Category: Politics

  • Ubah harps on food security in Anambra

    Ubah harps on food security in Anambra

    Three chieftains of Labour Party in Anambra State have emphasised the issue of food security and the challenges of boosting the agricultural potential of the state, describing them as vital and basic issues in determining who should be voted in as the next governor of the state in this week’s election.

    According to them, the Labour Party’s governorship candidate, Mr Ifeanyi Ubah, has demonstrated so much passion and commitment to focus in these areas if voted in as governor.

    “Ifeanyi Ubah’s vision in this very context, is wrapped up in his burning desire to revitalise agriculture and equally pursue a vigorous and robust policy of sustainable food production and environmental preservation,” said Mazi Chimere Akaneje.

    “The twin pillars of Ubah’s vision,” according to him, “are underscored by the “integrated programmes, which, principally, are a pursuit of aggressive turn-around of the agricultural sector in all spheres; a provision of multi-lateral funding facilities for stakeholders in agriculture, and the declaration of a state of emergency against any prospects of food shortage and starvation in the state.” Akaneje, who advised electorates to study Ubah’s manifesto, observed that “his other policy programmes include designing irrigation support systems and the development and implementation of a master plan for flood and erosions control in Anambra State,” he said, adding, “he believes that in addressing the challenges of food scarcity, the root causes which lie, fundamentally, in the abject neglect of this sector by past and present administrations in Anambra State, must be tackled robustly.”

    Mr. Anyidi Anagekwe, another respondent, noted that “Ubah seems determined to reverse the past and present trends and situations by injecting new blood and a generous dose of energies, in terms of capacity-building programmes and capital base adequacy for other related agro-allied projects.”

    Specific strategic policies and programmes articulated by Ubah for addressing the issues, include easy and affordable access to agric-specific funding sources at the state and federal levels as well as financial institutions. Ifeanyi Ubah, quite persuasively means well and – given his experience and impressive wide links in the ever so capital-intensive nature of his forte – petroleum business – should be taken seriously when he pledges to keep his word.

    Other measures include the provision of ancillary incentives to boost the morale of farmers and stakeholders in the agric sector; resuscitation of abandoned farm settlements and the provision of logistics support, which include the construction of produce-processing mills and facilities, and availability of long-term strategic storage facilities for the preservation of excess products. Ubah strongly believes that Anambra State has the potentials to be the food basket of the South-East geo-political zone.

    A major threat to the agricultural policies of Anambra State, as well as security of life and property and sustainable environmental protection, is the unsettling issue of erosion menace. Several communities in Anambra State have been ravaged by erosion and local population displaced. In fact, lives have been lost and valuable property lost to the menace of erosion in the state. Ubah maintains that introducing and effectively implementing policies and programmes to provide adequate and proactive responses to the issues of erosion and flooding in the state, proper use of ecological funds from the federal government, as well as those from international development agencies, will adequately address the matter.

    It would be recalled that Ubah has, during the campaigns, assured the electorate that his mission is to serve diligently, and make the much desired difference in the lives of the people of Anambra State, where the past and present governments – civilian and military have failed.

  • How the four leading candidates rate

    Dr. Chris Ngige

    The All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate, Dr. Chris Nwabueze Ngige, a former civilian governor of the state and a serving senator, is unarguably the most experienced and popular of all the candidates in the race.

    Informed observers said one thing the medical doctor would be remembered and respected for is that in spite of all the intrigues and the odds he was made to contain with, he restrained his campaigns to what has been defined as “politics of ideas” as he anchored his campaign on a clearly defined 12 point agenda.

    What he would be taking to the polls would include his personal popularity, which ranks far above others, his charisma, and the novelty of his political party, All Progressive Congress ( APC) now acknowledged as the true change that has brought light wherever it has been allowed to dwell in.

    Coming from Anambra Central, which has the largest population, he may also be favoured by this factor.

    With these and the fact that many agree with his argument that he should be allowed to return to the Government House to complete the projects he could not finish when his first tenure was suddenly terminated, many informed observers expect the APC candidate to win the election.

    The burden Ngige will however carry to the polls will include the fact that many find it  difficult to adapt easily to change.

    Chief Willie Obiano

    The All Progressives Grand Alliance candidate, Chief Willie Obiano, is a frontline contender, who also stands a good chance of winning. As the candidate of the ruling party, believed to be Obi’s choice, Obiano will enjoy the benefits of incumbency factor, a factor that counts highly in Nigerian politics.

    Although an accomplished accountant and banker, Obiano’s critics however said he is little known and that his decision to allow the outgoing governor to do much of the campaigning has further put him behind limelight.

    This strategy is however viewed by some analysts as “smart,” and a sign of his humility.

    Another advantage he enjoys is the zoning issue, since he comes from Anambra North.

    Dismissed however by critics from the district as Obi’s imposition, it remains to be seen what he would gain from zoning, especially with the reality that the zone’s votes would be split between him and his “brother” Nwoye of PDP and others.

    Mr Ifeanyi Ubah

    The Labour Party’s candidate, Mr. Ifeanyi Ubah, came into the race as a first timer. Though inexperience in politics, Ubah has shown so much passion and determination to win the election.

    What the multi-  billionaire founder of Capital Oil  would be taking to the polls include his reported appeal to the commoners through some philanthropic services, although his critics try desperately to cast doubts on the state of health of his businesses.

    Barely a month in the game, Ubah has made a name in the politics of Anambra State. It remains however to see the depth of the reported impact when the votes are counted.

    Mr. Tony Nwoye

    The People’s Democratic Party’s candidate, Mr. Tony Nwoye, has the least period to campaign. His ambition to fly the PDP flag was troubled by intrigues and multiple legal battles.

    Although the PDP leadership publicly declared that he would fly the party’s flag in October, it was not until Monday 4, 2013 when the Supreme Court finally affirmed his candidature that it became certain he is the party’s candidate. This is the major challenge that Nwoye would have to face. Ordinarily, PDP has a lot of supporters in the state, but it remains to be seen if those supporters are still one, given the disagreement at the state chapter of PDP.

    Of course, one of Nwoye’s greatest advantage is the awesome support of the national leadership of PDP.

    Who wears the crown?

    The die is cast! On Saturday, November 16, 2013, Anambra State electorates will file out to elect Mr Peter Obi’s successor. Many political parties are participating in the election, but judging from their campaigns so far, it seems the four front runners include, APC, APGA, Labour Party and PDP, which are fielding Senator Chris Ngige, Chief Willie Obiano, Mr. Ifeanyi Ubah, and Mr Tony Nwoye respectively.

    The big question today is, out of the candidates, who will wear the crown?

  • Anambra candidates seek Arthur Eze’s blessing

    Political godfather in Anambra State, Chief Arthur Eze’s country home has been turned into a political Mecca of some sort. The Nation gathered that most of the candidates, including candidates of other political parties, not his People’s Democratic Party, have been holding consultations in his sprawling country home mansion and soliciting for his blessings.

    An eye witness said: “All night, we see convoy after convoy coming and going in Chief Eze’s compound. Since the election campaigns peaked, it seems the man has not been allowed by visitors to step out of that house.”

    It would be recalled that the PDP candidate, Mr. Tony Nwoye, was reported to be Eze’s candidate. If tis is true, many are wondering why the same godfather is blessing other candidates and the likely agreements the multi- billionaire godfather would be making with the candidates.

  • Akwa Ibom 2015: The many odds against Umana

    Akwa Ibom 2015: The many odds against Umana

    Former Akwa Ibom Finance Commissioner and Secretary to the State Government (SSG), Umana Umana, has been in the eyes of the storm lately over his governorship ambition. Sunday Oguntola analyses why his chances of clinching the governorship slot have become slimmer 

    Until last August, it was taken for granted he was coasting home to the Government House. Nearly all indigenes of Akwa Ibom saw the former Secretary to the State Government (SSG), Umana Umana, as the next governor. His governorship ambition was open secret. It was not a misplaced prospect. Umana was not only highly connected but also influential. He was the only man Governor Godswill Akpabio was said to fear in the state’s political space.

    Umana, who joined the civil service as a Principal Budget Officer in October 1998 rose to become the State Director of Budget same year. Two years later, he was appointed Permanent Secretary in charge of the Budget office and retired in 2003. He joined the Victor Attah’s administration as Finance Commissioner and served for eight years. In 2007, he supported Akpabio and allegedly bankrolled his campaign to emerge victorious.

    When the administration kicked off, Umana was expectedly appointed the SSG, a position he held until August. His closeness to Akpabio made him feared and respected. Many aides deferred to him and consulted the astute administrator to curry his favour. His words were laws and his pronouncements unchallenged. He could access just about anything and anybody throughout the state.

    He survived all the cabinet reshuffles and was even said to have determined those to go and stay, a further testimony to the implicit confidence Akpabio reposed in him. Many of the government’s nominees, it was reported, either came from him or received his blessings.

    This aura made the Ibibio politician, born in Ndiya, Nsit Ubium Local Government Area of Akwa Ibom State, the state’s most powerful go-to person. It was said that even Akpabio feared hurting or injuring his interests.

    But nothing lasts forever. The once untouchable politician was forced to resign in most controversial circumstances. First, he was locked out by security operatives from his office. Then, he was forced to tender his resignation 48 hours after the humiliating episode.

    The zoning hurdle

    Since he left office, Umana’s influence has continued to wane. Those who could not as little as walk beside him started throwing jibes at him. They derided his governorship’s ambition, saying it was dead on arrival. Investigations revealed that the major hindrance against the governorship ambition of the former SSG is the zoning arrangement within the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    Umana, who is from Uyo Senatorial District, is considered unqualified for now because the governorship slot has been reportedly ceded to the Eket District. Since the creation of Akwa Ibom State in 1987, nobody from Eket has mounted the saddle.

    The first civilian governor of the state, the late Obong Akpan Isemin, won the race under the platform of the defunct National Republican Convention (NRC) in 1991. He was from the Uyo Senatorial District. But he did not last as the military took over power in 1993.

    At the return of the nation to democratic rule, Obong Victor Attah, also from the Uyo Senatorial District, mounted the saddle. He served for two terms and handed over to the incumbent, Godswill Akpabio, who happens to be the first from Ikot Ekpene Senatorial District to rule the state.

    It was learnt that Attah conceived a rotation arrangement among the three senatorial districts months before his handover. The districts, it was gathered, were to take turn to produce the governor. The arrangement was to protect Eket from domination. Uyo district has the most votes but Eket produces more oil wells than others. Zoning advocates said there is no way Eket will be able to produce a governor on their own without such rotation policy.

    This zoning arrangement is the biggest hurdle against Umana’s ambition. Investigations revealed that the political barometer in Akwa Ibom is more disposed to having an Eket indigene become the governor. This, it is learnt, is to ensure fairness and equity. Had Umana been from Eket, he would have driven to the Government House almost unchallenged, observers believe. It is reported that this arrangement is why Akpabio moved to cut him to size and dismantle his political structures.

    Rumbles from ‘enemies’ camp

    Many of his critics also fear the soft-spoken politician is too rich for their comfort. His wealth, they contend, will put him at a complete advantage over other political interests if he were to become governor. This, it was gathered, is why many conspired and rose against him. They say a powerful man blessed with means and resources will be too hot to toy around with for a state like Akwa Ibom where political patronage is high. They are also uncomfortable with his strong political structures across the state, a development they allegedly pointed out to Akpabio.

    Akpabio, it was learnt, was told installing Umana as his successor would haunt him for the rest of his life. A source in the anti-Umana camp said: “It was a pretty thing to do. All we needed to do was to point out how Umana is already rich and will be too strong to handle for Akpabio, who will still want to pull strings while out of government.”

    The governor reportedly started seeing the wisdom in what his aides were pointing out to him. He considered Umana as a serious threat that must be out-muscled to prevent future heartbreaks. They also succeeded in convincing him of Umana’s independent streak, a trait they said will make the ex-SSG quite uncontrollable. This plot, it was learnt, was hatched by close aides of the governor, who were becoming uncomfortable with the vast influence Umana was wielding in the state.

    Another source said: “Every governor is keenly interested in who succeeds him. We just showed His Excellency how having an Umana will make him become a loser. Umana is independent minded and loves to run shows on his own. There is no way he will become governor and he won’t move against Akpabio. The signals are just there for us to see.”

    Investigations revealed that the fear of having an influential, rich and independent successor without regards for his legacies and achievements was what finally convinced Akpabio to move against Umana. Akpabio’s indisposition to supporting Umana might prove to be the greatest undoing of the former’s governorship ambition.

    But Umana, a relentless personality, is not giving up without fighting back. Sources close to him say he won’t drop his aspiration for anything in the world. This explained why he turned down the offer to serve as the state’s representative in the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC). He is also said to be prepared to pursue the ambition under another platform should the PDP becomes too unbearable for him. How far he can go will surely spice the contest in the state.

  • Fall of the North

    Fall of the North

    The caliphate and the emirates have declined. Their spiritual fountain is drained. Their political influence has withered. Their command structure is stunted. The foundation of “One North,One People” has crumbled. The Abubakar Saddiq III legacy has been imperiled. All his 50-year efforts to have one formidable north are going down the drains. The House of Sardauna has cracked. The winds are torturing the troubled souls of the mullahs. The people of the North are in disarray. The elite have scattered. The politicians are fighting. The peasants are grieving. The almajiris are grumbling. The haramists are in the trenches running helter skelter. The picture is real and the message is clear: the North has fallen. Its ancestors are crest-fallen wondering if a region whose present is in jeopardy can boast of a future that is politically worthy. The power of the North has gone awry and the Arewa has lost its aura.

    Sir Ahmadu Bello and Sir Abubakar Saddiq III were great visionary leaders of the North whose pertinacious astuteness and political ingenuity were aimed at the consolidation of the Northern hegemony and unity within the complex polity of the Nigerian state. Leveraging on the Uthman Dan Fodio’s enigmatic persona, both men inspired in their followership the imperativeness of protecting and sustaining the vision of dominance. Some people always confuse dominance with domination. Dominance is about relevance and influence while domination is about subjugation and conquest. The intention of these two great leaders, as evident in their populist sentiments and philosophy, was not for the North to dominate other components of the Nigerian state, but to carve a solid political influence for themselves to be able to protect the interests of the North. More fundamentally, these two great leaders were mindful of the incursion of Christianity into their territory. They wanted a North that will remain compact as to guarantee the immutability of their religious character and cultural identity.

    This Northern dominance agenda was sometime encapsulated in the terms of reference of the Constitution Consultative Committee set up by the Northern Elders in February 15, 1986 immediately after the Babangida administration inaugurated the Political Bureau . One of the objectives of the committee among others “was to get the North to generally and in a concerted manner, articulate the form of constitution that would provide stability and project the interest of the North as well as Nigeria. It also identified “the need for the North, as far as possible, to speak with one voice” moreso “in view of the “disadvantageous” position the North has been pushed into”. I do not understand what the Northern Elders meant by “…the disadvantageous” position the North has been pushed into” but I can assert that there was some insincerity in this statement because the only one that should complain of being pushed into a “disadvantageous” position during the military era was the South.

    However, I admit that in the present dispensation, the North appears to be in a “disadvantageous” position politically. But whose fault is it? The North became a victim of its own scheme. One of the members of the military (elite) corps that it trained to protect the hegemony of the north was the one that planted the seed of decline in all that is glorious about the North. The moment Sanni Abacha demystified the mystique of the Sultanate, the entire North became stripped of the myth of inviolability surrounding it. It was clear that the violation of the Caliphate, which for the North was a symbol of spiritual and political authorities, rubbished the personality-cult of the Caliphate and the emirates.

    The cracks presaging the fall of the North were there all along but regrettably, nobody considered them ominous. First was the query issued by Alhaji Abubakar Rimi, the then governor of Kano State, to the Emir of Kano, His eminence, Alhaji Ado Bayero, on July 9, 1981. Next was the dissolution of the Muri emirate, headed by Alhaji Umaru Abba Tukur, by the then governor of Gongola State, Col. Yohanna Madaki in July, 1986 and the climax of these institutional desecrations was the dethronement of the Sultan of Sokoto, His Eminence, Alhaji Ibrahim Dasuki by Sanni Abacha on April 20, 1996 after reigning for 8 years. All these were portentous actions signposting the decline of the oneness of the North. But they were discountenanced because circumstances took care of them. The Kano riots, which followed the Rimi’s disrespectful query, the unceremonial removal and retirement of Yohanna Madaki by the Babangida administration and the celebrated death of Sanni Abacha.

    Until the Abacha-Dasuki debacle in 1996, the military overwhelmingly defended and fortified the political interest of the North. It showed massive respect to its institutions and its spiritual leadership and also provided the resources for the training and capacity-building of its civil personnel in a bid to consolidate its grip on political power in all facets. This relationship was not strange. Instead, it reinforces the belief that the leadership of the North, anticipating the future role of the military in Nigerian politics, enlisted their sons into the Armed Forces during the colonial era to ensure that the elite corps of the Army was not only dominated by the North but well positioned to play a crucial role in the political future of the North in particular and Nigeria in general. Unfortunately, while this was going on in the North, the leadership of the South was more interested in the dignity of university education for their own sons whom they were preparing for post-independence political administration.

    Both regions seemed to have achieved the objectives of their strategic planning. Between 1966 and 1999 when the military finally returned to the barracks, the North dominated more than 90 percent of the military tenures, leaving the South with just a 3 year interventionist leadership after Olusegun Obasanjo succeeded Murtala Mohammed in 1976. This was even at the instance of General Theophilus Danjuma, who declined to take over as the Head of State on personal grounds. Otherwise, all the military regimes would have been headed by officers from the North.

    During its many years in power, the military, substantially led by the Northerners as earlier noted, made sure that most of the administrative and civil structures, including the civil service, federal parastatals and agencies were firmly controlled by Northerners, some of whom are still there today or had replaced themselves with those they mentored. Conversely, the south too seems to be dominating the new democratic dispensation since 1999 with the North credited with only 3 years out of the 14 years of the democratic project. And very likely, going by GEJ’s ruthless adventurism and desperation for a second term, the North may have to wait till 2019. Even this contemplation is still in the realm of speculation. Anything can happen to prevent the return of the North to the Centre after Jonathan’s tenure, for instance, the personality crisis brewing among the political class.

    Most states in the North are controlled by the PDP, yet there is intense antagonism and deep-seated animosity among them-a situation that has paralysed the operations of the Northern Governors’ Forum (NGF). The sudden emergence of the New PDP, comprising mostly northern governors and prominent northern politicians, is another sign that all is not well with the North.

    The Northern Elders Forum (NEF) inspired by people like Alhaji Mahmoud Atta to act as a mechanism for political control and continuity is now a symbol of political cacophony. The Forum is gradually sinking into depravities. Disturbed and rattled by the Forum’s present degeneracy, prominent and influential Northerners, who did not want to be part of this mess, have stopped attending its meetings. Some are engaged in shaddy and dirty deals that the government is aware of but keeps as secret for as long as such unscrupulous elders keep undermining the interest of the North to Jonathan’s advantage. Some so-called northern elders have also compromised their principles by flirting with the Jonathan administration at the expense of the collective interest of the entire North.

    The Northern Elders Forum may never regain the sanctity of its past in view of the action of some of its “elders” who have openly sold out their region and its people to the man in power. A rough count of elders from the North belonging to Goodluck Support Group Elders Advisory Council, a new chop-chop outfit put together by Jonathan’s sycophants, showed 30 out of 58 members that make up the Council. What is more, the Goodluck’s Council is headed by a prominent Northerner, Senator Ibrahim Mantu CFR. Lord have mercy!!

    Like the Ohaneze Ndigbo and Afenifere, the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) has recently been embroiled in credibility deficit, especially when its positions and views on national issues are trailed by inconsistencies and palliative commercialism – a development which can slide it into institutional paralysis. The once credible and unbending forum seems to have been infiltrated by men with “Ghana-must-go” known as political negotiators. For instance, ACF’s earlier stance on Jonathan’s talk show (national conference) was that the North would not participate. The forum had consistently said that since it was not party to those who called for the national conference/national dialogue, it had no suggestion to give the committee headed by Senator Femi Okurounmu. In a dramatic twist, or after some dramatic negotiations, the forum had now urged northerners to participate in the national conference in the interest of “national solidarity”. I hear you.

    It is no secret that there is no love-lost between the political class and the military elite of the North. The political class is evidently not in favour of overlapping functionality and opportunistic professional migration. The politicians are unwilling to admit into their group the military boys whom they believe, and rightly so, had had their own opportunity. This is the problem Ibrahim Babangida and Muhammed Buhari are facing. Though, the masses in the north admire Buhari and have nothing against him, the political elite who determine who gets what do not believe in the choice of the talakawas whom they regard as political nitwits lacking the feudal orientation to determine quality leadership.

    The Boko Haram had exposed the obvious decline in the spiritual authority of the Caliphate and the emirates. The helplessness, inability and failure of the Northern traditional rulers to end the siege of horror by the Boko Haram is an indication of the collapse and ignominy the northern traditional institutions had suffered lately. It is unimaginable that a time would come that the Sultan and the Emirs who had a god-like image in not-too-distant past would be reduced to their present siddon look figures. The Sultan, the emirs and their durbars were impeccable delight for local and international tourists who came from far and wide to watch the sovereigns of the North display the beauty of their power and culture. Aside from the emirs, the Sultan until the fall of Dasuki, was a ruler of adorable imperial grandeur. Such was the majestic aura of the Sultanate that Alhaji Ibrahim Dasuki, who ostensibly was the candidate of the North for the presidency after Ibrahim Babangida, had to sacrifice his presidential ambition to become the Sultan of Sokoto in 1988.

    I sympathise with the present Sultan of Sokoto, His Eminence, Dr. Muhammed Sa’ad Abubakar who is occupying the position at a difficult time like this. He needs to be pragmatic. His response is not to wallow in self-pity but to rise to the challenge of restoring the declining grandeur of the Sultanate.

    It was a strategic blunder and miscalculation on the part of whoever imbued the caliphate with both spiritual and political authorities obvious of the fact that a time like this will come when the dynamics of politics will attenuate the influence of the Sultanate in national politics. The myth of power around the Sultanate has been debunked. The political creed of “One North, One People” has been rubbished. Those who thought this political idealism would endure till eternity are living witnesses to its calamitous brevity.

    The fall of the North has nothing to do with their losing power at the centre. It is about political opportunism, mistrust, greed, betrayal and conspiracy of its elite that have been unfaithful to the founding fathers’ creed which binds them together. I am not surprised, these days, the legacy and vision of the dead is immaterial for as long as the living have their own vision especially one with strong commercial viability and potential. It does not matter if such vision is capable of causing the political mutism of the whole North.

    The North needs an inspirational and credible leader with imposing and intimidating profiles in politics and business. A leader who is philosophically and emotionally committed to the Northern cause and will do everything within his capability to revivify the dying vision of their founding fathers. I am in no position to suggest who. Period.

  • ‘Ngige is on rescue mission in  Anambra’

    ‘Ngige is on rescue mission in Anambra’

    A leader of Igbo Community in Lagos, Nze Modestus Umenzekwe, spoke with ADEGUNLE OLUGBAMILA on the chance of the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship candidate, Dr Chris Ngige, in the next week’s election.

    What is your perception of politics?

    My perception of politics is just a situation where things are working well for the generality of the people. I am talking of a situation where people can actually enjoy dividends of democracy and feel the impact of governance.

    Is that achievable under the crop of leadership currently at the helm of affairs?

    It is possible, provided people can ‘shine their eyes’ and vote for someone with experience and purpose to serve. I am from Anambra State. It is a very sensitive state in Nigeria and we need an experienced man to handle it, so that things don’t go wrong.

    In that light, would you appraise Governor Peter Obi’s performances in office?

    Don’t misquote me. All I’m saying is that, soon, Peter Obi will be no more there, and we need an experienced man as his successor.

    So, if you had your way, who would you recommend?

    For me, Dr Chris Ngige is the most qualified of all the contenders at present because he has been there all along. Unfortunately, he didn’t finish the good programme he started for our people. He did well within the short period he served. He rendered selfless service for the state, we need him back again.

    What were those impressions he left that you considered unforgettable?

    On his assumption into office, Ngige inherited a debt of N40 billion but left N12.8 billion in the Anambra State’s treasury. Within six months of his administration, Ngige cleared all the debts. He resuscitated schools and hospitals that were bedeviled with strikes.

    Civil servants and pensioners were not paid before Ngige assumed office. Today, move round our state and see all the roads he constructed when he was there and you will appreciate my view. He rehabilitated the erosion-submerged Nkwouchi market and reconstructed a long-abandoned road from Nkwouchi to Okigwe border town of Imo State. He left in 2006; and we are now in 2013, go and check all these roads to confirm all I am telling you. He only implemented 30 per cent of his developmental plans. We need him because we want the remaining 70 per cent.

    But, aren’t you bothered about the APC under which Ngige is contesting? The political party is allegedly seen by certain Igbo nationals as offspring of the rested Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN)?

    When you come to Lagos State, you will appreciate the fact that Fashola merely continued Asiwaju Bola Tinubu’s laudable agenda for the state. It is only in Lagos that you have an Igbo man as Commissioner for Budget and Economic Planning in the person of Pastor Ben Akabueze; it is only in Lagos that you have another Igbo man, Joe Igbokwe an engineer as the publicity secretary of APC. Go to business areas and discover that Igbos are allowed to establish businesses and build houses.

    If truly Ngige is not from your constituency, then, what is your interest?

    I am not talking of personal gain; I am simply talking out of sheer objectivity and unquantifiable love for my state and people.

    What is your advice for him?

    First of all, in whatever thing he intends doing; he should seek the face of God. Let him make sure that our roads are put in order, especially areas that were not covered by his first tenure. He should again and as a matter of priority centres on security. Healthcare is another important issue for him.

    But, Ngige achieved these feats as the PDP governor, and you are now canvassing against it. why this?

    When you talk of APC, you are talking of a political party peopled by the likes of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, a veteran politician; a very simple political juggernaut; a man that says yes, and his yes remains yes; so also his no. A man with passion for his people; a man that dared all odds to make sure that political situation in the country is stabilised. Upon all he passed through, he managed to execute a good job as governor and left with a better successor.

    So, if such a man is leading a party, why can’t I support him; why can’t I support his candidate? It is not a question of party, what is in him is in him wherever he is, he will still perform. So, if he has the experience, the knowledge and injected them in APC manifesto, I think the, sky will be their limit.

    Barely one week into Anambra election, do you have any advice for the electorate?

    They should shun thuggery, violence, and avoid money-politics because that is another thing that brings problem to this country. They should ensure their votes count, no double voting. One man, one vote; they should vote Ngige.

    If for instance, Ngige wins the much-touted election, how do you advise him to replicate some industrial and social-economic policies ongoing in the south west especially, the APC-controlled states?

    My advice is for you to read his manifesto, those things are already there, it is not a question of reminding him, he already has his plans for the state printed out.

  • Akhigbe: Exit of an Admiral

    Akhigbe: Exit of an Admiral

    Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU writes on the life and time of the quintessential naval officer, administrator and politician, Vice Admiral Mike Okhai Akhigbe, who recently passed on at 68.

    He was blessed with an excellent gait, a sound mind and a heart of steel and stone. The physical attributes positioned him for soldiering. The indomitable energy and uncanny capacity for risk taking manifested at the naval training sessions, which groomed Michael Okhai Akhigbe for a military career spanning 32 years. His motive, like his contemporaries in the military school, was to become the Chief of Naval Staff. Not only did he achieve self-actualisation in this regard, he also became the number two citizen under the military rule.

    In retirement, he was not idle. Again, like many retired soldiers, Akhigbe returned to the school to study law. He set up a thriving law practice, specialising in maritime law. He achieved a breakthrough in business. Having tasted power before, he was apparently seized by nostalgic feelings. Therefore, he turned his attention to politics, cohabiting with many retired Generals in the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Unknown to many, the retired Admiral nursed a major pain in his heart. Tortured by cancer, his life was ebbing away. Like a gallant soldier that he was, he fought the ailment with characteristic bravery. Two weeks ago, he gave up the fight.

    It was ironic. In Edo, Akhigbe means “somebody who cannot be killed”. But death sneaked into the naval dockyard, snatching the naval chief and throwing his family, relations and associates into mourning.

    At home, he was not a prophet without honour. Gloom enveloped Fugar, his home town, immediately the news of his demise was broken. The community was in a sober mood. Schools were closed. The Chairman of Etsako Local Government, Hon. Emmanuel Momoh, declared a three-day mourning period. Akhigbe’s elder brother, Joseph, who expressed shock, described the deceased as a home boy. “It is said that no Nile, no Egypt. So, no Mike, no Fugar”, he said, adding that the community will miss him.

    Akhigbe’s footprints are visible in the rural enclave. When the Etsako Council was created, Fugar was named as the headquarter because he was in power. But he also attracted other social amenities, including a hospital and water project. Villagers recalled that the retired Admiral also influenced the government to construct the culverts and tar some roads in the area. “Admiral Mike Akhigbe assisted a lot of youths when he was alive. He assisted people to go to school, get work and start their businesses”, said an indigene, who urged the government to immortalise him.

    However, more encomiums have come from higher quarters. It was because Akhogbe was a national asset. His colleague at the Course Three, Nigerian Defense Academy, Senate President David Mark, hailed his dedication to professional excellence. He said that he was perceived as a man of the future as a military student, adding that, when that future came, he did not let his country down in his various military and administrative assignments.

    President Goodluck Jonathan, who also paid tribute to him, said that he was among those committed to the “re-proffesionalism of the Armed Forces after decades of involvement in politics”. Many politicians have also described him as a professional in politics, noting that he had stood for good governance in Edo State, where his comments brought him into collision with his party.

    Although Akhigbe came into limelight, following his appointment as the military governor of Ondo State, he had paid his dues in the Navy before his posting. He succeeded the former military governor, Commodore Bamidele Otiko. He was a soldier, but he managed to assemble a good cabinet. He appointed some egg heads as commissioners. But the military had no blue-print for governance. Therefore, he was like a sole administrator in a highly sophisticated state.

    In the Old Ondo State, Akhigbe will be remembered for two things. He fought for the resuscitation of the Cocoa Board, which was banned by the government. The farmers were happy and they started to relate to the board in a better way. The former governor was also concerned about the infrastructural decay in the state. In 1986, he had stormed Efon-Alaaye, a rustic town in Ekiti Central District, to inspect the erosion sites. Alarmed at the menace, he declared the town as a “disaster area”. Akhigbe appealed to the Federal Government to come to the aid of the agrarian community. After persistent pleas by the community, the Federal Government awarded the erosion contract, which saved the town from the scourge.

    In 1986, Akhigbe was transferred to Lagos State as governor. It was a different terrain. But he also justified his posting. At that time, the controversy over the Structural Adjustment Policy (SAP) was raging. As the governor of the most populous and politically conscious state, he lent his support to the agenda, defending military President Ibrahim Babangida and advising Nigerians to make it work.

    He was confronted with the infrastructure challenge. He unfolded plans to build more roads to ease transportation. He also build a special hospital for drug addicts. Alarmed at the congestion in the prison, he called for better treatment for the prisoners to facilitate their easy re-integration into the society. He also freed 242 prisoners, urging them to borrow a new leaf. The former governor called for more medical personnel in rural areas.

    His administration also laid an emphasis on staff training. Under its training policy, 22,000 public workers were targeted. The governor also laid the foundation for two model colleges.

    The administrator completed some rural electrification projects in 1987. During the commissioning, he called for private investment in the rural areas. He had joined some Lagosians in decrying fund sharing formula of the DFRRI, saying that Lagos deserved a better treatment. That was when the metropolis served as the capital of the country. Twenty six years after, it is ironical that the Lagos is still struggling for a special status as a former Federal Capital Territory, but without success.

    Akhigbe was governor in Lagos at a time the Babangida Administration kicked-off a transition programme. A lot of experimentation on diarchy was taking place across the country. Administrative structures were set up for the local governments. The governor ensured that only competent administrators were appointed. In fact, he rejected the councillors’ list from two councils on the ground that the nominees were not the choice of the people.

    in 1992, the retired Admiral became the Director of Naval Faculty, Command and Staff College, Jaji. Later, he emerged as the Chief of Naval Staff, following the emergence of the late Gen. Sani Abacha as the Head of State. When Abacha died and Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar assumed the reins as the military Head of State and Chairman of the Provisional Ruling Council (PRC), Akhigbe became the Chief of General Staff.

    The administration hurriedly set in motion a transition programme. Many pro-democracy activists were skeptical. The number two citizen appealed to the stakeholders to support the programme, which was designed to halt the military rule. Initially, the Abubakar Administration wanted to restore two-party system. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) chaired by the late Justice Ephraim Akpata had already registered two parties-the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and All Peoples Party (APP). However, the Afenifere chieftains pulled out of the APP, following irreconcilable differences. They hurriedly formed the Alliance for Democracy (AD). But the deadline for party registration had expired. The Head of State stood his ground. But Akhigbe, it was believed, urged him to rescind his decision on the proposed two-party system. He said that he knew the people of the Southwest better, having served as governor of Ondo and Lagos states. He explained to his boss that, should the leaders of the region, who were still in agony over the death of Chief Moshood Abiola, boycott the transition process, it may run into credibility crisis. That was how AD was registered.

    The military administration, under which Akhigbe serves as the number two citizen, conducted successful presidential, governorship and parliamentary elections. Post-election litigations were minimal. The transfer of power to the civilian authority marked the end of Akhigbe’s military career.

    In retirement, he joined the political fray. His next point of call was the ruling PDP. But at home, he also naturally emerged as the Afemai leader. The military had already become a factor in the PDP in the post-military period. But Akhigbe was not impressed by the activities of politicians that received the baton. He became a critic of the system as a lawyer, businessman and politician.

    In 2007, the former Chief of Staff declared his bid for the Presidency in Abuja. Although he paraded intimidating credential, he lacked a solid political structure. The PDP had zoned the slot to the North and former President Olusegun Obasanjo had recruited the late Alhaji Umaru Ya’Adua for the job. In his home state, it was worrisome to him that the PDP government was not performing. He decried the incompetence as a party leader.

    Akhigbe was more embarrassed by the third term agenda. He chided the proponents, saying that they were taking the country for a ride.

    His opinions on the national issues were informed by reason and principle. He had opposed absolute immunity for leaders, saying that it smacked of indulgence. He said those who commit crime in power should face the wrath of the law.

    Akhigbe was emotionally attached to his roots as a professional soldier. He had reflected on the state of the Navy, pointing out that it was under-funded. He said the Nigerian Navy could not protect the nation in its current state.

    When crisis broke out in the PDP, he urged reconciliation. He said the party leaders should have considered the health of the party by finding solution to the logjam.

    The retired soldier also defended the involvement of his colleagues in politics. At Uyo, the capital of Akwa Ibom State, he said the retired soldiers cannot be banned from politics because it is their fundamental right.

    When critics blamed the military for the woes of Obasanjo Administration, he disagreed. Akhigbe said that the military did not force Obasanjo on Nigerians.

    His solution to the tension created by the bitter power struggle among the six geo-political zone was instructive. The retired Admiral said that the Presidency should rotate among the regions for four years each.

    Akhigbe lamented the loss of the oil-rich Bakassi Peninsula. He blamed the loss on policy blunders.

    On the shrinkage of investment flow, he said that the lack of sound guidelines was responsible. He therefore, called for a better regulatory mechanism to make Nigeria an economic giant.

    Akhigbe was also concerned about the reputation of Nigeria broad. He called for a solid commitment to democracy. He acknowledged that the long military rule was a mistake. “Democracy will boost Nigeria’s chances of winning the seat of the UN Secretary-General”, he said.

  • ‘Don’t misuse Ojukwu’s name’

    ‘Don’t misuse Ojukwu’s name’

    In this piece, Arinze Igboeli cautions the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) chieftains against misusing the name of its founder, the late Chief Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, to score cheap political points, ahead of the Anambra State governorship election.

    November 4, 2013 marked the 80th birthday of Chief Chukwuemeka Ojukwu, who indeed, was a symbol of the struggle to the Igbo people. As the Nov. 16 election draw near, a huge number of aspirants in this race have at one point in time or the other used the name of Ojukwu in an attempt to sway votes to their kitty. Major culprits in this act of name dropping are the All Progressives Grand Alliance, APGA and the Labour Party candidates, who at every point in their campaigns, have dragged the name of the late Biafran leader into the murky waters of politics.

    Emeka Ojukwu, no doubt, remains a hero to the Igbo people and Nigeria as a whole. The Eze Ndi Igbo gburu gburu in his sojourn here on earth played some outstanding roles in fashioning the Nigerian nation! We cannot be thus in a hurry to forget his deeds, no we can’t.

    But, I find unfortunate the unwarranted use of Ikemba’s name, only in politics, particularly in the period of electioneering do we see charlatans and riffraffs call on the name Ikemba! That is even when their ideological leanings are miles apart from what Ikemba professed, believed in and fought for.

    But between Senator Ngige and Dim Emeka Ojukwu, there is a parallel, a connection between them. In both men is the symbol of a phoenix, a magical and mythical bird which does not die for in its death phase it consumes itself in a fire and arises as a young bird from its ashes. Both men stand tall in Igbo and Nigerian history, were they of much older stock spanning into generations their names or titles would have been infused into folklore songs and sang by our women and children.

    Only a few days ago, I had stumbled upon Ngige who is my principal and guber candidate of the APC, clutching a copy of one of Ojukwu’s finest works, ‘ Because I am Involved’. The book was not new and prior to this morning as I approached him where he sat, I noticed him poring through some already prepared notes, notes that looked old. In the banter that followed between us, I came to the truth that if there was a man fit to wear Ikemba’s shoes, such a man would have to be Ngige.

    Both men largely connote Igbo struggles, legacies, defeats, setbacks but through free a people, both fought for the self preservation of their people and both got it.

    Ojukwu’s Biafra was Ngige’s Anambra from 2003 to 2006. Ojukwu had power thrusted upon him. He had to act, he could have accepted a juicy number two role to Jack Gowon and watched the other way as the Igbo people were massacred or he could fight and fight he did! Similarly we see the same scenario in an Ngige/ Obasanjo/ Uba debacle, owing to the fact that Ngige had put his foot down and declared that come what may. Rain or sunshine, he would no longer allow his people, to play second fiddle in the development of the state, when he had a much more agreeable choice to ‘Chop and clean mouth’ with the godfathers. Even when the grand godfather in Obasanjo, badgered the perceived enfant terrible in Ngige with all sorts of punishment if he did not play nice with the likes of the Ubas, the Udeh’s and the Nzeribes who have presently found refuge in APGA, a stubborn Ngige like Ikemba refused to budge. Rather he toed what Ikemba once revealed to a close friend of his what he called the ‘Biafran path’, where the struggle was one’s life.

    Both share the dashing wit and style, the cunning left hand, the frankness and the uncompromising resolve to speak truth. Yes,Ikemba was a soldier while Ngige is not, but both men have had battle scars and are both loved by the people to the chargrin of their sworn enemies who wonder in astonishment. Both were men of the people and would always be welcomed or saluted by the plebs than by the patricians of our society today. Both men saw politics through the prism of Niehbhur, which is to give justice to the system though politics.

    Ikemba and Ngige share a state, they share a beard and, although almost every one seems to love the “bearded, Oxford trained historian and soldier,” as Ngige once called him. But such an affinity for Ojukwu did go beyond politics and the widespread love of Ojukwu generally.

    Ngige has modeled himself after Ojukwu as a rallying point for Ndi Igbo and all who are oppressed. He did this in the government house, Awka, and in the senate where he identified himself with the Igbo cause or agenda. In 2003- 2006 Ngige looked Obasanjo eyeball to eyeball on issues affecting Ndi Igbo and damned the consequences. In the Senate the leopard in him did not change spots and each time he rose to the floor to speak other senators would listen with rapt attention and bated breath, since the ‘authentic Igbo Leader’ was speaking. Both were brilliant, understood the public’s mood tested the times, had temparaments and knew when to strike and chart new directions.

    Like Ojukwu, Ngige arrived in Anambra with scant political experience. But he was able to figure out how to lead in wartime. Both had the ability to bring people of diverse backgrounds together and expressed their desire to make progress on common challenges, instead of descending into the unnecessary bickering of the politics of the past.

    Just as Ojukwu sought to achieve a measure of redemption and national reconciliation for the Igbos in Nigeria, as he did in the road to the civil war, the war and after the war. Ngige has has sought to do the same, which is to give NdiIgbo and Anambra their pride and place in Nigeria.

    Ngige imitates or has the Ojukwu kind of grasp on issues. As governor and senator he identified a bold and possibly breathtaking reform agenda, ranging from quality infrastructure , security of lives and property, affordable healthcare, economic recovery to energy independence ( By giving Orient Petroleum the life line needed to take of and make Anambra an oil producing state. universal healthcare. Ngige has learnt from Ikemba how to balance the forces of political necessity and public opinion against the power of moral conviction and doing what he believes is right for the his people.

    Finally, both men were orators, listening to some of Ojukwu’s speeches during the civil war naturally moves me, one can also see this also in Ngige.

    I have largely dwelt on this parallel to douse the pretence of a party like APGA and their pretender, in Obiano. The professional prevaricator in Valentine Obienyem at one point in time on the pages of a social media platform told the whole world that our own Ikemba despised Ngige. But nothing can be much farther from the truth than such a reckless statement from Val, and I have facts to back this up.

    In 1995, General Abacha organised a National Confab. while other geopolitical zones and tribes sought to send their best, the emergence of the likes of Ikemba and Alex Ekueme in the Igbo starting line up was looking rather shaky. It took a Chris Ngige to ensure the emergence of the duo as Ngige, President General of Aka Ikenga rallied to assist them. Ojukwu never forgot this gesture.

    When again in 2004, the State Security Services had issued Ikemba a one way ticket to Abuja for questioning over certain comments credited to him, due to the state of the nation then, NdiIgbo and Nigerians did not see or hear from Peter Obi or Victor Umeh in addressing the issue, even a Valentine Obienyem who then was an attention seeking writer did not write even half a page to condemn the insult meted to our beloved Ikemba by the SSS. Rather it was Ngige who we must note was in another party different from Ojukwu’s and who had nothing to lose when viewed from the prism of crass politics offered himself even against the barrage of federal government against his administration. Ngige’s affection for Ikemba would not let him turn a blind eye. He quickly met President Obasnjo about it and made his case. another trip took him to Kayode Are, the then Director General of the SSS. then, he did a u turn and retrieved its ticket saving Ikemba whatever embarrassment awaited him. Today, the likes of Valentine Obienyem, Peter Obi and Victor Umeh and James Eze cannot write or talk without calling Ikemba. one is thus forced to wonder where they were when the SSS attempted such an insult on Ikemba?

    In my final submission, it is my belief that both Ojukwu and Ngige are on the same parallel. With Ikemba gone and Ndi Igbo presently in search for leadership, wouldn’t it then, be key for Ndi Anambra to elect Ngige as governor and champion of the Igbo agenda come November 16? We must remember that, during the funeral ceremony for Ikemba, the people declared Ngige as Ikemba II, announcing him as the successor to Ojukwu. Now, if we say Vox Populi , Vox Deus, should we not then urge the minority, who have given themselves to the task of opposing Ngige for governor, to have a rethink and allow the man to finish the job he once started?The fact again remains that there is an Ojukwu- Ngige parallel and, should Ngige be elected as the governor ofAnambra State, the dreams, philosophy and vision of Ikemba will have a special place in Ngige’s thoughts as he tackles the monumental challenges that would await him.

  • ‘If Jonathan has hidden agenda, national conference will not succeed’

    ‘If Jonathan has hidden agenda, national conference will not succeed’

    Pro-National Conference Organisation (PRONACO) chieftain Comrade Linus Okoroji, in this interview with Musa Odoshimokhe, explains how the proposed national dialogue can resolve the national question and restore hope to Nigerians.

    What manner of dialogue should Nigerians envisage?

    My position is not quite different from our stance on the Sovereign National Conference (SNA). I think for now, we should accept it with two hands in whatever guise is has come. We should not give them the opportunity to give excuses. We have been clamouring for it for long. The area I am not quite comfortable with is the move to remove the word “sovereign”. Nobody should tamper with the report. There should be a plebiscite.The people will vote in favour or against it. So, it will be the people’s constitution. This should not be the elite issue, and those who have stood up to kick against it are afraid that it would be politicised.

    Are there antecedents to show that it was hijacked in the past?

    This is in view of what Chief Olusegun Obasanjo did, what General Sani Abacha did at his own time. Having said that, I have seen some of the people in the advisory committee led by Dr. Femi Okorounmu. He has name to protect and I have no reason to doubt him. More so, he is a Yoruba elite and an Afenifere chieftain. When he was in the Senate, he had advocated for a SNC. So, I cannot doubt his integrity. For now, I think we should accept this with our two hands and see how we are going to manage it. What I think would be the challenge is how to get the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO)’s support, which the conference desires. We should return the country to a true federal system. Each region should control its resources. We should look at the PRONACO document and see its position. Today, there is no state in Nigeria that has a working edict. In the pas,t the Northern Region had its own constitution, the Western Region had its own constitution, the Midwest Region had its constitution and the Eastern Region had its constitution. But all these federal paraphernalia have been thrown away. People like Indians and Chinese understand what it means to decentralise governance according to their nationalities. We should not be a different people. We should look at all of these and see how we can move forward.

    Some sections of the country are afraid that it will lead to the breakup of Nigeria? What is your view?

    What is wrong, if the country breaks up? Will the North not survive, if the country breaks? If that is their fear, they should come down to terms with other sections of the country. They should not continue to play the role of a senior brother or owner of Nigeria. If they nurse such fear, they should come down low and give Nigeria the opportunity to survive. The problem we have is the North, which does not want others to survive. They are using the resources of other nationalities, which they want to manage. They should work together with others so that Nigeria will survive in the interest of all and not their own interest alone. That is even the fears of other minorities in the North; the majority wants to trample on them. The oligarchy wants to suppress the minority in their own areas. There is this story we heard from Chief Anthony Enahoro, may his soul rest in peace, that Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, when he was the Prime Minister of Nigeria, in the North, he was not recognised above Sardauna. Sarduana was his boss. That is the way they behave.

    What do think should guide us during the conference?

    It is the matter of sincerity and commitment to examine the issues that are germane to our wellbeing as a country. We should aim at making Nigeria a developing, progressive and people-oriented country. We should look at the welfare of the people, the significance of the common good; that everybody who is a Nigerian should be entitled to benefit from the common good. If you are walking on the street of America and suddenly, you collapse and drop, government hospital will pick you up and take care of you. Nobody cares who you are. They take care of you, until you survive, unless such a person is unlucky and die. In Nigeria, we are living like orphans. People who have no parents, unless you have contact with people in government, that is only when your survival is guaranteed.

    But the time is too short to have a successful conference before 2015…

    Before the military left, the NADECO had been clamouring for the SNC, even during the Abiola struggle. Our slogan was let us have a Government of National Unity. With the Government of National Unity, we should go ahead to have the national conference. And it was thought that, within four years, we would have achieved the goal. All the efforts were truncated by personal ambitions of those who came on board. They instituted kangaroo conferences because they wanted to remain in power. But, if that is the strategy put in place now, it will fail because Obasanjo failed when he tried it. The truth is that, is he going to succeed? If he diverts attention because of his ambition, what is going to be his own gain? My thinking is that he wants to break away from just being the President of Nigeria to being a hero.

    What, if the outcome of the conference is finally tempered with by the Nation Assembly?

    It is going to be wrong to subject it to the National Assembly and, whether they call it National Conference or Sovereign National Conference, it boils down to the end result. The outcome of the conference must not be tampered with by anybody. Once it is tampered with, it means the conference did not hold, no matter how long. And whether a National Conference or Sovereign National Conference, it can only be subjected to a referendum and not the National Assembly. What is the significance of the National Assembly to a National Conference when they are at the House discussing issues that favour them alone and their cronies? The only power to vet the outcome of the conference is the people through a plebiscite.

     

  • ‘APC is party to beat in 2015’

    ‘APC is party to beat in 2015’

    All Progressives Congress (APC) chieftain Senator Akin Odunsi (Ogun West) is the Vice Chairman of the Senate Committee on Air Force. He spoke with Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN on the national security, under-funding of the Air Force and APC’s prospects in 2015.

    You have been a senator for two years. What are your achieve-ments?

    It was my intention to tackle primary healthcare problems. By the time I concluded campaigns, I found that the problem of mass unemployment was a bigger challenge in my senatorial district. Consequently, I decided to review my programmes and I felt the youth unemployment should be brought to the front burner.

    I classified the youth employment into two. I thought of helping to fix young men and women in government establishments. I also had in mind setting up the skill acquisition programme for the unemployed youth. I found out that, given the magnitude of graduate unemployment, it will not be easy fixing all of them in government offices. Consequently, I decided to look at skill acquisition programme.

    For direct employment, I have assisted in placing 32 in Police, Air Force, State Security Service (SSS) and Aviation parastatals.

    As regards skill acquisition, I have run two successful programmes. I sponsored 30 youths in a programme facilitated by the Entrepreneurship Development Centre (EDC) run by the Central Bank of Nigeria. I gave out interest free loan of N3 million to five of them at N600,000 each to set up businesses for which they had written feasibility studies. The progress of the young entrepreneurs is being monitored by my office and EDC. They are today net employers of labour.

    What of the second programme?

    The successfully completed second programme was done, in conjunction with National Directorate of Employment (NDE). This programme featured 120 youths drawn from 59 wards in my senatorial district. They were sent on three months training programme organised by the NDE and fully paid by me as a private initiative. The skills in which they were trained include fashion designing, hair dressing, mobile phone repairing, confectionary/interior decoration, photography and video coverage. I am happy all of them have graduated. I presented them with equipment necessary for the practice of their various vocations at the graduation ceremony held at Ilaro recently.

    Apart from the 120 that graduated, 22 youths, who took part in the selection process, but were not qualified for the programme, were given N30,000 each to assist them in their various vocations.

    The police prevented you fromcommissioning the Ijamido Hall, Ota, which was rehabilitated by you on August 24. What do you think was responsible for the police action?

    Let me correct the impression that I single handedly rehabilitated the hall. The Ijamido Hall was a constituency project facilitated by me. Some people misconstrued the intention and wrote a petition to the police alleging imminent break down of law and order, if the event took place. The police, acting on an order from the above, sealed off the facility and the environment, based on spurious allegation that I claimed to have spent my money to do the project. My challenge is that people should say it in public and not in beer parlours. Let whoever thinks he is behind the petition come out and announce publicly that he stopped it.

    Let it be known that I contributed to the town hall project like many other notable sons and daughters of the community and friends of the community as well. On this particular issue, I know the amount I spent after the contractor left the site.

    Did you sponsor any project of your own?

    Yes, I did. I have committed two million naira to Ilara Water Project and several bore hole projects across the senatorial district. During my first year entrepreneur programme, I spent over N20 million to buy motorcycles, refrigerator, deep freezers, farming tools, herbicides, sprayers and cutlasses to empower the people in my constituency. In addition, I gave out N30,000 each to 50 women in the senatorial district to assist them in their trades. There was also the education support programme for 24 brilliant, but indigent students and skill training for 120 youths in the senatorial district.

    I have the fortune of working with the MDG to implement some of the constituency projects facilitated by me. These include Police Primary School, Osuke, which has been completed. Works are on-going on five others in Ado-Odo, Igbesa and Imule. Those of Idogo and Agborogbomo are yet to take off. Work will start on three processing mills tomorrow. Another entrepreneur programme for the youth will start in another week or two.

    They also include the completion of rural electrification project abandoned eight years ago at Owode-Ketu-Ijama. It will be completed this year. Fifteen transformers were distributed between last year and this year. There are hand pump borehole projects in Ikoga Ile, Idimu village, Imota Asipa. Aparadija/Iroko, Igbo Odo, Koko Atan, Mero village, Oju Iroko, Sunwa village, Osi and Oruba Quartes, Ota.

    Are you interested in seeking re-election in 2015?

    Why not? It is save for me to say that, if I have not disappointed my people and I will not by the grace of God. I can still do much more for the senatorial district, if I have the chance to do it again.

    As Senator of the Federal Republic, do you think new states can be created now, given the stringent constitutional requirements?

    It is possible, if the applicants meet the constitutional requirements. I think the Senate Committee on Constitution Review is taking a look at the provisions that deal with creation of new states, with a view to amending them to make it easier for new states to be created.

    The Awori people in your senatorial district want to join their kinsmen in Lagos State. What should have prompted this move?

    The demand has historical perspective. Awori people have for a long time been part of Abeokuta Province, based on colonial administrative convenience. The Awori towns in Ogun State today could have been part of the Lagos Colony, but the colonial administrators merged them with Abeokuta Province because of proximity. For as long as I can remember, the agitation has persisted. Perhaps, the agitation has become more pronounced because of what appears to be the total neglect and marginalisation by successive administrations in Ogun State.

    It is a matter that needs to be looked at critically. The last boundary review carried out by Chief Mbanefo under the late Gen. Sani Abacha regime recommended that Ota and other Awori towns in Ogun State should be merged with Lagos State. The recommendation was waiting for Abacha’s signature before he passed on.

    Is the merger still possible under the civilian regime?

    The issue is whether the government has the political will of allowing people of the same ethnic group and historical background to live together in a common area. The Aworis are gerrymandered. Those in Ogun State are scattered everywhere.

    Do you think local government should be granted autonomy in a federal set up like Nigeria?

    The present arrangement recognises the states as federating units. Therefore, there is no need to make the local government another unit. But financial autonomy for local government is desirable. What we are advocating is direct allocation of funds from the Federation Account to local governments, as against the present joint account with state governments. Some states butchered the funds meant for local councils such that what gets to them are used for paying salaries, leaving them with nothing to embark on capital projects. However, the state government should retain oversight function on local government.

    The university lecturers have been on strike for over three months. What is the Senate doing towards the resolution of the crisis?

    The Senate Committee on Education has been trying to bring the two sides together. As a parent, my appeal to the ASUU is to consider the plight of the students, accept whatever government may have offered and continue to negotiate. It is unfair to abandon lecture rooms and kick out the students. If their demands are in the interest of the students, they should take what the government has given and continue negotiation and reopen the universities. The Federal Government should always fulfil the agreements reached with university lecturers to avoid this kind of problem in future.

    There were reported cases ofAir Force plane crashing. As the Vice Chairman of the Senate Committee on Air Force, what measures have you taken to stop the plane dropping?

    It happened long time ago. It was unfortunate. My committee cannot investigate accidents or the causes of accidents, but the committee can tell government during budget appraisal the needs of the Air Force. One thing is certain. The capital allocation to Air Force is inadequate. If we must prepare the Air Force in the state of combat readiness, the government must provide adequate budget for its operations. The issue of training of the officers is also very important.