Category: Politics

  • 7,000  PDP members crossed over to APC

    7,000 PDP members crossed over to APC

    The gale of defections from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC) across Rivers State took a frightening dimension the upper Thursday as virtually the entire populations of Opobo and Nkoro gathered at the Primary School field, Opobo Town with their symbolic brooms and declared their switch over from PDP to the APC.

    As early 9 am, the Primary School field, Opobo Town had been adorned with canopies and various decorations. In less than an hour, the canopies had been filled by indigenes of Opobo and Nkoro representing the various strata of the society such as traditional chiefs, professionals, politicians, and the general populace.

    By the time the event kicked off at noon, it had become obvious that the field could hardly hold the surging population growing by the minutes. As the crowed surged, holding their symbolic broom of the APC, traditional drumming rented the air from the stands of the 11 wards that make up the LGA.

    After the national anthem and introduction of dignitaries, first to set the ball rolling was the Executive Chairman of Opobo/Nkoro Council, Hon. Maclean Uranta. He said that the decision of the people of the LGA to move en mass to APC was as a result of PDP betrayal and high-handedness. Uranta declared that the people of the LGA are grateful to the governor of Rivers State for the giant developmental strides he has established all over the LGA.

    “The governor has brought us developments at every sphere of life. Today, over 15 of our sons and daughters are in schools abroad studying in many disciplines; the governor has put in place real development that the eye can see across our LGA,” Hon. Uranta stated.

    Other dignitaries who spoke at the occasion include the member, representing the Andoni/Opobo/Nkoro Federal Constituency at the House of Representatives, Amaopusenibo (Hon) Dakuku Adol Peterside. In his speech, the MP catalogued the indignities, mischief and undemocratic actions of the PDP towards the state chief executive and prominent sons of the area.

    “I am convinced that you have gathered here out of your own volition to join the APC in support of your darling governor, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi, who has made it possible today for Nkoro people to drive home in tha past 2 years; I believe that you are moving with the governor to the APC because you see the schools, hospitals, sand filling, shore protection project at Queens Town and Kalama and other developmental projects across the LGA,” the lawmaker declared.

    Others who took turns to speak at the occasion include the former deputy national chairman of the PDP who is now a member of APC, Gbalolo (Dr.) Sam Sam Jaja, the Commissioner in the Rivers State Local Government Service Commission, Amaopusenibo (Engr) Idatonye Accra Jaja, the Sole Administrator of Greater Port Harcourt Development Authority, Dame Aleruchi Cookey-Gam, amongst others.

    However, the highlight of the occasion was the speech and handing over of the APC flags to each ward through their councillors by the interim State Exco Chairman of the APC, Chief (Dr.) Davies Ibiamu Ikanya (JP).

    Chief Ikanya, who was joined by other state interim exco members on the stage, electrified the audience with his speech, likening the movement to APC to the abandoning of a bad vehicle (PDP) to join a sound vehicle (APC) in order to successfully complete the journey. He thanked the people of Opobo/Nkoro for their unanimous decision to join the APC en mass in line with the decision of their leaders and the state governor, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi.

    The arrival of the governor (represented by the deputy governor, Engr Tele Ikuru) further activated the audience who became almost uncontrollable. As he climbed the stage to speak, intermittent applause rented the air. Ikuru thanked the people for their support for the governor as shown by their collective decision to follow him to the APC. He enjoined all to support and work for the success of the APC in future elections.

    “By moving over to the APC, you are demonstrating your belief in your leaders because you trust them. I thank you all and urge you to continue to remain steadfast as we change our vehicle in order to get to our destination,” the deputy governor said.

    A member of the Rivers State Executive Council, Mr. Chamberlain Peterside (Hon. Commissioner for Finance) who is also an indigene of Opobo was in attendance amongst other dignitaries from across the state.

    – Finebone is the APC Media and Publicity Sub-Committee (Interim State Executive Council of Rivers State)

  • What Fayemi proves in Ekiti

    What Fayemi proves in Ekiti

    I was in Lagos, visiting from my base in Germany, on 15 October 2010 when the Federal Court of Appeal declared Dr Kayode Fayemi the lawfully elected governor of Ekiti State as a result of the rerun election of 25 April 2009. I was elated like the overwhelming majority of Ekiti people that justice at last had been done. I was also happy for two other reasons.

    First, the tortuous route Fayemi had to take to recover the mandate the people gave him at the 14 April 2007 election had, of course, endeared him to many, even beyond our borders. And all through the struggle to recover his mandate, he made it clear that he was going to use only peaceful means to wage the battle.

    For example, after the result of the rerun polls was openly manipulated by election officials before the full glare of the world, Fayemi appealed to his supporters at a public rally in Ado-Ekiti to eschew violence because, in his own words, the office of governor was not worth the life of a single one of them.

    That act, which qualifies him for political sainthood, if there were one, attracted the sympathy of many to this politician who placed the lives of his people over and above his political ambition.

    As a journalist and activist, I had also been conversant with the activities of Fayemi, who worked with such great patriots as Wole Soyinka to build an international constituency for the restoration of democracy in Nigeria during the struggle against the Abacha dictatorship.

    In fact, Fayemi was very popular in the African Diaspora both in Europe and North America where he regularly spoke at events, especially on the need for international support for democratic forces in our land. His sheer brilliance and ardent commitment were always a source of pride and inspiration to all of us.

    I celebrated Fayemi’s victory with a few friends on the evening of 15 October 2010 in Lagos but the next day, my mood turned pensive. I was gripped by fear that this renowned activist for democracy and development could fail to fulfil the yearnings of Ekiti people, whom I know could be very difficult to satisfy.

    Not that I doubted Fayemi’s competence to deliver on his campaign promises, but I was worried if our political system would allow him to carry out his good intentions for Ekiti people. And Ekiti is known to be among the states that receive the least allocations from the federal purse. I began to fear for Fayemi’s reputation.

    As a result of my apprehensions, I became a close watcher of the Fayemi administration right from its inception. I kept my ears to the ground to know what Ekiti people would say about him, fearing that my worst fears could become true, which would be a big blow to the progressive movement in the country.

    The first year went and nothing untoward was peddled about the administration; yet I was not assured. The second came and suddenly instead of criticisms which I had feared, the comments I often heard were that “Fayemi is working” and “things are beginning to change”. It was in his second year that Fayemi launched his revolutionary Social Security Scheme for the Elderly, which will go down in history as one of the boldest policies ever made to confront this harsh, human dignity-denying poverty in rural Africa.

    The deluge of positive testimonials about the Fayemi administration that I observed early this year finally defeated my fears and made me to decide to carry out an assessment of my own. The eulogies sounded too good to be true.

    I toured Ekiti for about two weeks recently – from end to end and back. The most impressive and visible success of the Fayemi administration is in the improvements in the condition of roads in the state.

    All the nooks and crannies of Ekiti are connected by well-tarred roads. I became emotional driving on the Ikogosi-Ipole-Effon Alaaye road at a point between Ipole and Effon – after Iwaji. My father was from Ipole. I stopped and got out of the car and walked around and savoured the magnificent Effon hills that dot the horizon and remembered how my father and his generation fought so hard to make government pay attention to the road – to no avail.

    Since we lived in Ibadan, the shortest route to Ipole for my father, when visiting home which he did every fortnight, would be to travel to Ipole through Effon. But the last time he did that was in 1977 after which he gave up on the route due to the terrible state of the road. Until his death in 1995, he had to go through Aramoko, Erinjiyan and Ikogosi to get to Ipole. What an Israelite detour! Today, it takes less than 15 minutes to get to Ipole from Effon on the road built by Fayemi that will compete with any rural road in Germany.

    The ease of road transportation has indeed had the greatest impact on the state’s economy as it has triggered a renewed interest in agriculture. From my conversations with citizens across the state people are now returning to the farms confident that they can evacuate their harvest to the markets anywhere in the state and beyond.

    Another notable achievement of the state is in education. For a state known for the love of its people for education, what the Fayemi administration met on the ground was a sector in a parlous state – schools had become dilapidated as a result of long years of abject neglect, the morale of teachers was low and understandably the performance of students poor. I learnt that the pass rate of the secondary school leavers was a scandalously woeful 27 per cent in 2010.

    The governor is said to have carried out a renovation of all schools in the state and improved the welfare of teachers by bringing back such perks as car loan, housing loan, rural teacher allowance etc. He has also introduced new training schemes for teachers, putting in place a system of regular assessment of their work.

    More than 70 per cent of school leavers passed this year – what a tremendous improvement in only 3 years! And the government is still hard at work to fully restore the state’s lost glory in education.

    Similar progress has been made in other areas such as tourism, agriculture, water supply, health services, women empowerment and youth employment.

    Dr Kayode Fayemi has proved that an activist can govern well. An activist need not be a perpetual phrase-monger or armchair ideologue. He can also roll up his sleeves and get involved in the people’s work.

    Fayemi has also proved that rapid progress is possible even in the most difficult environment where politics is chiefly business and many politicians are, in fact, entrepreneurs only seeking profit.

    It is no exaggerated optimism to say that by the time the Fayemi administration completes all the projects and programmes it has earmarked for the next 5 years, Ekiti would have been changed for the better for good.

    – Femi Awoniyi, a Germany-based journalist, is the publisher of The African Courier magazine

  • APGA BOT:  Youths congratulate Obi

    APGA BOT: Youths congratulate Obi

    Youth for Greater Anambra State (YGAS) have sent congratulatory message to Governor Peter Obi of Anambra State on his appointment as Chairman Board of Trustees and Leader of All Progressives Grand Alliance.

    Part of the message, signed by Kingsley Elvis, the Director of Publicity, read: “We rejoice and celebrate with you on your well deserved appointment which will spur, encourage and motivate you to work harder at enthroning genuine democracy in Nigeria and strengthening APGA electoral fortune in future elections.

    “We commend APGA leadership steered by Chief Victor Umeh for identifying and honouring a great performer to head the Party’s Board of Trustees. It is democracy in action and an eloquent testimony of Peter Obi’s loyalty, patriotism, political sagacity and savvy.

    “The appointment of Governor Obi as APGA Chairman, Board of Trustees and leader, has yet again dispelled the rumour that Obi will dump his party for PDP. It is obvious that Obi has been the face and symbol of APGA. His splendid performance as governor of Anambra State for two terms and producing a successor on APGA platform is sweet music to all lovers of multi-party democracy and will keep APGA flame, flag and glory higher ahead of 2015 general election.

  • Group scores Oyo high in governance

    Group scores Oyo high in governance

    Oyo Descendants’ National Congress (ODNC), a non-political cum socio-cultural oraganisation, an umbrella body of Oyo Indigenous Clubs in Lagos and in Diaspora, has commended the present government in Oyo State for it’s laudable achievements so far in the governance of Oyo State.

    Speaking through its National Chairman, Mr. Gafar Adeniran Ademola, the group remarked that “the government under the leadership of Governor Ajimobi has brought rapid developments to the state in terms of provision of social amenities, infrastructures, general transformation and urban renewal projects round the whole state.

    ” And as regards political atmosphere, there is total peace. No more threat to lives and properties. More so, our traditional rulers are placed in prime and eminent positions as there is great respect for traditional institutions.”

    In a similar remark, Ademola commended the governor on youth empowerment and employment programmes, special programmes for the aged, the children and women in enhancing their general living conditions.

    “On education, the achievements of the present administration are quite enormous. For instance, on assumption of office, Oyo State was in the 32nd position as regards WAEC in the whole federation but as soon as he took over the mantle of leadership, the standard improved and has now improved significantly to 18th position and there are rooms for improvement. Standards has indeed improved and records are there for everybody to see,” he said, adding, “The practical manifestation of the government is quite visible and enviable. A new dimension culminating in quality leadership has been brought into governance in the state.”

    Acoording to him, the governor is seen by many as a highly refined politician, a political strategist and a passionate believer in peoples welfare and human development programmes.

    In the statement, he as well gave the state legislature under the leadership of Rt. Hon Monsurat Sumonu pat in the back by stressing that “it has been working tirelessly and transparently with the government to achieve these laudable programmes without necessarily being a rubber stamp”.

    “Local governments and other departments of government could not be left out of the good leadership qualities and meaningful developments ravaging the state,” he added.

  • PDP crisis: Options before Lamido, Aliyu

    PDP crisis: Options before Lamido, Aliyu

    In the next few weeks, the Jigawa State Governor, Alhaji Sule Lamido, and his Niger State counterpart, Dr. Babangida Muazu Aliyu, will make known their decision whether they will remain in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) or pitch tent with the All Progressives Congress (APC). In this report, Assistant Editor, Remi Adelowo, examines the options before the two governors and its pros and cons

    The nation’s polity appears revved for interesting developments in the next few weeks and months.

    From the unending crisis in the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the trouble-shooting efforts of the Presidency and the party leaders to curtail the situation, coupled with the determined efforts of leaders of the main opposition party, All Progressives Congress (APC) to consolidate on its recent political gains, politicians across all divides seem poised for a big battle ahead the 2015 general elections.

    Within the PDP, The Nation gathered top members of the party are anxiously awaiting the decisions of Governor Sule Lamido of Jigawa State and his Niger State counterpart, Babangida Muazu Aliyu, to either remain in the party or defect to another political party.

    In the last few weeks, sources revealed that pressure, laced with subtle threats and blackmail, has been brought on the two governors by some powerful forces in government to dissuade them from leaving the PDP.

    While this scenario is playing out, there are also unconfirmed reports of attempts by majority of the governors’ supporters urging them to leave the PDP for the APC, whose leaders it was learnt, are seriously working underground to convince Lamido and Aliyu to join the party.

    Following the defection of the five PDP governors, Murtala Nyako (Adamawa); Abdulfatah Ahmed (Kwara); Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso (Kano); Aliyu Wammako (Sokoto) and Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi (Rivers) to the APC, both Lamido and Aliyu declined to join their erstwhile colleagues in the nPDP/G7 to the APC, citing the need to explore further avenues to resolve their disagreements with the PDP leadership.

    But their hopes to find a common ground with their party appears dashed if developments within the party in the last two weeks are anything to go by.

    Presidency, PDP gives up on Lamido

    Barring any last minute change of plan, the Jigawa State helmsman is likely to defect from the PDP to the APC next month, according to sources close to him.

    A recent media report, quoting Lamido as having described PDP as a ‘dead and buried party,’ appears to be the final confirmation that he is on his way out of the party of which he is a founding member.

    A source quipped, “It is just a matter of weeks before Lamido leaves PDP. The minimum condition he gave to remain in PDP is the removal of the National Chairman of the party, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur. But now that the Presidency and the other PDP governors have decided to stick to Tukur, what is the point staying put in the party?”

    Feelers that Lamido could remain in PDP were heightened recently when majority of the PDP governors agreed with the Jigawa State governor’s call for Tukur to step aside. The Nation in fact gathered that many of the governors were allegedly in touch with Lamido assuring him that they were all in support of the ‘Tukur must go’ project.

    But the sudden volte face by his colleagues, who allegedly bowed to pressure from some powerful forces in the Presidency to back Tukur, proved the last straw that convinced Lamido that his time is up in the PDP.

    The embattled PDP National Chairman, according to impeccable sources, was alleged to have leveraged on his filial relationship with Mrs. Bola Shagaya, who is arguably the First Lady, Dame Patience Jonathan’s closest friend, to turn the tide in his favour. Shagaya’s son, Sheriff is married to Tukur’s daughter, Aisha.

    Recent newspaper reports allege that the First Lady, it was, who recently summoned some PDP governors and prevailed on them to support Tukur or face serious backlash from the Presidency. Shagaya was present in most of the meetings, sources told The Nation.

    Another factor alleged to have influenced Lamido is the veiled reference to him in the response letter of President Goodluck Jonathan to ex-President Goodluck Jonathan.

    In the letter, the President had accused a certain northern governor who is quite close to Obasanjo as having made an unsubstantiated allegation of corruption against a serving minister. Lamido, it was gathered, is riled that the President allegedly inferred in his letter that he was a liar who was intent on ridiculing his (Jonathan) administration.

    The issue of trust is also another major challenge that has made reconciliation between Lamido and the PDP quite a thorny issue. The Presidency is also worried by Lamido’s utterances and body language in recent times, and most importantly his closeness to ex-President Obasanjo, who is regarded as his political godfather.

    Sources disclosed that what is delaying Lamido’s decision to leave PDP is the urgent need to tidy up the legal loose ends in the case involving two of his sons who were sometimes ago arrested, detained but later released by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) on money laundering charges.

    On fears being expressed in certain quarters that his sons’ cases could be used against him by the powers-that-be, the governor, according to sources is reportedly unperturbed. “His (Lamido) position is that he cannot be blackmailed and that the law court will be the final arbiter if his sons are eventually charged to court.”

    But for now, The Nation learnt that the outspoken governor is buoyed by the level of support he currently enjoys from both appointed and elected officials in his state, some of whom have already defected to the APC.

    Aliyu still foot dragging

    The case of Governor Aliyu presents a more complicated scenario.

    Indications have emerged that the former federal permanent secretary is yet to make up his mind on leaving PDP for another political party.

    His stance may have raised hopes in the Presidency and within the PDP leadership that the governor will not join his ‘comrades’ in the former nPDP in the APC.

    The politics of Niger State as it relates to who succeeds Aliyu in 2015 is said to be the major reason why Aliyu allegedly prefers to remain in PDP.

    Sources claim there is a disagreement among powerful stakeholders in the state and the governor over the latter’s likely successor.

    While the stakeholders are rooting for either Abubakar Bello, son of retired army officer and wealthy businessman, Col. Sani Bello, who is a member of the APC or Mohammed, eldest son of former military President, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, to succeed Aliyu, the governor is allegedly against any plan to foist his successor on him.

    But another source who spoke to The Nation disclosed that Aliyu’s delay in defecting to the APC was for a strategic reason after all.

    The governor, it is claimed, remains on the same page with his colleagues in the former G7, particularly on the issue of the return of the Presidency to the North in 2015.

    No doubt for the G2 governors, decision time looks sooner than later.

  • I have not anointed a successor -Imoke

    I have not anointed a successor -Imoke

    overnor of Cross River State of Nigeria, Senator Liyel Imoke has denied annointing his successor even as he explained the reason his insistence that someone from the northern senatorial district of the state should be given a chance to emerge as the governor in 2015.

    He made the comments while addressing the plenary session of the state elders’ consultative forum headed by a former military administrator of Kwara State, Col Pam Ogar, rtd.

    Imoke said the decision to zone the governorship in 2015 was taken as part of the stabilizing factors in the state, pointing out that it would have been most unfortunate, if as a people “we will not accommodate ourselves with regard to the office of the governor of Cross River State.”

    He added: “I always stress that one of the things I found totally unbecoming of us as a people was that there used to be a saying that certain types of people could not be governor.

    “For instance, when I came into politics, there was a saying that an Efik could not be a governor, and a lot of us have so soon forgotten that. It was on the lips of everyone then. That was what challenged me. How was it possible that a man or woman born in Cross River State, grew up in Cross River and has Cross River State blood could not be governor and could not hold any office in the land? That could not possibly be us.

    “That was why I fought very strongly with a lot opposition to make sure that anyone could be a governor in Cross River State. And it is that same spirit that has guided us to say next time, let us all work together to make sure that one of us from the Northern Cross River is going to be governor come 2015. If we can do that, we will build the kind of unity and bond that all of us collectively can be proud of and take ownership of as our state and our future.”

    Responding, the chairman of the forum, Col. Pam Ogar (rtd), commended Imoke for what he described as “the economic transformation of the state” and for “putting Cross River on the world’s tourism map.”

  • 2015 as a defining moment

    Every nation faces challenges. The task of overcoming them and converting weaknesses to strengths are left to men who choose to rise to the occasion and are remembered in history as nation builders. In our clime, we are wont to look in the direction of the United States of America as an el dorado. It is usually presented as a country that had the table laid and the people invited to partake of a sumptuous meal at dinner. It is certainly not so. Heroes rose and fought with sweat and blood to free their country. It had to overcome challenges and roll away hurdles, obstacles and barriers.

    There have been many defining moments in the history of the country. Since independence in 1776, itself a major landmark, the people have risen up to confront restrictions to freedom that threatened to hold down sections of the country that would have held down the country. In the past century, such moments of achievements include the Women’s Suffrage of 1920; the Marshal Plan of 1947; the Civil Rights Act of 1964; Armstrong’s walking on the moon in 1969 and the election of Obama as the first black President in 2008.

    After the racial barrier was removed through the Civil Rights Act by the heroic deeds of Martin Luther King and others, the President said, “No person in the United States shall on grounds of race, color, or national origin, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of or be subjected to discrimination under any program or activity receiving federal financial assistance.”

    And, when Obama succeeded in overcoming obstacles in 2008, he acknowledged the contribution of heroes past in arriving at that juncture. As he was sworn in, he told his compatriots: ““If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible, who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time, who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer. “The road ahead will be long, our climb will be steep… I promise you that we as a people will get there.”

    In Nigeria’s chequered history, there have been many important moments, too. The political turbulence of 1962-1964 was a stage in the political history of the country. The crises rolled over and culminated in the 1966 coups that threatened to reverse the gains of independence to pains. The civil war of 1967-1970 was another phase. Leaders were thrown up by the critical event. But, as did the first set of leaders after independence, the military rulers could not rise to the occasion. They were not statesmen and had no knowledge of history. They failed the military; they failed the people and failed the nation.

    The emergence of Murtala Muhammed as Head of State in 1975 up till the handover to civilian leaders in 1979 was another opportunity for transformation. It was another chance to reset the foundation of the country. The long-drawn transition programme was meant to effect a fundamental change in the fortunes of the country and polity. But, as usual, greed and selfishness took hold of the operators. Rather than be change agents, they were task masters who merely fended for themselves. The result was the termination of the life of the civilian government in four years.

    June 12, 1993 was another turning point in the history of the country. It was a day that Nigerians decided to break ethnic, social and political traditional barriers to national unity. Nigerians were resolved to have a President acceptable to all parts of the country. In Kano, where Alhaji Bashir Tofa, the NRC Presidential candidate came from, the electorate expressed preference for MKO Abiola of the SDP. Abiola triumphed at the poll, but the agents of darkness that had always held the country captive annulled the result. It was another missed opportunity. Each time Nigeria tried to break the mould, it was pushed down. The trend continued in 1999. The country was unfortunate to have Chief Obasanjo as the first President of the Fourth Republic. A tyrant could not rise up to raise the democratic bar.

    2015 is approaching. It is another opportunity. It is a turning point; a defining moment. But, as in other previous occasions, we are about to miss the point again. The wrong people are thrown up and are being used to drive the vehicle. No one plants oranges and realistically thinks he could harvest apples. We still have the chance of salvaging the situation. The time to act, work is now. 2015 could still be our defining moment.

  • 2013: Lots of politics, less of governance

    2013: Lots of politics, less of governance

    EMMANUEL OLADESU and MUSA ODOSHIMOKHE review the major political events of the outgoing year, the actors and their activities, which impacted positively or negatively on the polity.

    It is a year of a strange mixture – drama, horror, hope, wasted expectation and despondency. From January to December, the year 2013 has been very eventful and remarkable. The political field became more slippery. There were surprises. new alliances were consummated. But democracy was also on trial. The cost of governance was high. The national budget failed a test of implementation. Crises and commotion among the members of the ruling party heightened the national tension. The non-performance of President Goodluck Jonathan created doubts about the validity of popular rule. The government dissipated more energy on party crisis management, instead of governance. The Boko Haram insurgency defiled both military and political solutions. Many of the challenges confronting the country will be carried over to next year.

    Insecurity

    From the beginning of the turbulent year, it was evident that 2013 would be another year of bloodletting. In May, the Federal Government declared a state of emergency in Borno, Adamawa and Yobe states. The decision followed the bombings and killings, especially in the Northeast geo-political zone. The attacked carried out by the Islamist militant group, the Boko Haram, has led to loss of lives and property. Many soldiers also lost their lives.

    During the year, the sect killed 44 worshipers at a mosque. Barely some days after, another 12 people were shot. Boko Haram also invaded a boarding school and killed 30 students. The sect members also opened fire on students taking examination in their school. Other parts of the country have not been insulated from terror attacks. Kidnapping, child trafficking and armed robbery have been on the increase. The emergency rule was extended few months ago. Now, the electoral commission has declared that it will not conduct elections in 2015 in the three Northeast states, unless the security situation improves.

    Return of Suntai

    Earlier in the year, the recuperating governor of Taraba State, Danbaba Suntai returned from his medical trip abroad in a controversial circumstance. The ailing governor spent over 10 months in Germany and the United States where he received medical treatments. His return generated constitutional crisis. The Taraba State House of Assembly had to intervene. It advised the Deputy Governor, Garba Umar, who has been acting for him, to work in conjunction with the ailing governor.

     Governor’s Forum crisis

    The Nigerian Governors Forum (NGF) split into two, following its controversial chairmanship election. Rivers State Governor Rotimi Amaechi was elected as the chairman of the NGF. He defeated Plateau State Governor Jonah Jang, who scored 16 votes. Amaechi polled 19. But the Federal Government recognised the loser as the authentic NGF chairman.

    PDP and APC Governors’ Forum

    The ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) set up the PDP Governors’ Forum as an alternative platform. It is led by Akwa Ibom Governor Godswill Akpabio. However, last month, the APC Governors formed the APC Governors’ Forum led by Imo State Governor Rochas Okorocha.

    Registration of APC

    The birth of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in February marked a significant milestone. The ruling party became jittery. The APC emerged from the fusion of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), the All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP), the Congress of Progressive Change (CPC) and a section of the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA). The announcement was contested by the African People Congress (APC) and the All Patriotic Citizens (APC), which claimed the ownership of the acronym, APC. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) waded into the matter and resolved it in favour of the APC. With the registration of the APC, the two-party system was restored.

     

    Rancorous PDP convention

    The national convention of the PDP at the Eagle Square, Abuja, was a subject of controversy. The party went into the national congress without putting its house in order In August. Many chieftains complained about the politics of exclusion by the National Chairman, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur. The aggrieved members storm out of the venue to form a faction.

    New PDP

    Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and seven governors of the party walked out of the convention in protest. At the nearby Sheu Yar’Adua Centre, they formed the New PDP. The faction was led by the former acting National Chairman, Alhaji Kawu Baraje. Former governor of Osun State, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola was the secretary. Last month, prominent chieftains of the New PDP, including the PDP governors of Adamawa, Sokoto, Kano, Kwara and Rivers states, joined the APC.

    APGA crisis

    A leadership crisis broke out in the

    APGA between the camps of Governor

    Peter Obi and Chief Victor Umeh. Umeh claimed that he is the authentic national chairman. But, Maxi Okwu disagreed, saying that he emerged as the chairman at the party’s convention. However, shortly before the Anambra governorship polls, Obi and Umeh closed ranks. He shifted his loyalty to Umeh, leaving Okwu in the cold. Okwu is still in court challenging Umeh over his claim to the chairmanship.

    Rivers State crisis

    2013 has been the most turbulent for the people of Rivers State. Governor Rotimi Amaechi was suspended from the PDP. A major crisis escalated between him and the Minister of State for Education, Mr. Nyeson Wike, over the preparation for 2015 elections. The crisis has polarised the PDP in the state. Amaechi has alleged that the police has taken sides in the dispute. The House of Assembly also hit by the crisis. Following the fight that broke out on the floor of the House, the House of Representatives took over its functions. Although the court has ordered that the House should resume legislative work, it has not been able to reconvene. The police, acting on the order from above, prevented the governor from gaining access to his quarters. A detachment of heavily armed policemen stopped his convoy from entering the Government House. Amaechi and his supporters have now defected to the APC.

    Defection of five PDP governors

    The horse trading and strategic political moves by the leadership of the APC yielded result for the party, when five of the seven aggrieved PDP governors defected to the APC. This ends months of speculation about their defection. The announcement was made at the Kano State Government Lodge, Abuja. The governors are Rabiu Kwankwaso (Kano), Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers) Abdulfatah Ahmed (Kwara), Aliyu Wamako (Sokoto) and Murtala Nyako (Adamawa)

    Defection of 37 PDP legislators

    Speaker of the House of Representatives Hon. Aminu Tanbuwal announced the defection of 37 PDP legislators to the APC. The Speaker, who read the letter on the floor of the House, said the members took the decision because of the division and faction that exist within the ruling party. The defectors wrote their letters to APc in compliance with Section 68 (1)(g) of the 1999 constitution as amended. 11 legislators from Kano State, 10 from Sokoto, nine from Rivers, six from Kwara and one each from Katsina and Bauchi dumped the PDP for the APC.

    Those from Kano are Nasiru Sule, Ahamed Zarewa, Aliyu Madaki, Bashir Babballe, Alhassan Ado, Manir Dan’agundi , Aminu Suleiman, Abdulmumini Jibrin, Musa Ado, Mustapha Bala and Mahtari Mohammed. Their counterparts from Sokoto are Kabiru Achida, Aminu Shagari, Isa Bashir, Abdullahi Wamako, Saadu Nabunkari, Aliyu Shehu, Shaibu Gobir, Musa Adar, Adullahi Balarabe and Umar Bature.

    Defectors Rivers are Andrew Unchedu, Asta Honorable, Sokonte Davies, Dakuku Peterside, Mpigi Barinada, pronen Maurice, Dawari George and Ogabonna Nwuke.

    Also, from Kwara are Ali Ahmed, Rafiu Ibrahim, Aiyedun Akeem, Mustapha Moshood, Ahmed-Pategi Aliyu and Zakari Mohammed. Nasiru Sani and Yakubu Dogara are from Katisna and Bauchi states respectively.

    Obasanjo’s letter

    Former President Olusegun Obasanjo wrote a controversial letter to President Goodluck Jonathan, alleging that he was fueling the PDP crisis, indifferent to the soaring corruption, and keeping a political watch list. He accused the President of training snipers. Obasanjo advised the President to change his ways to avoid a national calamity.

    Iyabo Obasanjo’s letter

    As Nigerians were still debating Obasanjo’s letter, his daughter, Senator Iyabo Obasanjo-Bello, wrote her father, accusing him of now removing the log in his eyes before discovering the speck in the eye of other people.

    Jonathan’s reply

    President Jonathan replied to Obasanjo’s letter 20 days after. He defended himself over the allegations of corruption, keeping a political watch list and fuelling the PDP crisis. Many believe that the exchange of hot letters signaled the parting of ways by the two PDP leaders.

    Anambra Election

    The Anambra State election which took place on November 16, was a farce. The APGA candidate, Dr. Willie Obiano, was declared winner. The election has been criticised by local and international observers. Electoral materials did not get to some areas within the stipulated time. The supplementary election was later held in areas where the election could not hold. The outcome of the election was rejected by the APC candidate, Senator Chris Ngige, and the PDP candidate, Comrade Tony Nwoye.

     Oduah-gate

    The Minister of Aviation, Mrs Stella Oduah, authorised the purchase of bullet proof cars without going through the due process. It generated controversy. Many requested that she should be sacked by the government. The government appears not to be interested in relieving the minister of her job. She has appeared before the Senate to defend herself and it was re-emphasised that the minister jumped the due process. However, the resolution of the House of Representatives that her appointment should be reviewed by the President may have been ignored.

    EFCC broke

    The Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC) cried out last month that it is under-funded by the Federal Government. The agency said that this may affect the performance of its statutory obligation. The EFCC Chairman, Ibrahim Lamorde, reportedly complained that the agency may not be able to pay for the services of lawyers to successfully deliver on the anti-graft war. But, agency later denied the report, saying that it was a gross misrepresentation of fact.

     Tanbuwal on corruption

    House of Representatives Speaker Aminu Tanbuwal reflected on the anti-graft battle early in the month. He said that the President has a shallow commitment to the anti-corruption crusade. faulted the federal government its anti-corruption war. The comment was hailed by rights groups. They urged the President to brace up and fight the war. The Speaker cited some corruption cases, which the Presidency has merely glossed over.

     Spurious spending

    Governor Babatunde Fashola said that more than N36 billion was spent on ceremonies annually in the country. The governor, who disclosed this at the fourth edition of the Lagos Ignite Enterprise and Employability Project, noted that the traditional Aso Ebi alone gulp N1.2 billion monthly. The revelation show that people were now more disposed to those intangible things with less impact to the growth of the economy.

    Deportation of Easterners

    Some Anambra State indigenes were ‘deported’ from Lagos by Governor Babatunde Fashola. It became a campaign issue during the Anambra poll. Obi complained to the Presidency. He chided Fashola for ethnic cleansing. The Lagos State government explained that those deported were merely roaming the streets of Lagos without any tangible means of livelihood. Later, Fashola apologised to the Ndigbo for the action.

    Sacking of ministers

    President Jonathan sacked eight ministers during the year. Some of them had identified with the New PDP.

    Delta Central by-election

    Following the death of Senator Pius Ekwerindo of the Democratic Peoples Party (DPP), a by-election was held at the Delta Central District to fill the vacant slot. The election was won by the PDP candidate, Senator Emmanuel Agwariodo.

    Death of politicians

    Ekiti State Deputy Governor Funmilayo Olayinka, Senator Ekwerindo, Vice Admiral Mike Akhigbe, Chief Solomon Lar, and former Ondo State Governor Olusegun Agagu, Mr. Deji Falae, House of Representatives member from Ikale/Ilaje Constituency Hon. Nomiye sand Taraba House of Assembly Speaker passed on during the year.

  • 12 years after, Ige’s killers still at large

    12 years after, Ige’s killers still at large

    Twelve years after the gruesome murder of the frontline politician, Chief Bola Ige, the killers have not been apprehended by security agents. Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU writes on the agony of the bereaved family.

    He had no premonition of his death.

    As the chief law enforcement officer in the Olusegun Obasanjo Administration, he was bubbling with life. The politician had proposed to host his associates for the Yuletide in his, Esa Oke, Osun State home. His plan was to resign from the government to strengthen his party, the Alliance for Democracy (PDP), ahead of the 2003 general elections. That dream perished when Chief James Ajibola Idowu Ige was murdered at his home in Ibadan the Oyo State capital in December 2001.

    The tragedy provoked an uproar. The Southwest geo-political zone was seized by grief. His colleagues in the divided Afenifere, the pan-Yoruba socio-political group, bowed their heads in sorrow. Twelve years after, the scars have not faded. Yet, the puzzle remains unresolved? Who killed Cicero, the most colourful Awoist in post-Awolowo era?

    The Attorney-General and Minister of Justice was killed in the presence of his family. The security personnel attached to him had deserted him, shortly before his killers invaded his residence. As usual, the police promised to bring the killers to book. His late wife, Atinuke, a retired judge, was following the case in court when he fainted, following the recanting of evidence by suspects. She never recovered from the shock. Few years after that incident, she passed on without securing conviction for the killers.

    For Ige’s children, Muyiwa, Osun State Commissioner for Physical Planning, and his sister, Mrs. Funso Adegbola, the memory of the horror has not faded. In the family and political circle, his demise created a big vacuum. Ige’s death worsened the crisis in the Afenifere and AD, although he had ceased to be a uniting factor in the two organisations before he was silenced. In post-Ige era, the Southwest was up for a grab. Unlike 1999, the conservative forces invaded the region, seizing power through election rigging. Five AD governors-Chief Bisi Akande (Osun State), Alhaji Lam Adesina (Oyo), the late Chief Adebayo Adefarati (Ondo) and Aremo Olusegun Osoba (Ogun) were swept out of office by the political earthquake. Only former Lagos State Governor Bola Tinubu survived the onslaught.

    Ige, lawyer, prolific writer, eloquent speaker, ideologue and astute politician learned politics at the feet of his leader, the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo. The former Premier of the defunct Western Region discovered his vast talents. He joined the Action Group (AG), serving as its National Publicity Secretary in the sixties. During that period too, he was the party’s defense counsel in celebrated cases between the defunct Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) and United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC), which was in alliance with the AG. His incisive wit, charisma, and magnetism always came to the fore during debate. With a caustic tongue, Ige was simply electrifying on the podium. In public and private life, he was controversial.

    Ige was some steps ahead of his peers in Awo camp. He was intelligent. He was bold and brave. He was also a subject of envy. Thus, on some occasions, his political career was threatened by malicious colleagues. He survived the bitterness in Awo’s days. But when Awo died, the suspicion between him and other associates of the late sage led to the fall of the pan-Yoruba socio-political group, Afenifere.

    When Ige’s cap was seized by hoodlums at Ile-Ife, little did he know that his days were numbered. It was the forerunner to the sad event of December 22. His death provoked rage, emotional outburst and lamentation. Eminent Nigerians described the killing as too callous. At his lying-in-state, Nobel Laureate Prof. Wole Soyinka decried the hypocrisy of his foes crying more than the bereaved. He said: “Ige’s killers are here with us”. The endless wailings could not resuscitate him from deep sleep. It was the end of an era.

    Fork-tongued and skilled in the war of words, Ige’s mouth was sharper than the razor’s edge. His devotion to principle and commitment to his leader, Awo, made admirers to nickname him as the “Arole Awolowo”, a likely successor to the political throne. In Law, his profession, and politics, his vocation, Ige distinguished himself. Throughout his life, he was never afraid to make up his mind and pursue his worthy cause to a logical conclusion.

    Ige once challenged Awo, the Action Group (AG) leader. He stated in his articles that the party had failed to articulate its positions as an ideological organisation. When he met Awo face to face, he stuck to his position. The leader admired that candour, for only a few could call a spade a spade. Recognising his potentials, Awo made Ige a member of the AG Committee for Review of Foreign Policy, along with the late Prof. Hezekiah Oluwasanmi, Akin Mabogunje, Tunde Oloko, Olumbe Bashir and Samuel Aluko. He was also an active member of the AG Youth Association led by Remi Fani-Kayode, and later, Ayo Fasanmi, the revolutionary chemist with a long beard. Ige was a trusted lawyer who was asked by Awo to defend the oppressed United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) in court when tribulation arose in the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) controlled-Northern Region.

    When the House of Representatives primaries on Lagos Mainland between Sikiru Shitta-Bey, secretary of the AG Youth Association, and Adewale Thompson, son of the licensed surveyor at Odaliki Street, Ebute-Meta, was deadlock, Ige was the young AG leader sent to hold a fresh shadow poll. He reported to Awo that, although both of them were popular, it appeared to him that the pendulum of victory tilted more to the direction of the son of “Seriki Musulumi” of Lagos. Awo ratified his report.

    He was also a firebrand social critic and thorn in the flesh of Balewa Government. His platforms were the radio and television personality programmes. On the eve of the Commonwealth of Nations’ Head of Government meeting in Lagos, Prime Minister Balewa had to stop a live television programme in which Ige was a discussant. After dissecting the agenda of the meeting, Ige described the Commonwealth as an organisation where the wealth was not common. The programme was stopped immediately.

    Earlier, he had dazed Akintola, who had regained the Premiership of the Western Region, with verbal missiles. SLA had boasted that the ring of power had been fixed on his finger and nobody could remove it. Ige was furious. He went on air, saying that, if the ring could not be removed, the finger could be cut off. Before then Awolowo boys were in for trouble. Around the same period, Sunday Afolabi slapped Akintola in Iree and vanished into the thin air. But Akin Omoboriowo was intercepted at Aramoko-Ekiti on the order of the deputy premier, “Fani-Power” and sent to the Owo Prison.

    Ige shared in the tribulation of Awo and other AG leaders who were caged. In those days, restrictions were discriminatory during the emergency period. The administrator detained “Demo Party” leaders-Akintola, Osuntokun, Fani-Kayode in their homes. But Ige was detained in Kwale, old Midwest Region.

    A wordsmith and effective campaigner, Ige had a heart of steel. He was brave and bold. Once, he led the AG campaign to Kano, relying on his fluency in Hausa. There, like Aminu Kano, he descended on Ahmadu Bello, the Sokoto Prince and Sardauna, who he described as an oppressor and epitome of aristocratic oppresion, urging the “talakawas” to free themselves from captivity. Ige, the ring leader, was promptly clamped into detention by the feudal landlords.

    When Awo was released from the prison and became Federal Commissioner for Finance and Vice Chairman of the Federal Executive Council in Gowon Administration, he recommended Ige for a ministerial position. However, Ige was to serve as Commissioner for Agriculture and Natural Resources under Military Military Governor Adeyinka Adebayo in the Western State. But he was shoved aside for being a rebel criticising other agencies of government. Out of government, he returned to his legal practice. In1975, he became a member of Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC) set up by Muritala/Obasanjo Administration to fashion out a new constitution, preparatory to the return of power to civilians. The committee was chaired by the late Chief Rotimi Williams. Awo declined to serve in the committee.

    As a member of the “Committee of Friends”, Ige became a founding leader of the UPN led by Awo. In 1979, he vied for the governorship of Oyo State, defeating his rival and former Vice Principal, Venerable Emmanuel Alayande,who Awo favoured for the slot. When the AG chaplain was Vice Principal, Ige was Senior Prefect. Asked to step down for the old man by Awo, who promised to make him a minister after winning the presidential election, Ige was said to have retorted: “I cannot leave certainty for uncertainty”. After his victory at the poll, he mounted pressure on Alayande to serve as his Special Adviser on Education.

    The 1979 governorship election was a tough battle between him and First republic Education Minister and former Nigeria Bar Association (NBA) President, Chief Richard Akinjide, the candidate of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). It was in post-Adegoke Adelabu period and the UPN, an offshoot of the AG, was about to assert dominance. At a television debate, there was a hot argument between the two lawyers. The old “NCNCer” was said to have, in Ige’s view, politically disparaged Awo’s Free Education Policy. Ige’s reply was harsh. He asked: “ How many of your relatives who benefitted from the programme are armed robbers, charlatans and social miscreants”. Tempers rose. Feathers had been ruffled. Some scolded Ige for extreme polemics. Others laughed it off.

    Ige as an achiever as governor. But the relationship between him and his deputy, Afolabi, was strained. At a time, Afolabi’s allowances were stopped during the friction. Obasanjo, who had been the duo’s mutual friend, offered to mediate in the crisis. It became Ige’s undoing. His rivals in the UPN came up with charges of disloyalty against him at the Yola Conference of the party. The penalty would have beenn expulsion from the UPN and ostracisation from the Awo political clan. Historians have referred to that difficult moment as the “night of long knives.” Ige’s saving grace was Awo, who employed wisdom in handling the sensitive matter. Afolabi later defected to the NPN to team up with the late Chief Adisa Akinloye, Akinjide, the late Chief Busari Adelakun, the late Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu and Dr Victor Olunloyo to sack Ige from power.

    Following the 1983 coup, he was detained, tried and sentenced to imprisonment by the military tribunal. He was released by the Babangida regime, which toppled Major Gen. Muhammadu Buhari as the Head of State. At a public lecture, he had conducted an historical excursion on traditional rulers in Yorubaland, contending that the Olubadan of Ibadan and Soun of Ogbomoso were Baales upgraded into first class obaship by former Governor David Jemibewon. His Ibadan title, the “Aare Alasa” was withdrawn by the Olubadan-In-Council and conferred on the Ewi exponent, Olarewaju Adepoju.

    Ige avoided politics under the IBB regime, in deference to Awo’s advice that his followers should learn to dine with the devil with a long spoon. In 1986, Awo had shunned the Political Bureau set up by IBB and chaired by Dr. Cookery. He doubted the sincerity of the military President, warning that the nation had embarked on a fruitless search. Awo said: “When we imagine that the new political order has arrived, we will be terribly disappointed”. The prophecy came true with the annulment of the presidential election of 1993 won by Chief Moshood Abiola, the Social Democratic Party (SDP) candidate.

    Ige continued with the “siddon look” style during the Abacha regime when he dismissed the five political parties of the era as the five fingers of a leprous hand. When he later teamed up with pro-democracy fighters and “June 12” agitators coordinated by the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), he was on the collision course with the military. Under the Abdulsalami transition programme, he traversed the two parties, PDP, which had majority of his colleagues in the “G 34” as members, and the All Nigeria Peoples Party (APP). Although he wrote the constitutions of the two parties, he could not cohabitate with the political hawks of Abacha era. The closing date for party registration had elapsed. But, based on the advice of Admiral Mike Akhigbe, the military regime registered AD to forestall the exclusion of credible Southwest leaders from the process.

    At D’Rovans, Ibadan, Awoists rejected Ige in preference for Chief Olu Falae as presidential flag bearer. When their decision was communicated to Ige, who was abroad, by Kusamotu, he described it as “ the second fall of man”. Observers contented that the scenario manifested the tension, suspicion and hate arising from battle for succession into Awo’s political stool. Bisi Onabanjo, the “Ayekooto”, was dead. Lateef Jakande, the “Baba Kekere” was fenced out of Afenifere circle. Now, Ige, the “Arole Awolowo” had met his political waterloo. The trio never succeeded Awo.

    Ige fought back. Against Afenifere’s wish, he joined the Obasanjo government. There, he was mocked by his erstwhile deputy, Afolabi, Minister of Internal Affairs, who described his former boss as a visitor, who was invited to eat, only to hold the hand of his host. Ige replied that he had not come to eat, but to serve his fatherland. Although barriers were erected against performance in the Power and Steel ministry, it was a different ball game at the Ministry of Justice. There, Ige motivated the celebrated suit on resource control and laid the template for the anti-graft war.

    Before his death, he had commenced a process of disengagement. Muyiwa Ige said that his father had written to Obasanjo, intimating him of intention to resign from the Federal Executive Council. How to rebuild the AD was his immediate priority. “I have a pivotal role to play in my party, AD, while you are engineering your party, PDP. I need to strengthen my own, so that in 2003, there will be a credible, strong and clean national government in which the major parties will be represented”, he wrote. Ige prayed that “nothing will happen adversely, which will frustrate the fond hope”. The great politician died without fulfilling this mission.

  • ‘Govt bungled Ige’s murder case’

    ‘Govt bungled Ige’s murder case’

    In this interview, Osun State Physical Planning Commissioner Muyiwa Ige reflects on the assassination of his father, the late Chief Bola Ige, 12 years ago, and the futile efforts at apprehending the culprits. SOJI ADENIYI met him at Osogbo, the state capital.

    THE Ige family is yet to get justice after 12 years of the gruesome murder of your father, Chief Bola Ige. How do you feel?

    The suspects were arraigned, charged to court, but the shenanigan of the trial resulted in the release of the prime suspect, aided and abated by the government of the day at the federal level. And keeping in mind that, by the time the release or releases were done, the Ladoja government was in place. Beyond that, the power of the Federal Government was brought to bear in ensuring that the suspects, who were agents of the Federal Government, got released.

    The prime suspect was in the same precinct with the star witness and the case was made to fail. We have the prime suspect, who molested my father at the palace of the Ooni of Ife in Ile-Ife, eight days before and was pontificating that he could have done even the worse and which was done. So, as far as we are concerned, very soon, with the changes going on in our political landscape by the grace of God, if good government comes into power, which I believe that the All Progressives Congress will come into power in 2015. And with the governments of Oyo and the state of Osun taking a closer look at the file, hopefully justice will come. But the truth of the matter is that God will avenge for us. Yes, it has been 12 years, but it is just like yesterday. I recall vividly, the movement on that day, how we moved to Lagos, my father and myself and, when we got back, he picked up his elder brother, checked him into an hospital, left the hospital to go home to prepare to go to Esa-Oke for Christmas. Even though we ought to have been in Esa-Oke on that day but it was postponed till the next day and just within twelve minutes of our returning home the dastardly act was done. So, I remember vividly because, even the gun men I saw them. With the trial I testified in court, even one of those that came into the house was pointed out and which was found out to be a relative of the prime suspect and today, nothing has happened. And we should also remember that, immediately after the assassination of my father soldiers and police were deployed to Esa-Oke and major cities of the Southwest.

    Why?

    Obviously, it was premeditated, they knew something could happen. So, they took action to forestall any trouble. But, I thank God for the glorious life of my father. I thank God for his good heritage. I thank God for my parents. My mum obviously died of broken heart she died the morning after the star witness recanted on the April 10, 2003.

    Well, it is quite unfortunate. my father had another 25 years to go, if he had not been cut short. His heart was pure, clean, his blood pressure was 120/70. Even, during the time of his incarceration, he had always maintained good health. But we will continue to forge ahead as a family. We can’t institute the case because it is the state against the criminals. But I believe that, when we have a sensible government in this country, when we don’t have to play politics of do or die, things will be much better. So, for a former governor, who had been in government 22 years before to be molested by miscreants, is almost sacrilegious. But I believe that the law of Karma will take its toll.

    What do you remember him for?

    Everything. Every day I think about him, when I see his associates, I need to contend with an issue and need to seek my father’s counsel. And that discourse is absent. And also my children are growing up now, I always think about how the relationship they would had with him and even my mum too. We have learnt to cope with the situation, anyway and to forge ahead. December 22 is my sister’s birthday and December 23 is the 12th anniversary of his death. So, the memory is very ripe. He came back to Ibadan the evening of 22 to celebrate my sister’s birthday and on 23, a black Sunday, a black Christmas. I went to pick him up to go for the Holy Communion, but I said I should allow him to rest. But early in the day, around 11.00, we left together for Lagos. we were stuck in the traffic for about three hours while coming back. So the events of that day was very ripe and vividly etched in my memory.

    What will make this year’s anniversary different from the past ones?

    Every year, we celebrate his life. Yes, the manner in which he left us was very hard. However, the legacy he left behind is incredible. So, every year in our own way, we remember him, we have short services and also it is a period of sober reflection to look at the situation in our country and figure out and chart a progressive way forward. This year, we will remember him in solemn way. Honestly, he is lying in Esa-Oke and it has become an annual ritual to be in Esa-Oke at this period of Christmas. We have always been there before for Christmas period, more so that the anniversary is on the 23rd. We have a lot of people coming for a short service, a period of sober reflection and I trust that many of his associates and friends will come over and we will visit his graveside to say our prayers and ask the God to give sweet repose and likewise for my mum.

    You were not known to be an active politician, until after the death of your father…

    Interestingly, you said that, but honestly, that is not true. Even, during the Abacha period, when I was outside the country, I was one of those actively protesting against the Abacha regime and also protesting to the Congress and the White House, trying to reach out for international support and to secure the release of MKO Abiola and to achieve democracy in the country. Unfortunately, my father was detained by Abacha in the last years of his existence on this planet.

    Now, my activity was more intensified because it is personal and so we thank God that my father was not consumed by the Abacha regime. But unfortunately, the government he served and the democracy he fought for now took him away.

    Will the “sidon look” approach of your father not be appropriate now because of the rot in the polity?

    “Sidon look” was basically passive activism, where you seem to be aloof. However, you also make sure that things don’t go wrong. It was during the Babangida era when all the old politicians were banned and there were new greed (not breed) politicians. So, Bola Ige had forseen what was going to happen and, by virtue of that, the felt there was no way he would participate in the Babangida militocracy. But right now, “sidon look” cannot apply because we all must be a part of it. All of must make sure that this democracy survives.

    There is a glorious opportunity now that the progressives are coming in the next 18 months and so, things must not be messed up. This is the chance for good governance. Now, to the Obasanjo’s letter to Jonathan, the fact is that the centre does not hold anylonger. So, my own attitude is that the we would now come forward and ensure that, by 2015 elections, there is good governance in Nigeria. I think more will come, the political climate will never be the same. I feel sorry for the both of them.

    The former Head of State is complaining that the incumbent is raising a goon, but, if you look back, was it different from, he did. Maybe, it is a case of one trying to out do the other or the hard one complaining of the other being harder. However, we don’t need all that in this country.

    Yes, issues are raised, but these are issues already in public space. so, there is nothing special about what is being raised. We must always ask questions about many things in this country, about the oil subsidy, all the shenanigan going on. However, we must also ask questions about what happened previously, all the unresolved political murders. So, why are trying to be holier than thou? Those questions must be answered. Nigerians are waiting.