The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  •  Emperor Jonathan

     Emperor Jonathan

    Yes, he is the President. I do not think anyone has ever doubted this fact, after all he was sworn into that office with fanfare in 2011 following victory at the polls. The awesomeness of his powers, derived from the military-imposed 1999 Constitution, is equally clear to all. However, students of constitutionalism and Political Science know that there are limits to the powers of a President. When Chief Olusegun Obasanjo was in power, Nigerians cried out over the blatant abuse of office. They complained that the Nigerian President had reinterpreted his position under the law. Obasanjo lived and loomed very large. He was in every home and said as much. He saw himself as having the power to overrule the leadership of his party. He was involved in the nomination of even local government chairmen. Anyone who stood in his way in the demonstration of absolute power and authority was scorched to the earth.

    The first President under the extant law is limited by the existent of a legislature. He is bound to obey court orders. He is also expected to promote public morality and act always in the best interest of the country and the people. But, Obasanjo was an emperor. He behaved like Emperors of yore and would brook no opposition. The former President chose what court order to obey and had utter contempt for the National Assembly. He posted chairmen of the ruling party as he did his ministers. Governors were regarded more like prefects and spoke only when permitted. Anyone who sought to occupy any position of high profile had to grovel at Aso Rock. When his deputy, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, queried the absolutism that was creeping on the land, he was marked for political extinction. It took resilience and doggedness for Abubakar to survive.

    The emergence of the late President Umaru Yar’Adua and Goodluck Jonathan in 2007 was regarded as the dawn of a new era by many. Both men were real civilians and this was thought a positive development for the polity and democracy. Yar’Adua appeared to have a mind of his own and served notice that he would allow the reign of the Rule of Law. He set out to institute wide-range electoral and political reforms; he unquestioningly obeyed court rulings. When a national convention of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) had to hold to elect national officials, Yar’Adua refused entreaties to intervene in the ensuing logjam. Yar’Adua could do so perhaps because he was born into a political family, understood and could fluently speak the language of power. Could the same be said of the man who succeeded him when the cold hands of death took the President away?

    Jonathan came into office to learn. He was not prepared for the demands of the office. He was not yet adept at understanding the letters, let alone imbibe the spirit of the law. He was not schooled in the fine art of democratic leadership. And, in office, he began studying the letters of the law. This has affected the country as he became dependent on the much his teachers (aides) allowed him know. He grew to believe that the President could do all things, adopted the Obasanjo model and patterned his leadership after the former President. He sought to impose his will on the polity and made a simple distinction only by adopting subtle use of power to Obasanjo’s brutal display. He moved into the Governors’ Forum and seized its soul. He intervened cruelly in the Bayelsa governorship poll by imposing Seriake Dickson on the state.

    When it was time to pick a national chairman for the ruling party, Jonathan dumped the Yar’Adua model for Obasanjo’s. He settled for a 76-year old Bamanga Tukur who had been out of political calculation for about three decades. The ensuing crisis only enabled the President seize more power.

    The sign that we might have returned to the age of absolutism came as soon as the man assumed power. Riding the waves, he showed the unpopular Professor Maurice Iwu the way out of office. He evaded the Senate to which he ought to have submitted his wish to remove the Independent National Electoral Commission’s chairman by sending the man on compulsory leave. It pleased the public. The Senate concurred. And Jonathan was pleased. Next, he went for the President of the Court of Appeal, Justice Ayo Salami. He illegally suspended the man, ostensibly at the instance of the National Judicial Council. But, when the same body asked him to reinstate Justice Salami, he disregarded the verdict. Many Nigerians cried out, but the majority fell victim of the President’s politicization of a simple case.

    Now, he has exercised the same non-existent power in suspending Central Bank Governor Sanusi Lamido Sanusi. Does this President think he is a Leviathan? Does he believe he lives in a Hobbesian jungle where the mighty could simply gobble the weak? He obviously fancies himself as a monarch in the pre-enlightenment age. He perhaps wants to revive life under the French Louis IV who declared: “I am the state.”

    President Jonathan must be told he is not the Nigerian state. He has a duty to operate within the dictates of the law. The Senate should stop him. All Nigerians should see the danger ahead if this Leviathan is allowed to get away with this impunity. It does not matter what we think of Sanusi-voluble, impetuous, insensitive to his environment. The law is about a process. We all owe Nigeria the duty of calling this President to order. Otherwise, he would, next time, move to remove the President of the Senate or the Chief Justice of Nigeria.

    ERROR: Last week, we referred to the ministerial nominee accused of the murder of the late Chief Bola Ige as Awosiyan. He is Jelili Adesiyan.

  • Can Mu’azu change PDP tide?

    Can Mu’azu change PDP tide?

    The new Chairman of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Adamu Mu’azu, has been moving round the country in a deperate bid to save the once formidable ruling party which was torn to shreds before his emergence. Associate Editor, Sam Egburonu, in this report, asks if Mu’azu’s task is indeed a mission impossible?

    Adamu Muazu’s emergence as the National Chairman of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) was as intriguing as the Herculean task he is expected to accomplish. His predecessor, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, who, during his tenure, enjoyed President Goodluck Jonathan’s full support had run into deep waters and could no longer be saved even by Jonathan. So, aspirants for the party’s topmost job began to press buttons for recommendations.

    By mid January 2014, the list of leading candidates for the job included former Minister of Commerce, Idris Waziri, former Minister of Transport, Idris Umar, former Acting National Secretary of PDP, Musa Babayo, a former spokesman of the party, Ahmed Rufai Alkali, former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Ibrahim Bunu and Adamu Mu’azu, a former governor of Bauchi State.

    Given the open secret that Jonathan preferred Umar to the other candidates, only very few observers and insiders gave Mu’azu a chance. That was before the final intrigues.

    Politics of PDP and Mu’azu’s emergence

    It began long before the emergence of former National Chairman of PDP, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, in 2012. Some power brokers in the party, especially the North-East top leaders, had faulted Jonathan’s choice of Tukur. When Jonathan ignored their advise and confirmed Tukur, the long drawn battle began. Although Tukur held on until early this year, observers said his emergence, without the support of some power blocs within PDP was part of the genesis of the crisis within the PDP, which he could not manage and which Mu’azu is expected to resolve.

    Given this background, informed insiders were not surprised on the final day of the race for PDP top job this year’s January, when most of the influential PDP chieftains and the governors supported North-East PDP governors to challenge alleged Jonathan’s choice in favour of Mu’azu. According to an insider source, “It was a last minute intervention that Sunday night. Mr President had held crucial meetings with top party stakeholders, including Vice President Namadi Sambo, PDP governors, Senate President David Mark and others. In those meetings, most of the power brokers supported the North-East caucus, who insisted on Mu’azu as a consensus candidate. That matter came to a head when Jonathan confidants like Akwa Ibom State governor, Godswill Akpabio, Bayelsa State governor, Serieke Dickson, David Mark and others also advised him to endorse Mu’azu. Probably determined to avoid a repeat of what happened when he insisted on Tukur, Mu’azu got the president’s nod ahead his alleged favoured candidate.

    It would be recalled that in a zonal congress election conducted by the North-East PDP in Bauchi to choose a consensus candidate for the zone in 2012, it was  Babayo that got 14 votes then to defeat the other contenders. That notwithstanding, Jonathan had given the position to Tukur, who allegedly got only four votes then.

    The tasks ahead

    Ma’azu emerged as the National Chairman of PDP at a time the party is facing its worst challenge since its formation in 1998. The 2015 presidential ticket and alleged Preident Goodluck Jonathan’s re-election ambition had created so much division and disagreement within the party. This was worsened by the emergence of the opposition All Progressive Congress (APC), followed by the mass defection of PDP top shots, including serving governors, federal and state lawmakers.

    So, the lot today falls on Mu’azu to resolve the crisis within and save the party from total collapse, a task, which PDP opponents and critics have dismissed as an impossible task. Mu’azu disagrees.

    To prove that he can change the tide, especially the reconciliation challenge, Mu’azu, since his emergence, has been moving round the country, meeting with stakeholders in a desperate bid to save the party. At the last count, he had consulted with leaders like former President Olusegun Obasanjo, former military President Ibrahim Babangida and powerful traditional rulers. Soon after his emergence, he also publicly begged serving governors, who defected from PDP to APC like Rotimi Amaechi and Rabiu Kwankwaso, among others, to return to PDP. As the gale of defections continue till date, there are divided opinion as to whether Mu’azu has what it takes to successfully carry out the PDP reconciliation agenda. Chief Israel Ukegbu, a grassroots leader explains that “Mu’azu may mean well but it will take a change of the PDP structure that promoted the culture of impunity and injustice to fully carry out the reconciliation agenda. Tukur could not resolve this problem, not because he lacked the skill but because the chairman alone cannot change PDP. If he can’t, I don’t know how Mu’azu can,” he said.

    The Obasanjo dilemma

    It remains to be seen if Mu’azu’s advances towards reconciling former Preodnt Olusegun Obasanjo and Jonathan can yield any positive fruit without first returning his sacked loyalists to their plum positions. Just before his emergence, Obasanjo had resigned his position as the Chairman of PDP Board of Trustees and had since written several letters that scathingly criticised the government of Jonathan. To help reconcile Jonathan with his estranged godfather, Obasanjo, one of Mu’azu’s first assignments as the National Chairman was a meeting with the former president.

    2015 presidential ticket

    Of all the challenges that Mu’azu has to tackle as Chairman, the issue of 2015 presidential ticket remains most tricky. This is because of the demands of the North to be given the ticket, based on alleged zoning policy and Jonathan’s desperate bid to serve another term.

    So, the most herculean task before Mua’azu today is the conduct of the party’s presidential primary. Can Mu’azu give the ticket to another candidate if Jonathan’s interest remains sustained? If he yields to Jonathan, will he enjoy a better treatment from his people up North than his predecessor, Tukur?

    Does Mu’azu have the magic wand?

    PDP members and supporters think he has what it takes. Former governor of Sokoto State, Attahiru Bafarawa, who recently joined PDP,  said he believes a great change is imminent in PDP because “the present chairman of our party is very energetic, a listener; he is someone who can take advice. Therefore, we believe that whatever advice we can give, he will make use of. We are advising him, not for our personal interest but to move our party forward. We don’t have any problem with the current leadership of PDP, the National Chairman and the National Working Committee. I believe they are going to make the PDP better.”

    He told The Nation recently that “Mu’azu is not a difficult person, so by his emergence as the National Chairman of PDP, I think God has answered the people’s prayers. This is because Mu’azu believes he can’t do it alone. He needs people’s support, people’s advice. Any leader that admits he can’t do it alone has already solved the problem. But any leader who thinks he can do it alone will soon have problems. I believe Mu’azu is ready, he is determined to bring PDP to a better position.”0

    Also, the Chief of Staff to Governor Ibrahim Shehu Shema of Katsina State, Honorable Yusuf Salisu Majigiri “From the look of things, we are seeing the end of the crisis. It is normal to have crisis in any society because, on the long run, it makes the society even better; the only reason ours appears apparent is because we are in power. I must commend my party leadership over the way the new administration of Adamu Muazu emerged. Already his efforts are yielding results. There is reconciliation going on.The platform and ability of the party to win election is of utmost importance. Regarding the issue of who becomes what in 2015, at this point, is not important to the party but the stability of the party is what everyone is working towards. We want to have a united, consolidated partly before taking any future action.”

    It remains to be seen how far he can go to justify such high rating.

  • 2015: Miniature Delta and relevance of Ndokwa nation

    Either by happenstance, benevolence of nature or by purely divine design, Ndokwa nation is unique and of strategic importance to Delta State. This, however, is without prejudice to the contributions and significance of other ethnic nationalities in the oil-rich state. Considering the fact that all other ethnic nationalities in Delta State are parts of Ndokwa nation by cultural and geographical configuration, one cannot help but yield to the temptation of describing the Ndokwa nation as the political and cultural nucleus of Delta State.

    The description of Ndokwa nation as the central part of Delta State is not merely in terms of cultural homogeneity with, and habitation by all other ethnic groups in Delta State, such as the Isokos, Itsekiris, Ijaws and Urhobos. Physical features, climatic conditions and natural endowments further lend credence to the above truism, hence the ascription of the status of a miniature Delta State to the Ndokwa ethnic nationality.

    Also based on its geographical location, Ndokwa nation is a cultural bridge to Ikas, Aniocha and Oshimili parts of Delta State. I think based on its location, you find in Ndokwa land that diverse languages, such as Isoko, Ijaw and Urhobo are commonly spoken, in the same breath as Igbo language of Ika, Aniocha and Oshimili. Accident of location has promoted deep cultural intercourse that led over time to marriages and such unions that strengthen unity.

    Furthermore, the presence of rain and mangrove forest, savannah and desert in the region; features which other ethnic nations and groups do not possess holistically but in parts, shows that the Ndokwa nation has it all. It will amount to stating the obvious by mentioning the large deposit of valuable minerals such as crude oil and very high quality gas in the area as this is already common knowledge.

    Ndokwa literally translates to peace as depicted by the calm mien, kind hospitality and peaceful disposition of an average Ndokwa man and woman. However, for the benefits of those who may not have any knowledge or the background information of the Ndokwa nomenclature, Ndokwa nation, as it is currently constituted, is the summation of the old Aboh Division. It is for administrative convenience and for the purpose of reflecting and identities of the sub-divisions to make up the Aboh Division that the name was changed from Aboh Division to “Ndokwa”, a nomenclature coined out from “Ndoshimili”, the riverine axis of the old Aboh Division and “Ukwuani” the upland axis of the Aboh Division.

    It is also imperative to, at this juncture, point out the fact that the nomenclatures: “Ukwuani” and “Ndosimili” do not in any way portray any division between the two groups, for you cannot raise one without lifting the other.

    Delta State and indeed the Nigerian nation have scored tremendous achievements in all spheres of our democratic constructions since the beginning of the fourth republic in 1999, in spite of the challenges. It is worrisome, however, and to a reasonable extent, unfair and un-equitable that back to the era of the Mid-Western Region, Bendel State and since the creation of Delta State in August 1991, no son or daughter of Ndokwa extraction has presided over the affairs of Delta State as the Chief Executive in spite of the pride of place and strategic cultural and economic importance of the Ndokwa ethnic nationality.

    In-as-much as I praise the efforts and sagacity of those making a case for a Delta State Governor of Delta North extraction come 2015, on the basis of equity and fairness, the emphasis ought to, and should be on the axis of Ndokwa nation. It is only in a Delta State Governor extraction in 2015 that equity and fairness would have been maximally attained.

    Ndokwa nation has credible sons and daughters; intellectuals, seasoned administrators and managers of human and material resources, who are experienced and vast in governance and administration. This therefore is a passionate appeal for equity and fairness by all relevant stakeholders and political actors in Delta State not to allow any “golden weight”, whatsoever, to turn the scale of fairness and equity in their sight in the 2015 Ndokwa Agenda in Delta State.

    The leader of the ruling party in Delta State and our amiable governor, Dr. Emmanuel Eweta Uduaghan, is a man of positive history. 2015 is yet another opportunity of adding a beautiful feather in his well-decorated cap of achievements. Uduaghan would have written his name in gold if his successor emerges from the Ndokwa axis of Delta North Senatorial District because it has never happened before; not even a Deputy Governor.

    The message, therefore, is a Delta State Governor of Ndokwa extraction and the time is 2015.

    — Ossai wrote in from Lagos

  • ‘Katsina government, most transparent in Nigeria today’

    The Chief of Staff to Governor Ibrahim Shehu Shema of Katsina State, Yusuf Salisu Majigiri, in this interview, speaks to Adetutu Audu on the transformational strides of his principal.

    You started as a councillor, and then local government chairman for three terms before you went to the House of Representatives, and after you became the chief of staff to the governor. How were you able to switch from a lawmaker to your current position effectively?

    It was easy for me to cope because, initially, when I ventured into politics, I started off as a councillor when I represented my ward. I was then elected chairman of my local government from 1999 to 2007. However, in between this, I was appointed the caretaker committee chairman of the defunct local government area. It was carved out of Mashi Local Government. That responsibility was an executive one, so, I know how the executive works. These two experiences as a lawmaker and chairman of local government assist me in my new assignment.

    How are you using your office to assist the governor to improve governance in the state?

    I have been trying to see that I put in my own contribution to this administration. The governor is a simple man, a straight forward personality to work with. He is an honest, transparent and committed leader. He decentralised the job such that it is so easy for me to operate and coordinate all the activities around him, and this is successful because the governor runs an open government. His telephone line is open to the general public. He has not changed his line since he acquired it. Not many governors can hold on to one line. He has maintained the same line for the past 12 years. It is this same line I reach him on as well. The moment you call him, he picks it irrespective of who you are, and, in case he could not pick, send him an SMS and you will promptly get an answer. There is no government that is as transparent as what we have in Katsina at the moment.

    In terms of projects, how do you compare this administration to the former ones?

    There is basis for comparison. No doubt, the former President Umaru Yar’Adua did so much in Katsina for the eight years he was here as governor before the country asked him to serve at the highest level of service to the country. Some people are saying the governor has surpassed the administration of the late president. But I disagree. My governor is building on the legacies of the Yar’Adua era. Be that as it may, what this administration has done in terms of developments is more than what you can begin to compare. If you look at the projects since the creation of the state about 25 years ago, up till 2007 when the Shema administration took over, the total projects executed are not up to what the Shema administration has done in the last seven years. These are projects that are verifiable.

    Many people think the Shema administration may be the last to be produced by the PDP in Katsina State because of the threat posed by the emergence of the APC? What is your perspective?

    That can’t be true; you can as well ask yourself, what happened in 2011? They said a similar thing. They said so in 2003. This is not the first time we are hearing this kind of announcement, and, funny enough, it is the same people that have been saying this. In 2003 when there was the ANPP, they used a lot of things to campaign and said by the end of the election, the PDP government would be over, we won. In 2007, they made the same statement but we won the election. In 2011, they said all sorts of things, but by God’s grace, we won again. Thus the governor is doing his second term. I am assuring you, by God’s grace, by the efforts the governor has made in the state, in terms of projects, youth empowerment, the PDP has come to stay and will win the coming election.

    With the crisis in the PDP, what difference will the change of the National Chairman make?

    From the look of things, we are seeing the end of the crisis. It is normal to have a crisis in any society because, on the long run, it makes the society even better; the only reason ours appears apparent is because we are in power. I must commend my party leadership over the way the new administration of Adamu Mu’azu emerged. Already, his efforts are yielding results. There is reconciliation going on which, of course, is leading to our members returning

    The Shema administration says he has engaged in projects without borrowing. What is the secret?

    The secret of this administration is good management under a transparent leader. We have a good manager. That’s why we can see all these projects. Many people are surprised we did this much without borrowing a kobo and are still financially buoyant. Not a single kobo, either within or outside the country, has been borrowed since the administration came in.

  • Re: Mark has failed the people of Benue-South

    Partisan time is by the corner and so politicians who want to be noticed will not hesitate to make unguided statements in order to be perceived as ‘local champions’ preparatory to the declaration of their ambitions. Most often and quite unfortunately, while I concede the natural right of every human being to nurse sentiments, the colour of sentiments played at partisan times are usually devoid of any modicum of sincerity or the genuine conviction of even the authors to serve the interest they seem to project. It is on these premises that I find the statement credited to one Chief Madaki Omadachi Ameh, titled “Mark has failed the people of Benue-South”, where energy has been dissipated in a futile attempt to cast unnecessary aspersion against the person of the President of the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Senator (DR) David Mark, quite laughable, amusing and inconsequential.

    Ordinarily, one would have ignored or disregarded Omadachi’s tantrums chiefly done to cajole Nigerians with the wave of the hand but for the purposes of putting the records straight, I hereby respond to all the issues raised in his tirade.

    First, Omadachi stated that “Mark, after occupying the seat for the past 16years, since inception of the current political dispensation in 1999, without meaningful contribution to the Idomas, doesn’t deserve another term”. Haba! Omadachi, why are you lying in order to be noticed? Why are you approbating and reprobating at the same time? At the beginning of Omadachi’s statement, he ingloriously stated that the Senate President had done nothing and mid way, he querried why the execution of Agatu-Oweto road is moving milipediously.  What a paradox?    But since Omadachi appears to be ignorant of the achievements of the President of the Senate in Benue-South, I make bold to inform and educate him and his co-political travellers.

    First, the very Otukpo-Agatu- Oweto road pointed out by Omadachi is Senator Mark’s brain child. The idea that River Benue could be bridged at Loko for a road to be constructed in order to facilitate easy movement from and to Abuja was initiated by him. The road which today stops at Oshigbudu ranks as one of the best in the country. At least, Omadachi is a living testimony to this because the road passes through Adoka, his ancestoral home. The road before now was like a bush path. The Ogoli and Onaji bridges on that road before now were death traps. At least, with the construction of that road as facilitated by Senator Mark, people are now plying that road with comfort. Therefore, Omadachi’s postulation that the road was being reconstructed was just a mere conjecture. If he has any problem with the project, all that is expected of him was to channel his grievances to the appropriate quarters.

    Senator Mark, since assuming the political leadership of Benue State-South Senatorial District, has attracted the following projects to his people: Otobi, Multi-purpose Dam, Otukpo-Nobi Earthdam, Akpegede Dam, Otobi-Otukpo Dam, Owukpa and Otukpa earth Dams under construction, motorised bore holes at College of Education Oju, Obarike-Ito, Ogi-Utonkon, Ipolo-Ugboju and Egba-Agatu as well as over twenty bore holes at different locations in Benue –South Senatorial District.

    Perhaps, Omadachi is unaware that the Senate President had constructed a multi-million naira health centres at Egba-Agatu and Akpegede- Otukpo.

    In the area of youth development, Senator Mark, apart from locating a national youth centre each in Ugbokolo, Obagaji, Ohuma and Otoda-Otukpo, had equally built a block of three classrooms each in the following schools:

    LGEA primary school, Ogam-Agatu, LGEA primary school, Ugbobi-Apa, lGEA primary school, Uwokwu-Oju,  lGEA primary school, Ibilla-oju, LGEA primar school, Ohuma-Obi, Community secondary school, Itogo-Obi, LGEA primary school, Eke-Olengbecho, St. Edwarrd primary school, Owukpa, LGEA primary  school, Akpoge-Ogblolo, LGEA primary school, Igumale, LGEA primary school, Otobi-Akpa, LGEA primary school, Agadagba-Akwunu, LGEA primary school, Ochobo I, Devine secondary school, Ochobo.

              Currently, the President of the Senate is constructing a block of three class rooms each in the following schools, St.Joseph’s primary school, Otada-Otukpo, LGEA primary school, Emichi-Otukpo, LGEA primary school, Akpachi-Otukpo, Wesley primary school Utonkon, LGEA primary school, Okuntungbe, LGEA primary school, Inyuma-Oju, LGEA primary school Allan-Akpa, LGEA primary school, Ipega, Adum-Ona, Orokam, as well as Igumale community secondary school, Igumale.

              It might also interest the self aclaimed “Okaleya” that the Senate President also attracted a colossal eighteen federal roads to the rural communities in Benue-South. these are: Igumale-Ulayi-Ijigban, Oshigbudu-Obagaji-Okokolo, Ugbokpo-Edikwu-Opaha, Adumeast-Ohuma-Ojou, Oju-Ebenta-Uwoku, Ukwo-Aho-Owukpa, Okpudu-Idiri-Ikomija, Ochobo-Agadagba-Onyagede, Adoka-Umogidi-Opaha, Ugbokpo-Ojantele-Ikobi, Ogoli-Ipolo, Awulema-Aigaji-Ogene-Alaglanu, Efoyo-Ikpogo-Omadewu-Eboya, Adumeast-Adiko-Okumtungbe, Otada-Emichi-Okpoumaju-Odudaje, Egwuanokwu-Aigaji-Idekpa, Oju-Ojuma-Edumoga-Ohuma roads. There are also several other electrification projects initiated by Senator David Mark in various communities of Benue-South.

              Haven pointed out some of the physical development projects, it is necessary for me at this juncture to also inform Omadachi that through political brickmanship of the distinguished Senator Mark, the Otukpo-Enugu road is being given a face lift at least up to Ugbokolo. That Akpagede road has not been given a first class face lift like the Otukpo-Enugu road is a clear testimony that Senator Mark is not a selfish leader otherwise, he could have done that road at the expense of Agatu-Oweto road and Otukpo-Enugu road.

    Mark is not a Senator of Akpegede alone but a Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria representing the good people of Benue-South Senatorial District.

              It is equally important to inform Omadachi and his hobnobbers that Senator Mark has developed an impressive humanitarian enterprise for the people, especially women and youth in his constituency. This can be periscoped from the establishment of cottage industries in the nine local government areas. Aside this, he also established a scholarship scheme where students from Benue-South and indeed the entire Benue state are benefiting. Over 10,000 students have benefited so far. Similarly, Senator David Mark has facilitated the recruitment of many Idoma youths into federal agencies and parastatals.

              As for Omadachi’s ambition, I do not begrudge him since that is his entitlement. My happiness is that Senator Mark has become a commodity that other products have to lean on in order to be marketed. Omadachi, who is angling to go to the upper legislative chambers after a futile attempt to go to the house of representative in 2011 should first of all endeavor to comprehend the working of the parliament before venturing into it. As it is today, he is misunderstanding the legislature as an extension of the executive hence he is viewing contract awards and executing as functions of the parliament. He should also try to utilize the instrumentality of persuasive communication to showcasing himself to the electorate instead of denigrating the Senate President with monochromatic accusations.

    The achievements of Senator Mark as a true representative of his people are obvious and visible.  They cannot be diminished by the unfounded allegation of Omadachi

    —  Elijah wrote in from Makurdi, Benue State.

  • ‘APC determined to bring Nigeria back from ruin’

    ‘APC determined to bring Nigeria back from ruin’

    It is with great pleasure that I stand in front of you all at this historic event of the unveiling and presentation of All Progressives Congress (APC) political party and its logo to Nigerians in the State of Maryland. Welcome!

    The All Progressives Congress, also known as the APC, was formed in February 2013; the result of the amalgamation of the four biggest opposition parties in Nigeria – the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), the All Nigerian People’s Party (ANPP), and a faction of the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA).

    On July 31, 2013, the APC received approval from the nation’s electoral umpire, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to become a political party. Subsequently, INEC withdrew the operating licenses of the three previous and merging parties (the ACN, CPC and ANPP), now referred to as the legacy parties.

    The merger was fashioned to take on the so-called ‘all mighty’ People’s  Democratic Party (PDP) and to offer a recipe for peace and prosperity to the beleaguered, longsuffering people of Nigeria.

    The APC is committed to the principles of internal democracy. It focuses on issues of serious concern to the Nigerian people, and is determined to bring corruption and insecurity to an end, thereby stopping and reversing the trend of increasing despair and hopelessness among Nigerians, both at home and abroad.

    The resolution to solve these issues, as well as the restoration of hope, the enthronement of true democratic values for Peace, Democracy, Justice and Good Governance necessitated the birth of the APC, and continue to fuel its growth, even today.

    This movement has not been without obstacles and challenges clearly designed to sabotage and undercut its efforts. Even at its inception, In March 2013, two other associations – African People’s Congress and All Patriotic Citizens – also applied for INEC registration, adopting APC as an acronym as well, a clever, but cynical attempt to dilute the young coalition’s brand ahead of the 2015 general elections. Undeterred, the party leadership pressed forward, offering to alter the Party name to avoid any conflicts, because its leaders were confident that the strength of this movement is not in its name, but in its ideals and its commitment to them. Thankfully, by divine order, the All Progressives Congress was registered without a change of name.

    The PDP has essentially ruled Nigeria unchecked since 1999, and in 15 years, its only achievement has been to kill the optimism and dash the hopes of all Nigerians who emerged from under the brutality of successive military dictatorships. Consider, if you will, what the last 15 years have meant for Nigeria under PDP leadership:

    • a battered economy that increasingly marginalizes the average Nigerian into poverty, while, at the same time, enriching the cabals that have unconstitutional control over state resources in Nigeria; a rise in the impunity of the brazen use of the mechanism of Government at the highest levels by the PDP leadership to intimidate any and all opposition; the loss of manufacturing jobs to neighboring countries as a result of epileptic power supply; Increase in medical tourism to countries like India and South Africa due to the deplorable state of the health system in the country, the appalling and reprehensible condition of our educational system, where students have spent more time at home than in schools; Breakdown of the social and physical infrastructures; Budget Performance which is below 60% annually; Internal terrorism manifesting in Boko Haram insurgency and kidnapping.

    The APC is determined to bring this great country back from the brink of destruction and ruin by combating the seven major challenges I just outlined with the following goals: National unity and integration; A serious and holistic approach to defending against threats to security, not just a military one; A restitution of constitutional law and order; Ensuring rapid economic growth with equity, as well as economic policies built around, and for, the working class; Consolidating Nigeria’s emerging democratic tradition; Human development; And Meeting the energy needs of the Nigerian people while Instituting a sustainable management of the environment.

    Many of us want change, in fact, perhaps the overwhelming majority of us desire to have such a decisive and impactful change in our polity, in the way we are governed, in the processes of governance, in the dynamics of our national economy, and in the nature of social cohesion among our peoples.

    Under the leadership of the current government, several national issues which threaten the unity of and democracy in our great nation have become apparent. These issues include: Ethno-religious conflicts, militancy and insurgencies; Endemic corruption and electoral malpractices.

    There is a clear correlation between insurgencies and the high level of unemployment, poverty and the accompanying disaffection, especially among our youth, whose anger and frustration then make them easy targets for recruitment in these seemingly endless suicidal campaigns of terror.

    The Government recently declared a state of emergency in Adamawa, Yobe and Borno states to curb the activities of the increasingly emboldened insurgent groups, chief amongst them, the organization known as Boko Haram. Such is the impunity with which the group operates that it hoisted its flag in 11 Local Government Areas in Borno State. And they are not alone. Far from being a regional issue, the slaughter of Nigerian citizens on a daily basis in one part of the country or the other is a stark reality our country currently faces. Armed Robbery and Kidnapping are on the rise and these threaten the security and unity of this nation.

    The lack of Internal democracy within the ruling party and the resulting problems have resulted in the blatant disregard of the constitution as witnessed by the recent debacle in Rivers State where the State Police takes direct orders from the Presidency to undermine the authority of the democratically elected Governor, who is supposed to be the Chief Security Officer of the State. About the same time, 5 members of the State House of Assembly in Rivers attempted to impeach this same Governor of the State on trumped up charges with the support of the Presidency, all within the PDP.

    The overwhelming majority of Nigerians is increasingly tired of, frustrated with and bewildered by the incompetence, unresponsiveness and irresponsibility of our elected officials, as they should be. Since our independence in 1960, every successive democratically elected administration has performed worse than the previous one with respect to the general welfare of Nigerian citizens and the well-being of our economy.

    ***.

    Let me take a moment to briefly address our economy. While it’s both true and laudable that Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product or GDP, grew by approximately 7% last year, that figure represents a net 1% shrinkage from the previous fiscal year, and is still nowhere near the 8-10% annual growth rate needed to reverse poverty trends to meet the goal of lifting Nigeria into the league of the 20 largest countries by 2020.

    Furthermore, in spite of the apparent growth, the Government, in its handling of the economy, has failed to make a difference in the economic plight of the average person. 1 in 4 Nigerians is unemployed; 1 in 3 among the youth. 7 out of every 10 Nigerians live in poverty. Yet, somehow, in the midst of all this, 8 of the wealthiest 15 Africans call Nigeria home.

    Personally, I’m amazed. With the amount of corruption, fraud and misappropriation; the mind boggling levels of organized looting being perpetrated and perpetuated by political brigands in power and their business partners, I would think we should score 15 out of 15 of the wealthiest Africans. Our oil sector alone has lost $100 billion to fraud and corruption over the last 10 years. That’s the size of three federal budgets, gone, just like that. When the top 105 Nigerians possess 41% of the national wealth, but the bottom 20%, tens of millions of people, own a meagre 4%, it’s time for a change. Not just a cosmetic face-lift, but a dramatic, genuine, transformative change. And it is within this context, as an agent of this quest for change, that the APC is casting its vision towards the 2015 general elections.

    The Party’s platform is a seven point cardinal program addressing the critical areas of:

    • Energy,

    • Systemic corruption,

    • Food security,

    • Transportation and  Education,

    • The balance of power between Federal, State and Local governments

    • The National economy, and

    • Health care.

    The party’s vision is that of a progressive state anchored on social democracy; one that is economically viable, socially secure, and politically stable; a state, where the creative energy of every Nigerian is directed towards productivity to generate wealth for the well-being of its people.

    The APC, with this mindset, therefore recognizes, highly values and is ready to harness the abundant energies, enterprise and intellect of all Nigerians, particularly the Nigerian youth and women, to move the country forward so that Nigeria can assume its proper place in world affairs commensurate with its size and status as the leading African nation in the world, and, more importantly, reposition it decisively on the route to an emerging, modern, stable democracy with a productive economy that is based on equity and justice for all citizens.

    I wish to express my appreciation to the members of this newly formed chapter who as notable Nigerians are rising up against the tyranny, impunity and criminality of the present leadership in the country while aligning yourselves with the “change-oriented” party. You are our compatriots in Diaspora and are no less stigmatized by the cultural reputation of corruption attached to our national identity nor immune to the plight of loved ones facing hardship at home.

    I wish at this juncture to salute the courage of our leaders, namely Major General Muhammed Buhari, Chief Bisi Akande, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Chief Ogbonaya Onu for sacrificing their individual ambition to midwife the APC.

    I stand here to make a humble commitment to you that we shall continue to push for, and pursue an agenda that will rescue our nation from  the shackles of hardship, poverty and irresponsible mismanagement of our economy by the PDP Administration.

    The APC will provide leadership motivated and inspired to serve our people and promote their wellbeing; leadership determined to serve with honour and integrity in a social contract with the people who will vote them into power.

    We are one people with allegiance to one nation under the Sovereignty of one God who has bestowed on us His love that transcends human understanding. It is, therefore, an ultimately destructive act of ingratitude to Him for any individual or party to attempt to exploit religious divisions for electoral victory at the peril of our national unity.

    God has blessed Nigeria specifically with so much human and natural resources that any administration should be so fortunate as to deliver the promises of peace and prosperity on behalf of its people, providing leadership that mobilizes the creative energy of the citizenry to generate wealth through industry and lift the Nation out of poverty.

    It is the promise of the leadership of the All Progressives Congress that this party will always choose the path of honour, integrity, accountability and responsibility to provide good governance and life more abundant.

    It is therefore my pleasure to unveil the logo of the All Progressives Congress in the United States of America chapter of the party. Long live APC! Long live Nigeria!!!

    Thank you and God bless.

    — Being excerpts from a speech by Senator Robert Ajayi Boroffice at the presentation of the logo of the All Progressives Congress (APC) U.S chapter on February 8, 2014

  • Joathan’s 2015 bid and the constitution

    Joathan’s 2015 bid and the constitution

    It is instructive that President Goodluck Jonathan has of late resorted to the pulpit hoping, apparently in a desperate bid, to push through his barely-disguised intention to seek re-election in the general elections of 2015. Every other Sunday nowadays it has become the expectation that the president could be found mounting the pulpit of one prominent church or the other across the various denominations of the Christian faith sermonising conveniently on issues relating to politics or public affairs.

    If the president’s expectation is that the clergymen will welcome the idea and key into it wholeheartedly without reservations, this has not turned out so. Taking the whole thing into perspective, no less a prominent clergyman, the Reverend Ignatius Kaigama of the Catholic Church had to publicly come out to admonish the president on trying to turn the Church into a political platform for his (the president’s) political agenda. In the unequivocal perspective of Rev. Kaigama, the danger in this is that the hallowed tradition and disposition of the Church as an impartial participant in national affairs and as sanctuary and spiritual conscience of the nation stands to be compromised if its pulpits are turned into platforms for partisan political campaigns. Accordingly, he counselled the president and other politicians for that matter to instead take their political messages directly to the voting public as is expected in a democracy.

    Indeed, one of the prominent clergymen from one of the churches that Jonathan recently visited to deliver one of his political sermons was more direct. He told me in confidence that his church received the president only out of courtesy to the office he occupies and also in keeping with the Christian tradition of opening doors to all who seek it. But, he added, “We all were not amused. We were not flattered that the president decided to visit us now only when elections are near and he suddenly recognised us. We have in the past made several attempts to seek audience with him in order to pray and present our views on the way the country was going and provide solutions on how to resolve them. But we never even got a reply. And failing that, we also sent reports and documentations to his office but none was even acknowledged.” The clergyman concluded with a point which I think the president should especially note. President Jonathan, he says, should hearken to the saying that he who seeks God’s favour must come with a clean mind and a clear conscience. With all the things we are seeing and hearing about this administration, can the president truly expect God’s favour, he asked rhetorically?

    Indeed, Jonathan’s attempt to use the religion card for political ends is not without precedence. One remembers clearly during the administration of General Sani Abacha, when in similar fashion as Jonathan’s, Abacha had sought the intervention of clergymen of both the Christian and Islamic faiths for his attempt to transmute from military to civilian president. What subsequently happened with Abacha’s attempt at manipulating the religion card is now a sad and unfortunate part of our history and which should make anybody trying to follow the same path think deeply.

    Beyond playing with religion, with all the legal advice available to him, Jonathan ought to know more than anybody else that there is a constitutional question mark on his 2015 ambition. He should know that as has been repeatedly stated, the constitution which he swore to defend and which forms the ground norm of our democratic dispensation does not allow him to rule as president beyond 2015. If as his supporters keep saying, that his tenure began from 2011 when he was first elected, then it follows that as of the time of the passing of his principal, the late President Yar’adua in 2010, he should have stepped down for fresh elections to be conducted with him as a fresh candidate and not assumed office automatically as he did on that occasion. It follows that his tenure started from that point and since the Constitution does not allow him to be sworn in thrice and to stay in office beyond eight years, his terminal date constitutionally should be 2015 and no more. Are we saying that the two years in which he ruled as successor to the late Yar’adua, when he was constitutionally sworn in as president, was to use a popular Nigerian parlance, awoof?

    That Jonathan is probably aware of this constitutional lacuna on his 2015 re-election efforts and is still going ahead regardless, demonstrates the utter levity with which our political leaders regard the constitution. It is worse even that the president, in the full knowledge of this, tacitly encourages persons and groups to threaten the constitutional order of the country should he not stand for election in 2015.

    In other climes where provisions of the Constitution are strictly adhered to, the political system does not even allow such to occur. A case in point is in the United States of America where with the demise of President Kennedy in 1963, three years into his tenure, his deputy, Lyndon Johnson, was automatically sworn in to replace him as constitutionally defined. President Johnson subsequently contested the 1964 elections and won, defeating his Republican challenger Adlai Stevenson. In 1968 when it was time for another round of presidential elections, the Democratic Party declined to field him for the post having regard to the fact that had Johnson contested and won the elections in 1968, by 1972, when elections would have been due, he would have ruled for nine years, which is against the American constitutional eight-year term limits of two terms each for American Presidents.

    Even though by 1968, Johnson had only spent five years in power, in order to avoid constitutional complications that would have arisen from his ruling for nine years by 1972 had he won in 1968, the Democratic Party of America, instead, fielded President Johnson’s deputy, Hubert Humprey, against Richard Nixon of the Republican Party who subsequently won the elections.

    Against this background, it behoves on the president’s own political party, the Peoples Democratic Party, to examine critically and resolve dispassionately the constitutional issues surrounding the president’s eligibility to contest the 2015 elections or not. As with the Democrats in America in the case of President Lyndon Johnson, the PDP is presented with an opportunity to demonstrate its commitment to protecting and deepening constitutional democracy by adhering strictly to the provisions on presidential term limits which is clear and unambiguous with respect to Jonathan.

    Not to do so will be setting a dangerous precedent whereby future presidents would seek to conveniently tamper or ignore extant constitutional provisions to suit their whims and caprices. Indeed, as it so happens in Nigeria, it may not be out of place to expect that at some point in the future an incumbent president might point out this breach of the constitution as reason and justification for his own intention to further breach the constitution.

    In the overriding interest of keeping faith with the country’s constitutional democratic order, the PDP should not seek the political convenience of pandering to the president and vote-catching, at the expense of the constitution.

  • Kaduna Govt. to use sports for unity, peace

    Bashir Birnin-Gwari, the Kaduna State Commissioner for Youth and Sports, on Wednesday pledged to use sports to unite the people of the state.

    Birnin-Gwari told the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) in Abuja that the state governor specifically appointed him as a commissioner to unify all youths in Kaduna. He added that NYSC members posted to the state were able to round off their programme with a passing out parade to show the current level of peace.

    “Our position in Kaduna is to make sure that we use sports to make peace, to bring everybody together and that was the reason the governor appointed me as the commissioner of youth and sports.

  • ‘Aregbesola ‘ll rule beyond 2014’

    ‘Aregbesola ‘ll rule beyond 2014’

    Osun State Commissioner for Regional Integration and Special Duties, Mr. Ajibola Bashir, explains the giant strides recorded by the Aregbesola administration in economy, education and job creation. Besides, he speaks on APC’s preparation for the August 9 governorship election. He spoke with Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN.

    Governor Rauf Aregbesola promised people of Osun State free and qualitative education in his inaugural speech in November 2010. How has government been able to fulfil this promise?

    Within the first 100 days in office, the Aregbesola administration conveyed Education Summit under the chairmanship of Nobel Laureate Professor Wole Soyinka where far reaching decisions on how to achieve qualitative education were taken. Before the advent of this administration, Osun State used to be 34th out of 36 states in the ladder of passing external examination. Today, Osun is eighth. That astronomical improvement was due to government intervention in education.

    Secondly, the National Bureau of Statistics had reported that Osun State had the highest number of primary schools in the country. Also connected with the administration of education in the state is the School Feeding Programme of pupils which is revolutionary in nature. More than 2,000 students in Grade 1-4 in public schools are being fed daily. They take protein with seasonal fruits to maintain their mental capability. In recognition of this feeding programme, Governor Aregbesola was invited to speak at the United Kingdom Parliament to talk on the mechanism and the advantages of the programme.

    In line with the communiqué of the education summit, the schools in the state were reclassified and consolidated to achieve government’s goal on provision of qualitative education. To this end, government engaged the services of 51 Chartered Accountants to audit the public schools. There were startling revelations emanating from the auditing exercise. In some schools, there were teachers and there were no students in large number to teach. In others, there were students, no teachers to teach them. At a particular school, it was found that only one teacher was teaching chemistry, mathematics, physics and biology. The teacher is a graduate of Physical Education. The education infrastructure in Osun State before the advent of Aregbesola’s regime was nil not in comatose.

    How has the present government improved on provision of education infrastructure in public schools?

    We have to build large schools to accommodate large number of pupils. Towards this, a N10 billion bond was raised. About 54 model schools with befitting facilities are being constructed simultaneously. The commissioning of the model schools will begin in the next two weeks.

    Towards the realisation of this education revolution is the evolution of Opon Imo which has received the best award of e-learning device in the world. Opon Imo is a device that put on a single tablet all text books, lesson notes, past questions and answers that are necessary to prepare students for West African School Certificate Examination (WASCE).

    Are there incentives introduced by government to motivate students in their studies?

    The state government provides free school uniform for almost 800,000 students in public schools. We have increased grants to schools per pupil by more than 1,000 per cent. The state government pays West African Examinations Council (WAEC) fees for all Senior Secondary School (SSS3) students. We have increased bursary and scholarship for students of Osun State origin in tertiary institutions. The state government pays N100,000 each to Law and Medical students to encourage and support them unlike what obtained in the past. All this have started yielding results.

    The gestation period to realise the benefits of government intervention is still on. In years to come it will reflect in the quality of students and high level of quality students from public schools. The philosophy of our education policy is emergence of total person in terms of learning and culture.

    Why is the education reform policy generating controversy especially between the Christians and Muslims in the state?

    There is no controversy between Christians and Muslims. The education reform policy is not generating controversy. The controversy on whether Hijab has to be allowed or not in public schools pre-dated our administration and our intervention in education. It is mischievous, erroneous and fraudulent of anybody to attribute the education reform to the controversy over hijab. There is litigation on this matter. Court has directed that the status quo ante be maintained. But some political interests are hiding under religious camouflage to discredit the education reforms programme of this administration and to cause confusion in the education sector.

    There is this erroneous impression and misconception that Osun State is taking over mission schools. All mission schools had been taken over since 1975. The only thing that was left was the names of the schools which were not changed. The management, funding and staffing of the schools were taken over by the state government.

    The allegation that the re-classification of schools is causing hardship to students in terms of distance is fallacy. In few instances where there is problem of distance especially in the urban areas, scholar buses are provided to take the students to the nearest point to their schools. The re-classification became fully implemented in October 2013, a term is gone. That the education reform has become a burden on students is a deliberate mischief being perpetrated by our traducers and their supporters in the tiny section of the media. After consolidation of schools, we now have 1,950 schools in the state.

    Anyway, landmark achievements are greeted with scepticism but over time it becomes an issue to be celebrated. The free education programme introduced by late Chief Obafemi Awolowo in 1955 received knocks initially but Awo is revered today because of the free education programme.

    Do you think the opposition to state government’s education reform has political undertone?

    Yes it has political undertone. There is synergy between the opposition parties and the religious organisations that are opposed to our education reform programme. The statements by the religious groups are identical in wordings with that of the opposition parties. Can you imagine religious organisations asking parents not to honour governor’s invitation on the recent incident at Baptist High School, Iwo. They want to constitute themselves into an opposition to government. It goes beyond the boarder of protecting religious interest.

    How has the government being able to tackle unemployment in the state?

    The government approach in tackling unemployment are many folds. Within the first 100 days in office, 20,000 youths were employed by O-YES-a volunteer programme. In the second phase, another 20,000 have been employed. Though not full time employment, O-YES programme created a platform to take the youth from the state of hopelessness. We pay them N10,000 monthly allowance. Through O-YES some of them have been absorbed into civil service and teaching, some have been trained in phones and laptop repairing, some of them are gainfully engaged in agricultural practices like poultry, fishery and piggery. Those running down the programme are callous. These men of yester years were in government for seven and half years, they didn’t do anything. The Federal government they are relying on to win election has copied our O-YES programme in form of SURE-P. They should bury their heads in shame.

    We have also addressed unemployment in other ways such as : through provision of N2 billion Quick Intervention Fund for farmers; vehicle loans for Osun indigenes who are drivers in Abuja at a single digit interest rate; procurement of vehicles for commercial drivers in Osun; 3,000 tailors engaged in sewing school uniform; 3,000 people engaged to prepare meals for students. We offer them interest free loan to acquire utensils to serve as local caterers. Employment of teachers through TESCOM and SUBEB; and many artisans are engaged in market, road, school and hospital construction.

    The National Bureau of Statistics ranked Osun State second in tackling unemployment in the country and the best in Human Development Index. Put together we are the best run government in this country.

    INEC has fixed August 9 for the governorship election in Osun. How prepared is APC?

    We are fully prepared. APC is the party to beat in Nigeria. We have delivered on our promises. In 2011 people voted for APC. It is only in Osun that PDP lost presidential election in Southwest. It is amazinging to hear that Iyiola Omisore who lost his ward and Local Government in 2011 elections now saying he will rule the state and that he will capture Osun for the PDP. Omisore claimed the election was rigged but never challenged the result in the tribunal. The one that went to tribunal, that is, Wole Oke lost at the tribunal level and the Court of Appeal. They are certified election riggers. Omisore’s first election was declared null and void in 2007 by the Court of Appeal. He can’t win ward election, but want to rule the state. Someone rejected by his people at the ward and local government levels now boasting to rule the state is a comedian.

    The membership registration exercise shows that Osun is a pace setter. The State of Osun has decided to go the way of APC. Within 24 hours, 100 forms sent to each registration unit were exhausted. We have 3,010 polling units That is to say over 300,000 members were registered on the first day.

    As a party, APC is the party in control. We know they would engage in thuggrey, unleash security operatives to harass and intimidate and to steal Peoples mandate, our people are well prepared to thwart their evil machinations. We don’t have any doubt at all that the government of Aregbesola will continue beyond 2014.

    What would you describe as the strength of Governor Aregbesola’s administration?

    This administration has made the people to be the centre of development. When people is the source of your strength, you don’t need any other strength again. Human being is the focus of our development programme The gamut of our development programme is about elevating the people. All our programmes are about the people.

    One of the main projects being considered under the regional integration by the Southwest states is the construction of Western rail line. How will it be financed?

    We have received Memoranda of Understanding (MoU)from prospective investors. Already being considered are the routes to be covered, financial requirements and structuring right of way. We are going to unveil our mission soon. It will be financed through Public Private Partnership (PPP). The clearing house for the Regional Integration is Development Agenda for Western Nigeria (DAWN) located at Cocoa House, Ibadan. It is being financed by all participating states in Southwest except Ondo State that has not being meeting with us. The rail project will open Southwest for serious development, local manpower development and employment generation.

  • 2015: Deputy governors and succession crisis

    2015: Deputy governors and succession crisis

    The position of deputy governor is perceived as a stepping stone to the governorship. But, since 1999, only a deputy governor has succeeded his boss. Ahead of the next year’s general elections, Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU examines the obstacles against the deputy governors itching to become governors.

    It is a hallowed position. It confers honour and prestige on the occupant. It is a stepping stone to the governorship. But, the position of a deputy governor is also perceived as a burden and frustration under the presidential system. To many observers, the office is adorned with elusive influence, judging by the power relations between deputy governors and their power-loaded bosses.

    In this dispensation, only Alhaji Mahmud Shinkafi of Zamfara State, has succeeded his boss, former Governor Yerima Sani. Unlike other 35 governors, who were in the saddle between 1999 and 2007, Sani , now a senator, believed that the number two position was a training ground for Shinkafi, who he had groomed for the exalted office.

    Next year, governorship elections will hold in 31 states. In 25 states, governors will complete their second term. Curiously, out of the 25 states, only in two states -Bauchi and Taraba – are deputy governors aspiring to succeed their bosses. In Taraba, the acting governor, Alhaji Garba Umar, is scheming to succeed his ailing boss, Alhaji Dambaba Suntai. In Bauchi, the deputy governor wants to succeed Alhaji Isa Yuguda. There is no evidence to suggest that their bosses will endorse them for the governorship. In some states, deputy governors are embracing reality by aspiring to the National Assembly. In others, they are on their way to political retirement.

    Threats to ambition

    A political scientist, Boniface Ayodele, observed that deputy governors merely exist and function based on the whims and caprices of their principals with whom they share joint tickets during the election. He explained why their governorship ambition has always hit the rock. “One of the issues and factors that tend to stall the desire of deputy governors to serve as governors is zoning. If the deputy governor comes from outside the zoning preference, he will be by-passed,” he said.

    Ayodele, who teaches at the Ekiti State University, Ado-Ekiti, also pointed out that governors and their deputies are never best of friends, adding that their relationship is often characterised by suspicion, hate and jealousy. “The deputy governors are always imposed on the governors by the party structure. They may belong to different caucuses within the ruling party. In most cases, the governors are not permitted to choose their running mates. Deputy governors are selected for ethnic or zonal balancing. The competence of the deputy governor may also be an issue,” he added.

    The university don also alluded to the mood of the party as a factor in succession. He said governors can influence the party to abort the deputy governor’s succession dream, if the governor perceives him or her to be disloyal and treacherous. “A governor will not want to hand over to a person who will probe him or expose his misdeeds in office,” he stressed.

    A historian, Caleb Ayegbusi, observed that many governors had deliberately chosen deputy governors who lacked political clout so that they would not nurse the plan to succeed them. “In Delta State, the eminent professor of law is the deputy governor. But, he is an old man. He is a decent person and he will not make any controversial move when the race to succeed Dr. Emmanuel Uduaghan starts. Even, in Ondo State, Governor Mimiko carefully selected an old man, Chief Ali Olanusi, as his deputy. He has no ambition and he will not be a thorn in the flesh of the governor,” he said.

    Ayegbusi contented that, although many politicians lobby to become deputy governors, the position has a limited attraction.

    It is an understatement. The deputy governor is the nominal second-in-command to the governor. Whenever the governor is not around; either he is on sick bed or annual leave; the deputy governor is permitted by the 1999 Constitution to stand for him. But there ends his power. Unlike commissioners and special advisers, he is not assigned any constitutional roles. Therefore, analysts deride the portfolio as a spare tyre. The constraints are overwhelming. The position only becomes an attractive portfolio in a rare period of emergency when the governor is impeached or dies in office. When this happens, the deputy governor instantly becomes the governor.

    Constitution as albatross

    Under the 1999 Constitution, deputy governors are marginalised. Whenever they muster the strength to assert themselves, they are shoved aside by the impeachment instigated by the governor. “Many deputy governors are idle and merely warm the seats in the executive chambers,” said rights activist Lanre Suraj. “Usually, there is friction between the chief executive and his deputy, unless the governor prefers him for the role,” he added.

    Since the Second Republic, governors and their deputies have not maintained cordial relations, despite being active politicians and political leaders in their respective constituencies. In the old Oyo State, the friction got to a crescendo when the governor, the late Chief Bola Ige, had to withdraw the roles assigned to his deputy, the late Chief Sunday Afolabi. The crisis of confidence escalated when the deputy governor’s allowances were withheld by his boss.

    Also, the frosty relation between governors and their deputies was worse in Ondo and Bendel states. In Ondo State, the deputy governor, the late Chief Akin Omoboriowo, challenged his boss, the late Chief Adekunle Ajasin, to a duel. When Ajasin later withdrew the powers, the vibrant deputy governor was left in the cold. A maverick, he rallied many key leaders and launched a virulent attack on the administration under which he served as the number two citizen. It was worse in Bendel State. Former Governor Ambrose Ali and his deputy, Obande, polarised the ruling Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) and the state.

    In the aborted Third Republic, there were signs that many deputy governors wanted to rub shoulders with their governors. The storm was gathering, but the deputy governors could not hatch their rebellion before legitimate authorities were displaced by the military.

    Between 1999 and 2007, the rivalries between some governors and their deputies underscored the succession battle. In the Southwest, following protracted personality clashes, Afenifere, the Yoruba pan-Yoruba socio-political group, advised two deputy governors-Iyiola Omisore of Osun State and Kofoworola Bucknor-Akerele of Lagos State-to resign from government. It was evident that the two governors-Chief Bisi Akande and Senator Bola Tinubu-would not allow their troublesome deputies to succeed them.

    Endangered specie

    Ambitious deputy governors are often dropped before the next election. In Abia State, Eyinnaya Abaribe was sacked as the deputy governor by former Governor Orji Kalu. In Bayelsa State, former Governor Timpreye Sylva orchestrated the impeachment of his deputy, Hon. Perebowei Ebebi. Umar, the deputy governor of Taraba State, had to fight to become the Acting Governor, following the hospitalisation of his boss, who was involved in a plane crash.

    In Akwa Ibom, the deputy governor, Isima Ekere, was kicked out for showing interest in governorship, which will become vacant next year when Governor Godswill Akpabio completes his second term.

    In Sokoto State, former Govrnor Attahiru Bafarawa and his deputy, Alhaji Ibrahim Wamakko, had to go their separate ways in 2007. Wamakko wanted to succeed Bafarawa. But, the former governor objected. To achieve his motive, Wamakko had to defect from the defunct All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    There are indications that many deputy governors actually suffer in silence. Many big shots have avoided being nominated as governorship running mates, although the traumatized position underrated as second fiddle also has prospects.

    Many constitutional lawyers contend that Section 130 of the 1999 Constitution is to blame. It created the positions of deputy governor and vice president as an amoeba, a constitutional parasite without a meaningful shape and deep political root. Perhaps, as noted by a commentator, Eric Teniola, the only reason for keeping the office of the Vice President and deputy governor is that they provide an automatic solution to the problem of succession.

    Like governor, like Vice President

    Former Secretary to Western State Government, the late Chief Augustine Adebayo, offered an insight into the frosty governor/deputy governor relations. In his book titled: ‘Power in politics’, he said the deputy governor, who is “constitutionally idle”, has no security vote. He also pointed out that, African leaders, by nature, have a pathological hatred for the idea of successor. Thus, Adebayo reasoned that the office of a successor or heir-apparent to the throne is institutionalized into the system, it is a clear invitation to political disaster.

    Adebayo drew a similarity between the fate of the deputy governor and the Vice President. He emphasised that the main function of the Vice President is to wait in the wings to be called upon to take over the duties of the Chief Executive. According to analysts, this is can lead to anxiety.

    In 2007, the Vice President Atiku Abubakar showed a keen interest in the Presidency. Between 1999 and 2003, he was perceived as the President in waiting. However, in 2007, his boss, President Olusegun Obasanjo had a new succession plan. Irked by the rejection of his candidature, he left the PDP for the Action Congress (AC).

    In developed countries, deputy governors and vice presidents face the same predicament. Former United States President Frankline Roosevelt described the position of the vice president as “an utterly anomalous office, one which I think ought to be abolished”.

    However, due to the prevailing strong political culture, Americans acknowledge the prospects of the office. Succession, to them, is not a remote possibility. In the United States, nine Presidents have failed to complete their terms of office and their deputies had to assume office as Presidents. Eight of them died in office; four of them were assassinated. One was forced to resign. At least, when two Presidents, Dwight Eisenhower and Woodrow Wilson, took ill, their vice presidents acted as Presidents. Thus, political scientists and experts in public administration have contend that the office of Vice-President is a training ground for the ultimate office of the President. Former Vice Presidents Harry Truman, Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford became Presidents when tragedy befell the captains of the ship.

    In United States, Vice-President is not totally idle all the time. He is saddled with certain assignments to keep him busy. He is the President of the Senate. But, “Senator Vice President” is a ceremonial head. He has no vote on the floor, unless there is a tie or members are equally divided. Many agree that, without this cosmetic function, the Vice-President of the most powerful country in the world will be without employment.

    This frustration was expressed by Arthur Schlesinger in his book’ The Imperial Presidency’ where he quoted Tom Marshall as saying: “The Vice President is like a man in catalectic state; he cannot speak, he cannot move, he suffers no pain, and yet, he is perfectly conscious of everything on about him’.

    Former President Lyndon Johnson’s deputy, Mr Hubert Humphrey, reflected on the plight of a deputy trapped the so-called exalted office devoid of power. “It is like being naked in the middle of a blizzard with no one to even offer you a match to keep you warm. You are trapped, vulnerable, alone and it does not matter who happens to be President”, he said.

    American founding fathers had visualized these predicaments from the beginning. The first US Vice President , John Adams, had pointed out that constitutional constraints that may make any Vice-President uncomfortable. “My country has in its wisdom contrived for me the most insignificant office contrived in the imagination of man”. But Adams was also ambivalent because he also perceived the lesser position as a stepping stone to the topmost ladder. He said, consolingly, that ‘I am Vice-President; in this, I am nothing, but, I may be everything’. He later occupied the throne he gazed at from a close range.

    Mistrust and suspicion

    Adebayo observed that deputy governors often rebel against governors because they monopolise the “limitless goldmines”, thereby giving deputy governors no opportunity to be heard or seen. He said that deputies are aggrieved because they lack access to state resources. “There were some states where the governors and their deputies were not on speaking terms’, noted Adebayo, who canvassed the abolition of the position of deputy governor, based on his Second Republic experience.

    In this Fourth Republic, this trend has persisted. At the height of former Governor Chris Ngige’s tribulation in Anambra State, his deputy was removed. Ngige said that he was disloyal. In Oyo State, the former deputy governor, Chief Adebayo Alao-Akala turned his back against his boss, Senator Rashidi Ladoja, in the days of tribulation. In fact, Alao-Akala assumed the reins in error. When Ladoja was reinstated by the court after 11 months, Alao-Akala hurriedly embarked on leave.

    In Enugu State, where Chimaroke Nnamani once called the shots, the deputy was a shadow aide. Conscious of his limitation, he accepted his fate and refused to flex muscles with his political superior.

    Adebayo said that, under the constitution, the governor is not compelled to assign functions to his deputy. In fact, the deputy governor, like the Vice President, cannot appoint his personal staff. All the aides of the deputy governors are appointees of the governor. Their loyalty also goes to the governor, and not the deputy governor. This, scenario, Adebayo submitted, ran contrary to the mindset of an African in power who likes to enjoy publicity and pomp.

    Another bone of contention between the governor and deputy governor is political patronage. How the pecks of office are shared often create problem. When the deputy governor is not carried along, he is restless. In the Third Republic, the Deputy Governors Forum was set up to fight the marginalisation. Former deputy governors, including the late Segun Agagu (Ondo State), Adewale Haastrup (Osun), Peter Odili (Rivers), and Aminatu Ojikutu (Lagos) clamoured for roles in the constitution. Today, any deputy governor who nurses a similar idea may face impeachment charges.

    The dire consequences

    Opinion is divided on whether the office of the deputy governor should be retained or dropped. Those who support the retention of the office believe that the governor needs a helper in the arduous task of state administration. Others argue that its retention puts the occupant of the obscure position in solitary confinement. Adebayo said that the functions can be transferred to the Speaker of the House of Assembly, who is constitutionally empowered to perform the functions of the chief executive in certain circumstances in which both governor and deputy governor cannot perform.