the party and support it. I didn’t want to stay in the party and do anti-party activities on the other hand. So, the only option for me and other colleagues was to leave the party, team up with progressives across the country and bring the positive change that the country needs at this particular time.

    There has been a lot of pressure on you to return to the PDP. Would you go back, if your conditions are met?

    I am not the sort of politician that jumps from one point to another. I have so many supporters and jumping from one end to another would not help in maintaining the followership. I am sure you must be aware that recently, we had the APC registration in Nigeria. In Kano alone, by the time we stopped after two weeks, we were able to register over 2.3 million members. We’re not talking of registered members by the INEC; we’re talking of card-carrying members of the APC. By that, we can say, we have so many people who believe in us, and who believe in our ideology. And the ideology is simple; it is to support the weak, the poor, the sick, the women, and the very old. Certainly, that is the philosophy of our defunct party and I am happy to say that we have achieved a lot in the last two and half years in Kano, particularly using that ideology. So, to answer your question about going back to the PDP, my answer is nothing has changed in the PDP to warrant such movement.

    Are you going to be a candidate in 2015 or not?

    For those of us who are in politics and who are thinking positively, we don’t go into any party for any particular position. We go into a party to support the party to win elections, based on certain concrete ideology, the ideology that can support the people, the ideology that can discourage corruption, the ideology that can work for the betterment of our people. I am not in theAPC to contest for any particular position or to get any appointment. If that happens, it’s just like a bonus.

    That is my position. I believe at an appropriate time after going through all the processes of congresses for the party and the convention, time will come when leaders of our party would sit down and look around to get the best candidate for our party and, by extension, for our country.

    So, if you’re nominated, you will definitely go for it…

    Well, I believe we should wait for that time to come. We should wait to be at the shores of the river before we cross it. But, to me, whatever comes, whether appointment or election to any position, I would certainly see it as a challenge, just like so many other things in the past.

    I am happy to say that, in the last 22 years or so, I contested 12 elections and lost one, in primary elections and general elections. I lost the general election of 2003 to go back as the governor of Kano. I’m happy that I have gone through the system and have succeeded in many ways in my chosen career.

    Do you mind sharing your succession plan with us?

    Well, we had a situation in Kano where an outgoing governor was crying profusely because he was leaving the seat. That was why I told the good people of Kano State that anytime Kwankwaso is leaving that seat, the good people of Kano unfortunately, would cry because they would realise that they are missing good leadership. People are always talking about who is coming to maintain the tempo of our projects and programmes in the state.

    People are even advocating that we should take the matter to the Supreme Court for interpretation, whether a governor who has been in government for four years and left office for eight years and he came back after that can be re-elected again. My answers to them has always been we have so many supporters, so many good people, young men and women who have worked so much for us, and who I believe can also do their best when they are given the opportunity.

    Life is very dynamic; you don’t have to stay in one place for too long. That is why even the constitution is talking about eight years. That is why we’re even telling the Abuja people that we’re aware that this President has been Vice President for two years, he has been President for another two years, and now, he is in his third year.

    Now, by 2015, he would have been in power for six years as the President of Nigeria. People are surprised that he is still talking about contesting again. To me, I’m not a lawyer, but I’m a politician who would be very happy to take him to public court, because the constitution kept on talking about eight years. By the time the pPesident reaches his second term by 2015, I wonder, if he is still eleigible to contest the next election. You see, it shouldn’t be him talking about contesting again; he should listen to people and this lack of listening is what is really creating a lot of problems for the PDP. That is part of the reason why we left, and of course, it’s creating a lot of problem for the country because now, his attention is almost 99 per cent on how he would be elected again in 2015.

    Not only does he want to do four years, he’s interested in extending that term to six years. In other words, he would have spent six years by 2015 and he wants to take another six years to make it 12. Well, that is not what the constitution is saying, as far as we’re concerned. I think this is the time for him to reflect and see what is happening on the ground.

    People, not only in the North, but even in the South, if you go to the Southsouth, we have all sorts of problems there, including kidnapping. I was surprised recently, that his own relation was kidnaped. If you go to the East, it is the same story of kidnaping. Now, coming to the North, our main problem now is the issue of killings; killings in the market, killings in the villages, in the cities and towns, in the churches and mosques. I remember that he was in Katsina recently, where over 100 people were slaughtered, and I am not sure, if he even sent anybody to go and console them or to show his concern, even though he was in the state. I’ve never seen anything like that in my life.

    A President of a country who is more interested in his chair, rather than the lives and welfare of his people. Compared to places like this United States of America and other countries of the world, the contradiction is too much. I’m happy that we’re here. We had the opportunity to discuss about the security, about the leadership, about the issues that would help us, to unite the Northern Nigeria, and by extension ,the country, and the issue of having a responsible leadership by 2015.

    How do you assess the administration of President Goodluck Jonathan?

    By any standard, the administration has not performed. It’s performance is very much below average. Any government anywhere in the world is in power first and foremost to protect lives and property, because without peace, you cannot develop.

    Now, there is no peace. Northwest, Northeast, Northcentral, South-East, South-South, Southwest, the problem may be different in nature, but you find that in all these places, people are not happy. There’s poverty everywhere. Of course, we have more poverty in the North than in the South, but I believe the poor in the South are in the same situation as the poor in the North. People are not getting what they should under the circumstance.

    You come to the US and so many other countries, people are making progress, but we are not making progress in Nigeria. There’s no way we can make progress under this circumstance. The government should come out and do the right thing. I think that is the only way we can make progress in our country. That is why we support democracy, it’s different from the military regime, it’s different from traditional rulership. Democracy has what we call term limit. Whether you’re good or bad, when the time comes, you have to get out, and I believe 2015 is the time for this President to get out.

    What is your view on the agitation for power shift to the North?

    That has to do with parties, and for parties that are interested in wining the election, they should do the right thing, even if it’s not written in the constitution or it is not in the party’s constitution. I am happy that some parties have decided to support candidates from the North under the circumstance and I believe that would go a long way in ensuring the success of that party, especially our party, the APC. It is very important that we have change and I think change, by the grace of God, would come in 2015

    Are you handling over to your deputy in 2015?

    I think it’s better we wait until we get to the river first. Only God knows, if we’ll see 2015. A lot of things can happen between now and 2015. But, the good thing is that I have so many competent hands in our party, in our government, that are capable of leading the state to prosperity.

    How is Kano surviving and coping with the declining allocation from the Federation Account?

    In the circumstance, we have to live within our means. We are not in the best books of Abuja. So, we are not likely to get anything extra. I think that made us to sit tight. I remember that, recently, the Federal Government gave N2 billion each to all the non-APC states. We have all the papers; I can send them to you, if you want to see them. We have documents to prove that. Recently, I mentioned it and somebody was trying to mix it up with the issue of 19 and 16 votes for the Chairman of Governor’s Forum, but what I said was that all the non-APC governors were given N2 billion naira each in the name of ecology.

    Now, ecology has nothing to do with the APC or the PDP. It cuts across the country. Every state has reasons to say that I want some money to tackle the issue of ecology. In our own state, we’re talking of desert encroachment. In other states, they’re talking about erosion. Some are talking about oil spillage, and so on. All these are part of ecology. This is probably just the beginning. Maybe, in the near future, especially when the elections come, he would take the whole money and give them to defeat the APC.

    There is no justification and it’s not fair. It’s not correct. I believe it is even against the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to take the money that belongs to all of us and give it to other people. You don’t select people you give money because of their party affiliation. So, I think the earlier some people begin to think positively the better because this sort of injustice cannot help anybody in the country.

    Governor Jang accused you of treachery. He said that you abandoned him after nominating him for Chairman of the Governors’ Forum. What is your comment on that?

    Ordinarily, I have to say that Jang is my friend. He has spent a lot of his time in Kano and we’ve been relating very well with each other. But unfortunately for Jang, he went and joined what I can call a wrong team. The issue of nominating him; it’s true. But, you see, I don’t know whether he’s saying that because he was angry. But actually, it was like two football teams; their own team had a lot of rehearsal. They had a lot of meetings in the villa. They invited governors to sign and counter sign. They did everything possible under the sun to win the game. But, our team also went and worked so hard, practiced as much as we could to make sure that our friend, our brother, the Governor of Rivers, Rotimi Amaechi, won that election.

    Now, when we came to the field, the goalkeeper from the other team complained that, when we came to score the goal, we pretended that we were pushing it to him to catch and at the end of the day, we scored the goal. That’s how I see it. We went there. There was nothing they did not do under the sun to win that election. And we did all what we could to win that election too and we won. Naturally, we’re very happy and they’re very angry. So, whatever he says, I would not be surprised because he was operating from the wrong side of the politics. I want to appeal to him, my brother, my friend, to come and join the progressives. And that is where he belongs, not where he is today.

  • Confab delegates decry marginalisation of Yoruba in Kogi

    Confab delegates decry marginalisation of Yoruba in Kogi

    The six delegates to the National Conference from the Okun Yoruba area of Kogi State have expressed concern over the neglect of their communities by successive administrations.

    The delegates spoke in Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) at a dinner organised for them by the Okun Development Association.

    Former Minister of Industries and President of Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) Chief Kola Jamodu, who spoke on their behalf, said the neglect of infrastructure in the Okun and Oworo areas were unacceptable.

    The delegate resolved to work with their colleagues from other parts of the country to seek solutions to the problems

    Okun delegates are retired Assistant Inspector-General of Police Raphael Osanaiye, former Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice Chief Bayo Ojo, (SAN), Ambassador John Kayode Sinkaiye, former Deputy Chief of Staff to the President Prince Olusola Akanmode and Dr. Femi Obayori of the Lagos State University.

    Jamodu said the delegates were conservant with the demands of the Okun people, which are contained in their position paper on the conference.

    In his goodwill message, the deputy governor of Kogi State, Chief Yomi Awoniyi, expressed satisfaction that Okunland was being represented at the conference by credible delegates. He said the delegates will pursue the interests of the Yoruba in Kogi State.

    The President of Okun Development Association, Ambassador Babatunde Fadumiyo, urged the delegates to agitate for the creation of Okun State and the relocation of the Okun’s political boundary from the Northcentral to the Southwest geo-political zone.

    Former Minister of Health and the Convener of Okun Think-Tank Prof. Eyitayo Lambo said it was by divine favour that Okun, with five local government areas, has six delegates at the conference.

    He implored the delegates to work as a team to advance the cause of Okun people, regardless of which platform brought them to the conference.

  • How Mark sustains his influence on power

    How Mark sustains his influence on power

    The role played by Senate President David Mark in maintaining the stranglehold of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) on power in recent times suggests that he is one of the pillars that sustain the ruling party. Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI examines how the Benue State-born politician has succeeded in steering the Senate above trouble waters, where others failed.

    He is a smooth operator, but the growing influence of Senate President David Alechenu Bonaventure Mark has been very much evident in recent times, following the crisis that rocked the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) at the centre. Mark stood out like a rock in a surging sea throughout the crisis, making him one of President Goodluck Jonathan’s most reliable allies. For this reason, he is one man the President cannot afford to disappoint and he uses his influence on the President once in a while. For instance, following the tragic aptitude and fitness test conducted by the Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS), which claimed the lives of about 17 applicants, Interior Minister Abba Moro would have been relived of his job, but for the intervention of Mark. Moro, who hails from Benue State just like the Senate President, had quickly reached out to the well-respected man who nominated him for the ministerial position, to plead with President Jonathan who was said to be livid with the minister over the tardiness in conducting the ill-fated test. Mark’s influence within the Senate and in the polity generally, it is said, has grown over the years, marking him out from his predecessors.

    Before his emerged on the scene as President of the Nigerian Senate, on June 6, 2007, that office was widely seen as a minefield of banana peels. This is owing to the fact that previous occupants of that office since the advent of the Fourth Republic were not able to meander through without stepping on the peels. But Mark, retired army general, former governor, former minister of communications and one of the Babangida boys at the height of military rule in the country, has had an unassailable run since he came into the scene. Somehow he commands a lot of respect from his fellow senators. After his first term in 2007, he returned in 2011, and does not look like somebody whose job is threatened in any way.

    Against this background, the question that has been on the lips of many Nigerians for a long time is: what is Mark’s staying power? The consensus of respondents is that Mark has a good understanding of Nigerian politics. He displays a good political sagacity in the way he handles the affairs of the upper chamber of the National Assembly. In the view of Monday Ubani, a Lagos-based legal practitioner and chairman of Nigeria Bar Association, NBA, Ikeja Chapter, Mark adopts a populist political method in his dealings with fellow Senators particularly and politicians generally. His words: “He reaches out to them, by making sure that they do not have reasons to grumble. In other words, he carries them along and makes that everyone is properly settled, including financial inducements. Political leaders have problems within the Nigerian set up, when they eat alone. As long as he shares whatever accrues to the upper chamber equitably among all the members, there would be no complains from any angle.” In the absence of any reason for agitation, his position has never been threatened.

    Another respondent who does not want to be named puts it this way: “David Mark’s reputation as a man of the people is well known in the National Assembly. I think he is a better mixer, compared to previous occupants of that position. He is a guy who understands the importance of human relations in dealing with people.” He is of the view that Mark humbles himself, by not allowing his exalted position to get to his head. “Let’s not forget that he was a good student while he was at the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA), he was a good soldier and an accomplished administrator,” he added.

    The overriding factor, according to observers, is that Mark appears to understand the mindset of his colleagues. He is believed to be wealthy. Being a former governor, minister and one of Babangida’s close associates during the military era, money is not his problem this time around. In this regard, he ensures a constant flow of Ghana-must-go bags. Besides, he does not deny or delay the privileges meant for his colleagues. These include constituency allowance, furniture allowance, choice houses, contracts and overseas trips and estacodes. He knows that many of them are hardly interested in the business of lawmaking, which explains why the chamber is always near empty at every session. As a result, he does not pay attention to absentee members. After all, better an empty house than a house full of traitors.

    Besides, the incumbent Senate President knows that a cordial relationship with the Presidency is critical and crucial for his survival. In Ubani’s opinion, Mark has protected the president very well. “In doing this, he has been very careful not to be seen as being neither subservient nor belligerent. He has been playing a role you could describe as very reconciliatory; he panders to the Presidency when it is necessary and to the house when this is called for,” he explained. In that regard, the legal practitioner believes the Senate President has been able to strike a balance between the two sides and this has helped in no small way in protecting his political party, the PDP.

    Indeed, the way he handled the recent face-off on the floor of the upper chamber over the recent defection from the PDP to the APC has also earned him respect from both sides. Everyone expected the issue to cause a big uproar in the Senate, but somehow he doused the tension, without ruffling feathers. Ubani noted that the fourth term legislator refused to pander to the whims of former PDP Senators who say they have decamped to APC, and wanted him to announce that development on the floor of the Senate, by telling them that the matter is in court. He added: “He also refused to pander to the interest of some members of his political party who wanted the defectors to be sanctioned. At the end of the day, no one could accuse him of being used to further the interest of any of the two major political parties. But, overall, he succeeded in protecting the interest of the PDP, through the matured way he handled the matter.”

    He also portrays himself as a statesman, by ensuring that he is seen to be vocal on all national and international issues. For instance, condemns the insecurity in the land when Boko Haram insurgents strike. On the other hand, he calls the bluff of foreign powers when they become overbearing, as they sometimes do when it comes to issues like gay marriage.

    A brief recap of the tenure of his predecessors is imperative, to better appreciate what Mark has achieved in that regard. At the inception of the Fourth Republic in 1999, Senator Evans (or is it Evan?) Enwerem set the tone for other occupants of that coveted office under the Olusegun Obasanjo era, when he stepped on the infamous banana peels and his reign was short-lived. His albatross was the allegation of falsification of his name. But there was more to his fall. He was investigated for the crime of corruption. But the controversy as to whether the senator’s real name was Evan or Evans soon became the subject of intense media attention. He was removed from office on November 18, 1999. He survived for just eight months.

    After him, the cerebral and bombastic Dr. Chuba Okadigbo, came on board. His tempestuous reign as Senate President also did not last long. Okadigbo, who was usually hailed with his traditional title, the Oyi of Oyi, was known for his opposition to his own political party, the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) at the time. But it was his cat and mouse relationship with the former President Olusegun Obasanjo that became his greatest undoing. He was charged with corruption and removed from office in August 2000. He spent less than a year as Senate President. Incidentally, Okadigbo was actively involved in the removal of Enwerem.

    There was also Anyim Pius Anyim, the Ebonyi State-born politician who occupies the office of Secretary to the Government of the federation at present. He became the Senate President in August 2000 after the removal of Okadigbo. As Senate President, his attempt to impeach Obasanjo failed. He, however, did not seek re-election in the 2003, knowing that his opposition to Obasanjo would cost him a re-election. The reign of Adolphus Wabara, who became the Senate President in 2003, also ended in acrimony. Like those before him, allegations of corruption brought about his downfall. In April 2005, he resigned following allegations that he collected a bribe from the then Minister of Education, Prof. Fabian Osuji, to facilitate the passage of his annual budget. Although Wabara’s charges were eventually dropped, the damage had been done. It was all part of the game plan. He had to go. Senator Ken Nnamani completed the vicious cycle of banana peels the Senate presidency had become until Mark made a grand entry in 2007.

  • ‘APC ‘ll win Ekiti, Osun polls’

    ‘APC ‘ll win Ekiti, Osun polls’

    House of Representatives member Hon. Abiodun Awoleye (Ibadan North Constituency) has said that the All Progressives Congress (APC) will win the governorship elections in Ekiti and Osun states. He predicted doom for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), saying that the party has failed Nigerians in the last 14 years.

    Awoleye, who spoke with reporters in Lagos, said the achievements of the APC governors are laudable, adding that the people of Ekiti and Osun will vote for continuty.

    He said: “We have a seven-point cardinal programme, which covers electricity generation, war against corruption, food security, integrated transport network, free education, devolution of power, accelerated economic growth and affordable health care in the manifesto. This is another reasonthe people will embrace the APC in the Southwest and across thje country. ”

    However, Awoleye advised the people to closely monitor the electoral commission to avoid bungling the elections as it did in Anambra State last year. He said the electoral time-table released by the umpire was designed to rig the elections in favour of the PDP at the state and federal levels.

    He added: “The Presidency must have influenced the schedule of the time-table, believing that, if President Jonathan does not win the election, the whole nation will be in turmoil, especially with the threat from the Southsouth that Nigerians should forget about oil, if Jonathan does not win the election.

    “I expected the INEC as a good umpire to arrange the time-table from the bottom to the top. The House of Assembly election should come first, followed by the National Assembly, governorship and the presidential election. Unfortunately, the reverse is the case.

    “The INEC headed by Prof. Jega cannot be trusted. His attitude toward recent the election in Anambra is a sign of what to come.The commission is expected to be fair to all political parties in the country. Jega needs to carry all stakeholders along to ensure that there is transparency and fair game.”

    The legislator described the national conference as a jamboree. He said: “The national conference cannot address any problem. Right from time, I have been opposing the conference. These people are just looking for a way to enrich their old friends, who are financially broke.The composition of the delegates is faulty and it is also a waste of money. Over 400 members are to attend the conference. The President nominated over 60 delegates.

  • ‘APC ‘ll win Ekiti, Osun polls’

    ‘APC ‘ll win Ekiti, Osun polls’

    House of Representatives member Hon. Abiodun Awoleye (Ibadan North Constituency) has said that the All Progressives Congress (APC) will win the governorship elections in Ekiti and Osun states. He predicted doom for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), saying that the party has failed Nigerians in the last 14 years.

    Awoleye, who spoke with reporters in Lagos, said the achievements of the APC governors are laudable, adding that the people of Ekiti and Osun will vote for continuty.

    He said: “We have a seven-point cardinal programme, which covers electricity generation, war against corruption, food security, integrated transport network, free education, devolution of power, accelerated economic growth and affordable health care in the manifesto. This is another reasonthe people will embrace the APC in the Southwest and across thje country. ”

    However, Awoleye advised the people to closely monitor the electoral commission to avoid bungling the elections as it did in Anambra State last year. He said the electoral time-table released by the umpire was designed to rig the elections in favour of the PDP at the state and federal levels.

    He added: “The Presidency must have influenced the schedule of the time-table, believing that, if President Jonathan does not win the election, the whole nation will be in turmoil, especially with the threat from the Southsouth that Nigerians should forget about oil, if Jonathan does not win the election.

    “I expected the INEC as a good umpire to arrange the time-table from the bottom to the top. The House of Assembly election should come first, followed by the National Assembly, governorship and the presidential election. Unfortunately, the reverse is the case.

    “The INEC headed by Prof. Jega cannot be trusted. His attitude toward recent the election in Anambra is a sign of what to come.The commission is expected to be fair to all political parties in the country. Jega needs to carry all stakeholders along to ensure that there is transparency and fair game.”

    The legislator described the national conference as a jamboree. He said: “The national conference cannot address any problem. Right from time, I have been opposing the conference. These people are just looking for a way to enrich their old friends, who are financially broke.The composition of the delegates is faulty and it is also a waste of money. Over 400 members are to attend the conference. The President nominated over 60 delegates.

    “How do you expect a positive result from such a gathering? With the institutions in place now, which is the National Assembly, we don’t need any dialogue and, if there is a reason for it, it should be a Sovereign National Conference where people will decide the future of the nation. After the conference, they will take it to referendum and it automatically becomes the law. The N7 billion to be spent on the national conference could be use to create jobs for the unemployed graduates.”

     

  • How Mark sustains his influence on power

    How Mark sustains his influence on power

    The role played by Senate President David Mark in maintaining the stranglehold of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) on power in recent times suggests that he is one of the pillars that sustain the ruling party. Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI examines how the Benue State-born politician has succeeded in steering the Senate above trouble waters, where others failed.

    He is a smooth operator, but the growing influence of Senate President David Alechenu Bonaventure Mark has been very much evident in recent times, following the crisis that rocked the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) at the centre. Mark stood out like a rock in a surging sea throughout the crisis, making him one of President Goodluck Jonathan’s most reliable allies. For this reason, he is one man the President cannot afford to disappoint and he uses his influence on the President once in a while. For instance, following the tragic aptitude and fitness test conducted by the Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS), which claimed the lives of about 17 applicants, Interior Minister Abba Moro would have been relived of his job, but for the intervention of Mark. Moro, who hails from Benue State just like the Senate President, had quickly reached out to the well-respected man who nominated him for the ministerial position, to plead with President Jonathan who was said to be livid with the minister over the tardiness in conducting the ill-fated test. Mark’s influence within the Senate and in the polity generally, it is said, has grown over the years, marking him out from his predecessors.

    Before his emerged on the scene as President of the Nigerian Senate, on June 6, 2007, that office was widely seen as a minefield of banana peels. This is owing to the fact that previous occupants of that office since the advent of the Fourth Republic were not able to meander through without stepping on the peels. But Mark, retired army general, former governor, former minister of communications and one of the Babangida boys at the height of military rule in the country, has had an unassailable run since he came into the scene. Somehow he commands a lot of respect from his fellow senators. After his first term in 2007, he returned in 2011, and does not look like somebody whose job is threatened in any way.

    Against this background, the question that has been on the lips of many Nigerians for a long time is: what is Mark’s staying power? The consensus of respondents is that Mark has a good understanding of Nigerian politics. He displays a good political sagacity in the way he handles the affairs of the upper chamber of the National Assembly. In the view of Monday Ubani, a Lagos-based legal practitioner and chairman of Nigeria Bar Association, NBA, Ikeja Chapter, Mark adopts a populist political method in his dealings with fellow Senators particularly and politicians generally. His words: “He reaches out to them, by making sure that they do not have reasons to grumble. In other words, he carries them along and makes that everyone is properly settled, including financial inducements. Political leaders have problems within the Nigerian set up, when they eat alone. As long as he shares whatever accrues to the upper chamber equitably among all the members, there would be no complains from any angle.” In the absence of any reason for agitation, his position has never been threatened.

    Another respondent who does not want to be named puts it this way: “David Mark’s reputation as a man of the people is well known in the National Assembly. I think he is a better mixer, compared to previous occupants of that position. He is a guy who understands the importance of human relations in dealing with people.” He is of the view that Mark humbles himself, by not allowing his exalted position to get to his head. “Let’s not forget that he was a good student while he was at the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA), he was a good soldier and an accomplished administrator,” he added.

    The overriding factor, according to observers, is that Mark appears to understand the mindset of his colleagues. He is believed to be wealthy. Being a former governor, minister and one of Babangida’s close associates during the military era, money is not his problem this time around. In this regard, he ensures a constant flow of Ghana-must-go bags. Besides, he does not deny or delay the privileges meant for his colleagues. These include constituency allowance, furniture allowance, choice houses, contracts and overseas trips and estacodes. He knows that many of them are hardly interested in the business of lawmaking, which explains why the chamber is always near empty at every session. As a result, he does not pay attention to absentee members. After all, better an empty house than a house full of traitors.

    Besides, the incumbent Senate President knows that a cordial relationship with the Presidency is critical and crucial for his survival. In Ubani’s opinion, Mark has protected the president very well. “In doing this, he has been very careful not to be seen as being neither subservient nor belligerent. He has been playing a role you could describe as very reconciliatory; he panders to the Presidency when it is necessary and to the house when this is called for,” he explained. In that regard, the legal practitioner believes the Senate President has been able to strike a balance between the two sides and this has helped in no small way in protecting his political party, the PDP.

    Indeed, the way he handled the recent face-off on the floor of the upper chamber over the recent defection from the PDP to the APC has also earned him respect from both sides. Everyone expected the issue to cause a big uproar in the Senate, but somehow he doused the tension, without ruffling feathers. Ubani noted that the fourth term legislator refused to pander to the whims of former PDP Senators who say they have decamped to APC, and wanted him to announce that development on the floor of the Senate, by telling them that the matter is in court. He added: “He also refused to pander to the interest of some members of his political party who wanted the defectors to be sanctioned. At the end of the day, no one could accuse him of being used to further the interest of any of the two major political parties. But, overall, he succeeded in protecting the interest of the PDP, through the matured way he handled the matter.”

    He also portrays himself as a statesman, by ensuring that he is seen to be vocal on all national and international issues. For instance, condemns the insecurity in the land when Boko Haram insurgents strike. On the other hand, he calls the bluff of foreign powers when they become overbearing, as they sometimes do when it comes to issues like gay marriage.

    A brief recap of the tenure of his predecessors is imperative, to better appreciate what Mark has achieved in that regard. At the inception of the Fourth Republic in 1999, Senator Evans (or is it Evan?) Enwerem set the tone for other occupants of that coveted office under the Olusegun Obasanjo era, when he stepped on the infamous banana peels and his reign was short-lived. His albatross was the allegation of falsification of his name. But there was more to his fall. He was investigated for the crime of corruption. But the controversy as to whether the senator’s real name was Evan or Evans soon became the subject of intense media attention. He was removed from office on November 18, 1999. He survived for just eight months.

    After him, the cerebral and bombastic Dr. Chuba Okadigbo, came on board. His tempestuous reign as Senate President also did not last long. Okadigbo, who was usually hailed with his traditional title, the Oyi of Oyi, was known for his opposition to his own political party, the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) at the time. But it was his cat and mouse relationship with the former President Olusegun Obasanjo that became his greatest undoing. He was charged with corruption and removed from office in August 2000. He spent less than a year as Senate President. Incidentally, Okadigbo was actively involved in the removal of Enwerem.

    There was also Anyim Pius Anyim, the Ebonyi State-born politician who occupies the office of Secretary to the Government of the federation at present. He became the Senate President in August 2000 after the removal of Okadigbo. As Senate President, his attempt to impeach Obasanjo failed. He, however, did not seek re-election in the 2003, knowing that his opposition to Obasanjo would cost him a re-election. The reign of Adolphus Wabara, who became the Senate President in 2003, also ended in acrimony. Like those before him, allegations of corruption brought about his downfall. In April 2005, he resigned following allegations that he collected a bribe from the then Minister of Education, Prof. Fabian Osuji, to facilitate the passage of his annual budget. Although Wabara’s charges were eventually dropped, the damage had been done. It was all part of the game plan. He had to go. Senator Ken Nnamani completed the vicious cycle of banana peels the Senate presidency had become until Mark made a grand entry in 2007.

     

  • APC, PDP and succession battle in Sokoto

    APC, PDP and succession battle in Sokoto

    Correspondent ADAMU SULEIMAN writes on the struggles of the All Progressives Congress (APC) to retain Sokoto State and the plot by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to effect power shift in the next election.

    POLITICS is in the air in the caliphate. The two main political parties-the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)- have returned to the drawing board. Ahead of next year’s governorship election, a lot of scheming, permutations and other partian activites are on. Many aspirants are erecting billboards, pasting posters and organising rallies. Political watchers contend that a fierce governorship battle is underway in Sokoto State.

    The APC governor, Alhaji Aliyu Wamakko, is locked in a supremacy battle with his predecessor and defector to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Alhaji Attahiru Bafarawa. The governor has boasted that the ruling party will rule the state beyond 2015. But, Bafarawa has dismissed the statement as a product of illusion, saying that power will shift to the PDP next year.

    In 2007, the two gladiators became political foes. When circumstances brought them together recently, they could not cohabit under the same political roof. Although both emerged as leaders of the APC, following the merger of the legacy parties, Bafarawa had to opt out of the fold, citing irreconciliable differences.

    Wamakko was unperturbed by Bafarawa’s exit. He immediately fortified his structures and mobilised his supporters for action. The governor declared that, in 2015, there will be no vacancy in the Government House, adding that the PDP will lose its deposit at the polls.

    Wamakko will complete his two terms of eight years on May 29, next year. As a chieftain of the defunct All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), he served as the deputy governor. As a PDP chieftain, he would be rounding off as the governor. But, as the APC leader, he wants to hand over to an annointed successor. The governor has always said that he would hand over to “an APC winning candidate”.

    Wamakko is attempting a succession project. This is an area where his predecessor, Bafarawa, failed. For Bafarawa, the failure of his annointed candidate in the 2007 poll is still painful. His party, the Democratic Peoples Party (DPP) could not fly on the election day. Now, he is trying to sponsor a candidate in the PDP to prove the point that he still has the muscle, structure and winning formula. But, there are hurdles to cross.

    Wamakko is of the opinion that change has occurred in Sokoto, following the launch of the APC in the state. At a rally, he said: ” Sokoto people are willing agents of change. We unanimously support the cause of total departure from bad to good governance for a new Nigeria in peace and unity where justice, security , respect for the constitution, rule of law, collective participation, transparency, accountability, infrastructural and human resources development, and economic stability would prevail and be sustained for the benefit of the state country as a whole.”

    Unlike Bafarawa, the governor has not moved against his deputy, Alhaji Mukthar Shagari, who has refused to defect from the PDP to the APC. The deputy governor’s co-travellers include Ibrahim Milgoma, Abubakar Sadiq Sanyinna, and Abubakar Kantoma, who now look up to Bafarawa for leadership. In their view, the time is ripe for Wamakko to lose his grip on the state.

    It is believed that the most formidble PDP governorship aspirant is Shagari, who hopes to remain in office till next year, despite the political differences between him and his boss. The deputy governor told reporters that he is still loyal to Wamakko, although they now belong to different parties.

    “I have a harmonous working relationship with my boss, Wamakko. My loyalty to him as his deputy remains. We understand ourselves on personal and official transactions. Our political differences will not affect our personal or working relationship. I am still and will continue to be loyal throughout,” he said.

    Shagari is from the South Senatorial District. The PDP primaries will not be a walk over for him. He has to contend with other contestants, including Yusuf Suleiman, Abubakar Umar Gada, (East District) and Ahmed Mohammed Gusau (Central).

    In Sokoto, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Hon. Aminu Tambawal is a factor. Although he has not officially defected from the PDP to the APC, it is believed that he does not enjoy cordial relations with the PDP leadership. Other APC chieftains in the South District, including Senator Dahiru Tambawal, former ANPP governorship candidate, Yusha’u Ahmed Kebbe, and Farouk Malami Yabo, could also lay land mines for Shagari. They all have governorship ambition.

    In Sokoto, there is poster war. Supporters are mobilised to destroy billboards of opponents. This is creating tension in the state.

    The campaigns are also hot, ahead of the polls. The gladiators are firing salvos. To Wamakko, the PDP is day dreaming. He said that he left the party because of its record social injustice, disrespect for majority interest, lack of respect for the rule of law, corruption and lack of recognition for the federal constitution.

    On the podium, Bafarawa replied the missiles. He said that he could not share the same platform with his successor, who he accused of disrespect for his person, deception and egocentricity.

    However, Wamakko has been able to successfully convince some of his predecessor’s associates and supporters to team up with him in the APC. For example, in Isa, the home town of Bafarawa, the governor has many supporters.

    Also, the Dingyadis, Kwabos, Chisos, Alkalis, Danrabis, Harandes, and Margais, who previously looked up to Bafarawa for leadership, have now shifted their loyalty to the governor.

    The succession battle is now a matter of ego for Bafarawa, who had made three futiled attempts to wrestle power from Wamakko.

    In 2007 and 2011, the former governor had fielded Maigari Dingyadi. But, he was defeated by Wamakko. He had also supported Yusha’u Ahmed, but he failed at the poll. The question is: will the PDP now assist him to achieve the aim of installing a lackey as governor in 2015?

    A party source said that the PDP leadership is ready to support Bafarawa with logistics in his push for power shift. “We are doing our home work to tackle trade with the opposition, ahead of 2015. All our members are active and doing what is expected to return the state”, added the source.

    However, victory appears to be a tall ambition for the PDP. Recently, the party was decimated by the defection of many federal and state lawmakers, commissioners, council chairmen and other party chieftains to the APC.

    Prominent PDP chieftains who have not defected to the APC are Senator Ahmed Maccido and House of Representatives member Umaru Bature. Both of them are from the Central District and they are eyeing the governorship. It is believed that Wamakko is eyeing the senatorial slot.

    Maccido is a prince of the Caliphate. Sources said that he is likely to attract support from the traditional institution and the masses, who believe in the stool of Othman dan Fodio, his progenitor. There are fears that, if Maccido emerges as the PDP candidate and the monarchs support him, the governor may be on collision with the traditional rulers. But, a source said that this scenario is a figment of imagination.

     

  • ‘Nigeria needs restructuring’

    ‘Nigeria needs restructuring’

    Former Secretary to the Lagos State Government Asiwaju Olorunfunmi Basorun counsels the delegates to the national conference to take a cue from the recommendation of the 2005 National Political Reforms Dialogue. He spoke with WALE AJETUNMOBI .

    Do you think something meaningful would come out of the na-tional conference? We just have to be hopeful. As someone said, Nigeria has a history of throwing recommendations into the bin. The late General Sani Abacha did it in 1994; former President Olusegun Obasanjo did his own in 2005 and we did not get anything out of the dialogue. And now, we are being asked to come for another round of discussion. I am hopeful that something good would come out of it because, if you look at the list of the delegates, with all due respect, at least, about 60 per cent of them are those, who would make meaningful recommendations that will make the country better. There are some who are not supposed to be there. They are there without having anything to contribute, except to just be there. So, I am not going to say nothing good would come out of it. But, let us be hopeful, provided that President Goodluck Jonathan is not going to throw the recommendations of the confab into the dustbin. He should either ask the people of Nigeria, which is the best thing, to consider and approve whatever they decide there or he, on his own, would sit down with his own cabinet and implement the recommendations.

    But, critics have pointed out that the delegates are too old to make decisions on the future of the country. What is your opinion on this?

    Old people constitute the encyclopaedia of knowledge. I am one of the old people, but not a member of the confab. Although, I admit that there some there, who are not only old, but are also dead woods. They shouldn’t have been there. I am not going to mention names. But, old people have more experience. There are things you will ask younger people; they would still have to go to the library. There are things you can ask me now and I will start telling you. I can tell you the history of Abacha, Shehu Shagari and Tafawa Balewa regimes off hand. These are the things delegates must know before they discuss and make recommendations for the country’s future. So, they cannot wish away old people being part of the conference. I went through the list of the delegates and I found out that there are not too many old people there. I particularly saw the names of some elder statesmen and I found those who have not participated in anything in this country in the past 10 years, perhaps due to health issues or age. Why should they be there?

    Do you believe that the restructuring of Nigeria should be discussed at the confab?

    Yes. Restructuring is necessary. It is a condition for the devolution of power from the Federal Government to the federating states. There is too much power at the centre and that is what is making whoever occupies the Presidency to be power-drunk and act with impunity. If you take the police out of the central government’s responsibility; we take housing, we take health and education, and the Federal Government is allowed to do policy only, states would have more funds to carry out is functions and naturally, the allocation to the Federal Government would be reduced. As you are reducing power at the centre, you will also reduce the allocation. The allocation for the Federal Government is presently at 52 per cent. It should be brought down and give more money to the states and local governments. You would get better service delivery in the country. So, the case of the police we are talking about; any state government that does not spend on the police now would not have good service. Why should we not give state governors full autonomy to control the police? Like I said, I believe we can achieve a lot with this confab, provided the President acts on the recommendation of the confab, either through the referendum or he sits down and take the recommendations one-by-one. He should say ‘this one, we will do; and this one, we will not do’. And, he should give reasons for rejecting the recommendations.

    The confab is taking place at a time the nation is preparing for elections. Do you think the President is guided by altruism?

    The President has given three months time frame for the confab. It means they will finish in June. We still have a lot of time before the general election.

    Do you think that three months would be enough to discuss the fundamental issues militating against the progress of the country?

    In three months? What are they discussing? They should go back to the archive and check the recommendations of previous confabs. For instance, I was at the 2005 conference and we decided that local governments should be ceded to the states. That is not new. They should look at our reasons for the decision that power should be devolved to the states. Everything is stated there. We recommended that there should be state police to implement states’ laws and the federal police to implement federal laws. They are not new. It is only those who want this country dissolved that will be playing with these recommendations. I am opposed to power being concentrated at the centre.