The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • Nigeria’s poor rating in good governance

    Nigeria’s poor rating in good governance

    Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN examines Nigeria’s poor rating in the Mo Ibrahim Index for African Governance and its implication for President Goodluck Jonathan’s transformation agenda.

    It is a setback for Nigeria. The Mo Ibrahim Index for African Governance (IIAG) has confirmed the country’s decline in governance. Out of the 52 African countries rated by the Foundation, Nigeria occupied the 41st position. Thus, it fell below the African average of 51.6 per cent. Another proof of its dismal performance, according to reports, was that Nigeria was ranked 13th out of 16 countries in West Africa.

    According to the reports, the Foundation assessed Nigeria’s performance based on governance: Safety and Rule of Law, Participation and Human Rights, Sustainable Economic Opportunity and Human Development. The country was singled out as the worst performer in the four categories.

    Nigeria’s ranking is a manifestation of bad governance, poverty, pervasive corruption, economic mismanagement, human rights abuse, insecurity of lives and property and social injustice being perpetrated by the political elite against the less privileged.

    The IIAG Report, coming three months after the Transparency International (TI) had rated Nigeria the 10th most corrupt nation in the world, is a major setback for the transformation agenda of President Goodluck Jonathan. But the President had objected to the rating during the recent media chat. He said the level of corruption in Nigeria has been exergerrated by the media.

    Critics have argued that the defence cannot adequately make up for the obvious dismal performance of government in critical sectors of economy. Unfortunately, each time the government got a knock for poor performance in any sector, its spin doctors and agents are quick to dispel it by presenting boisterous data of improved economy.

     

    Poor governance/poverty

     

    Nigeria is endowed with natural resources, but a large percentage of her citizens are poor. A former Minister of Education and World Bank Vice President Dr Oby Ezekwesili, has attributed the rising poverty to poor governance and economic mismanagement by those in power.

    Ezekwesili noted that, as the sixth largest producer of oil in the world, Nigeria is unable to translate the huge earnings from oil to the improvement of her citizens’ living standard. The massive revenue from oil has been a source of sorrow to citizens, due to poor governance by our political elite over the many decades since its discovery.

    “The poor governance or its more virulent manifestation, public corruption, is, of course, the fundamental reason for Nigeria’s poor economic performance despite our globally acknowledged economic potentials to have become, not just one of the largest economies of the world, but in fact, one of the most prosperous of those countries.

    A public affairs analyst, Bernard Briggs, said: “We don’t need any external agency to tell us that there is massive, widespread and pervasive corruption, which has permeated all levels of government in the country”. According to him, corruption is the major cancer threatening the socio-economic and political health of this country.

    Briggs noted that, though the law provides criminal penalties for official corruption, government has failed to implement the law effectively, and officials frequently engage in corrupt practices with impunity.

    He also scored the judiciary low. He said: “There is the widespread perception that judges were easily bribed and litigants can no longer rely on the courts to render impartial judgments. Nigerians encounter long delays and bribe demands by judicial officials to expedite trials or obtain favourable rulings.”

    Briggs also said that the Jonathan administration lacks the will to fight corruption. He made reference to the House of Representatives Commit-tee’s report on fuel subsidy that revealed massive fraud, corruption and inefficiency in the operation of the programme.

    The report estimated government money lost to endemic corruption and entrenched inefficiency amounted to N1.067 trillion. Consequently, the government released a list of those who had benefited illegally from the subsidy programme, which included relatives and colleagues of key government officials. In late July, last year, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) arraigned suspects, including six oil companies and 11 individuals. By the end of the year, the EFCC had initiated the prosecution of 50 cases related to the subsidy scam. The majority of the cases involved companies and individuals who had fraudulently received subsidy revenue. The trials had not produced any conviction.

    Briggs also recalled the N32.8 billion Police Pension Fund scam. Six people were arraigned, including a director at the Police Pension Office, Atiku Kigo, who later became permanent secretary in the Ministry of Niger Delta.

    Other corruption cases, which are dragging in the court for lack of diligence prosecution, involved many highly placed citizens.

    Briggs said: “It beats my imagination that a President that claims zero tolerance as mantra of his administration can come out openly and say the level of corruption in Nigeria is tolerable, adding that this administration has legitimised corruption. He recalled that the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project and other groups had demanded that President Jonathan sbould disclose his assets from 2007 to 2012, but the president turned down the request.

    A student activist, Idris Abubakar, described corruption under Jonathan administration as unprecedented. He said, because the leadership lacks the courage to fight corruption, his aides are embroiled in corrupt practices with impunity.

    “Can you imagine a minister acquiring two armoured cars worth about N250 million at the expense of tax payers? If not for the public outcry, the matter would have been swept under the carpet.

    “In other climes, the minister would have resigned immediately. I am even disappointed by the President’s action in setting up a panel to investigate the car scandal. The fact that the cars were bought with public fund was not in dispute. That is enough to fire the minister. I will not be surprised, if nothing is heard about this matter anymore.

    “There were cases of alleged corruption against some ministers in Jonathan’s cabinet and there was no attempt by the government to investigate and make public the report of the investigation. For instance, a petition written by the Crusader for Good Governance signed by Okechukwu Obiora Nnamdi alleged that the Petroleum Resources Minister, Mrs Dieziani Allison-Madueke spent a whooping N2 billion in the last two years on private jet rent, travelling around the world on both official and personal engagements”.

    Idris went further: “It was also reported that a company allegedly belonging to another minister received N2.7 billion oil subsidy for fuel that was never supplied. The minister’s wife and son were said to be directors of the company until July 2012.

    Citing the report of alleged N6.6 billion phantom contracts in the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs, Idris described the fraud in government agencies and ministries as mind boggling. “Corruption in high places is responsible for the under development, poverty and insecurity in the country”, he added.

     

    Disrespect for the rule of law

     

    Good governance cannot be achieved where a leader refuses to follow the due process and uphold the rule of law in his dealings within his immediate family, community, political party and the nation at large. The leaders violate human rights with impunity, believing that the world is not monitoring their actions.

    A human right activist, Ken Odogwu, is not happy with President Jonathan’s handling of the Justice Ayo Salami’s case.The jurist is the former President of the Appeal Court. He noted that the man was suspended by the National Judicial Council (NJC), based on a petition before it. “After, thorough investigation, the NJC cleared him of all allegations and reinstated him. But, rather than accept the NJC decision, Jonathan refused to allow Salami back on his seat. I think a leader like Jonathan should rise above pettiness in handling matters that involve human rights. Though President Jonathan has used his power to frustrate Salami, but thank God, Salami retired from the bench with unblemished record. People should realise that power is transient. Absolute power belongs to Almighty God”.

    Odogwu also cited the ordeal of Governor Rotimi Amaechi in the hands of President Jonathan and his wife. He said the First family is bent on removing the governor from office to pave the way for their surrogates to take over power in Rivers State.

    “The President and his wife, Patience, are behind the Rivers crisis. Some people want to use five legislators in a House of Assembly made up of 32 members to impeach the governor. They have failed in using violence to achieve their satanic motive. But they have not given up exploring other options, including the judiciary.

    “The role played by President Jonathan in the Nigerian Governors Forum (NGF) crisis is still fresh in the memory. Simply because the President did not want Governor Amaechi to run for a second term as the NGF chairman, he hurriedly endorsed the formation of PDP Governors Forum with a mandate that Amaechi should not return. Contrary to their plan, the election was held and Amaechi won with 19 votes while his opponent, David Jang, polled 16. Rather than accept the poll verdict, President Jonathan recognised Jang as the NGF chairman.

    “We are making ourselves a laughing stock in the comity of nations. All that is happening in the country is being monitored by foreign embassies and international agencies that report back home,” he said.

    A lecturer at the Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), Ile-Ife, Dr Adetunji Ogunyemi, said that Nigeria is in deficit, when it comes to national leadership. According to him, if a Nigerian found himself in the position of the President or governor, the first thing he would be after is how to locate a university in his village or town to bring economic empowerment to his people.

    “When it comes to national leadership, whether in economic, social, political or moral ground, Nigeria is in deficit”, he said.

    Ogunyemi said it was not surprising that Nigeria was ranked 41st position, out of 52 African countries, by the Mo Ibrahim Foundation for Good Governance in Africa. “If we were rated 51st, the Foundation was generous. Given the situation in the country, I think Nigeria should come last,” he added.

  • Disquiet over Orji’s senatorial ambition

    Disquiet over Orji’s senatorial ambition

    Governor Theodore Orji’s ambition to occupy the Abia Central Senatorial District’s seat has become a critical factor in the politics of his successor as governor of Abia State in 2015, reports Assistant Editor, Dare Odufowokan

    The failure of the Governor of Abia State, Theodore Orji, to declare his interest in the senatorial ticket of Abia Central Senatorial District in the 2015 general elections may currently be the source of a brewing political misunderstanding among chieftains of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party in the state.

    According to party sources, the continued silence of the governor over his widely rumoured senatorial desire may have further polarised his embattled political camp which currently battles the return of former Governor Orji Uzor Kalu and his associates to the ruling party.

    The Nation learnt that the crux of the matter is the seeming cloud of uncertainty over the Abia Central Senatorial ticket by the refusal of the governor to state his interest or otherwise in the position.

    “Some aspirants, who had shown interest in the race, are not happy because of the inability of the governor to either make his interest public or deny it publicly. A number of them would rather prefer a situation where the governor will tell them he is interested early enough so that they may gun for some other positions. But his silence is frustrating their ambitions,” a party source said.

    Few weeks ago, posters of the governor, announcing his candidacy for the Abia Central Senatorial District  flooded major streets of the area as well as Umuahia, the state capital, carrying the inscription, “Ochendo for Senate.”

    The posters, which were sponsored by a number of political and cultural groups within and outside the state, sent jitters down the spines of some of the aspirants already jostling for the senatorial ticket.

    Presently, no fewer than four candidates had shown interest in the senatorial seat. Most of the aspirants, according to our source, were people who benefited immensely from Orji’s government. Following the appearance of the governor’s posters, some of them have stopped campaigning while a couple are said to be getting ready to give the governor a good fight during the party’s primaries.

    This would not be the first time the governor would be linked with the Abia Central Senatorial contest. Few months back, the rumour became rife that the governor and the current senator representing Abia Central in the upper chamber, Mrs. Nkechi Nwogu, may have struck a deal to swap positions.

    And as if to give fillip to the news, posters announcing the candidature of Senator Nwogu for the governorship of Abia State in 2015, and another set of posters announcing the aspiration of Governor Orji to represent Abia Central in the Senate surfaced on the streets of Umuahia and other major towns.

    But the governor’s camp, at that time, was quick in describing the posters as handiworks of unscrupulous political opponents of the PDP and a few overzealous opportunists within the party who want to embarrass the governor.

    In a press release signed by the Chief Press Secretary to the Governor, Mr. Ugochukwu Emezue, Orji’s camp put a lie to his rumoured ambition and said those circulating the political posters and handbills indicating that the governor has senatorial ambition are on their own.

    The statement read: “It has come to the knowledge of government that some people, groups and organisations have started circulating political posters and handbills ahead of 2015 elections.

    “Those involved in this act should realise that there are electoral laws and guidelines guiding political campaigns and these laws must be observed strictly.

    “It is on record that Chief T.A Orji, the governor of Abia State, has not declared his interest for any political position.

    “Hence, those who are now circulating posters/handbills and sponsoring radio announcements on this issue are doing so on their own; they don’t have the consent of the governor.

    “We wish to state that if the governor has any interest for any political position, it will be done at the appropriate time.”

    Nwogu is currently the only woman showing interest in the Abia governorship race. Unarguably a major force in Abia politics, before her election into the Senate where she is serving her second term, she contested and won election into the House of Representatives in 2003.

    Gender issue and her place of origin, which negates the new zoning formula being canvassed by some interests in the state are currently working against her governorship aspiration. But the determination with which she is pursuing her ambition gives an impression that her alleged deal with the governor might not be a lie in totality.

    “Madam wants to be governor. She is also aware of the zoning issues but she is hoping the agitation for merit will prevail over zoning agitation in the end. However, she has assured us her supporters that there is no way she will lose out of the power game.

    “She could as well re-contest her senatorial seat. But she has given that up for the governor. She will definitely not lose out totally. But for now, her eyes are on the governorship seat,” an aide of the senator said.

    To add to the worry of the aspirants gunning for the Central Senatorial District’s ticket in the state, the governor this time, had refused to come out to douse tension raised by his purported interest in the senatorial seat.

    Instead of a denial, the governor has, in the past weeks, been playing host to many interest groups and individual political harbingers coming to persuade him to run for Abia Central Senatorial seat.

    According to highly placed party source, though he confessed that he was under intense pressure to contest for the seat, the governor said he was yet to make up his mind on whether or not he would succumb to the pressure from different quarters as regards the ambition to represent his people at the Senate.

    “The governor is yet to make up his mind about what to do about the Abia Central Senatorial seat. He admitted to us recently that he is under immense pressure from his people to run. He is still thinking about it all. When he is ready, he wil come out and say if he wants to contest to go to the Senate,” our source said.

    Apart from the uncertainty his rumoured ambition seem to have cast over the battle for the senatorial ticket, another reason there is anxiety over the governor’s interest in the senatorial race come 2015 is the fear being expressed in some quarters that a personal ambition may distract Orji from ensuring he install a loyal successor.

    This fear became rife following the return of former Governor Orji Uzor Kalu to the PDP and the upbeat noticed in his political activities across the state.

    For over four years following his exit from the government house in 2007, Kalu, practically withdrew from the political scene both in his home state and at the national level.

    However, the body language and utterances of Kalu in the last few months seem to suggest that he is back on the scene. Notwithstanding the fierce opposition of some major stakeholders in Abia PDP, including the governor, to Kalu’s return to PDP from the Progressives Peoples Alliance (PPA), which he founded shortly after he left office as governor, Kalu, sources claim, is determined to once again, put his assumed popularity to test.

    As the 2015 general election draws nearer, The Nation gathered that the former governor has been quietly resuscitating his political structures in order to challenge the incumbent, who, according to sources, is interested in installing a loyalist as governor of the state after the end of his tenure in 2015.

    There are speculations that Kalu is grooming an unnamed candidate to succeed Orji. This much he made public recently when he said 2015 will witness a change in the way and manner the state is being governed.

    Given Kalu’s political pedigree, pundits say the concern being expressed by Governor Orji’s associates over his rumoured senatorial ambition is not uncalled for as he would need all the concentration and political wittiness at his disposal to outwit the man who made him governor in 2007.

  • Time up, Oduah(2)

    Does anyone find it amusing, surprising or shocking that the delectable Minister of Aviation is pressing all buttons in a desperate bid to keep her job? Why would anyone easily give up a job that could allow her access to N255 million to squander on any item that catches her fancy? Why would she be encouraged to drop anchor when the system has a way of recognizing, accommodating, promoting and rewarding such people? Why would she contemplate bowing out when the boss sees nothing wrong in the action?

    Indeed, is corruption considered a crime against the state and humanity? Is it seen as iniquity before the Almighty to whom we shall all give account one day? Men in the country have long gone pass such consideration. Now, women, too, are not content with taking over the trouser but want to do all that men do. If anyone doubts this and still considers women more decent in handling public affairs and running organisations and institutions than men, such a person is invited to check up on the Cecilia Ibru case.

    The woman has the record, to the best of my knowledge, in converting collective assets to private use. At the last count, before the EFCC officials got tired of probing, almost N200 billion belonging to Oceanic Bank had been traced to her. All of a sudden, she could not make a distinction between the assets of the bank, depositors’ fund and the husband’s resources. Like the men earlier discovered to be enemies of humanity, she had tried to disguise by buying a place near the altar in a number of churches. If she could sponsor churches with ill-gotten wealth and secure fervent prayers from men of God, she thought she would find peace and the anti-graft agencies could be charmed. She failed.

    I have read some of the most repugnant analyses and opinions that I have had the misfortune of reading in the four decades that I have been poring through newspapers. And, like all things Nigerian, there is an ethnic coloration to the defence. Sometimes, one could hardly draw a line between hired guns and those motivated by base ethnic concerns. Did the Igbo send her to pervert the system? Was she going to donate what she allegedly got from inflating the price of the BMW armoured cars to Igbo organisations?

    It is ludicrous to suggest that the vehicle had long been ordered. Anyone who understands how appropriation works would ask, in what year’s budget is it captured? The House of Representatives has said it was chalked out of this year’s Appropriation Act. The last time I checked, despite having made so much money from the rotten Nigerian system ever before she was appointed Jonathan’s minister, there was no Foundation traceable to her. Perhaps, she had shown generosity to a few members of her family. No more.

    There is no basis to suggest that those after her scalp are Yoruba who could not stand her guts. What gut? The Akinkuotu who is believed to have perfected the plan and delivered on the deal as NCAA boss is no less guilty. He is already answering to his part in the crime. He is being grilled all round without anyone asking whether he is from Lagos or Ondo State. He ought to have known that once the matter got to the court of public opinion, he was bound to fall with the master or madam.

    Hanging it all on the system really makes no sense to me. That is too nebulous. Agreed, the system could do with some reform. Agreed, there are more sordid things in the public service. But, why should anyone suggest that we look on and probably indulge the Oduahs when caught in the act? When General Obasanjo was installed President by the votes of Nigerians from other parts of the country, the Yoruba remained his virulent critics. When he chose to give his kinsman, Makanjuola, a slap on the wrist for fiddling with public fund, he failed to secure the acquiescence of the Yoruba, especially those in the media. So, why should Stella Oduah’s be different?

    We cannot continue to bemoan our collective fate. We must begin to take action, speak with one voice abide by common standards. Oduah must go. She desecrated a high office of the land. She appears to have colluded with men under her authority to fritter away scarce national resources. She made inappropriate decisions. She, thereby, made life more unbearable for already traumatised Nigerians. She is one of those who have been caught doing so and should be shown the way out.

    Should she, as some writers have suggested, just apologise and be allowed to continue in office? I don’t think that will do. She would be doing herself and the national psyche some good if she could still gather some dignity around her, simply pack her personal effects from office and bow out now.

  • Dialogue will reaffirm the faith of Nigerians in country —NOA  D-G

    Dialogue will reaffirm the faith of Nigerians in country —NOA  D-G

    When he assumed office as the Director-General of the National Orientation Agency, Mike Omeri thought his major challenge would be how to galvanise the somewhat laid-back human resources within the organisation into active service for the love and benefit of the nation. Today, more than a year in the saddle, Omeri spoke with a group of journalists on the activities of his agency and other national issues. Our Deputy Editor, Nation’s Capital, Yomi Odunuga, was there. Excerpts:

    it’s over 18 months since you assumed duties as the Director General, how has the journey been?

    Well, it has been interesting in the sense that most of the programmes we set out to implement in order to refocus the agency have been implemented. The implementation, I must stress, was made possible by the support we are getting from our development agencies and especially President Goodluck Jonathan, for the interest he has shown in the agency. Also, the hard work of some of the staff within the agency has been quite strengthening and enormous and it has led us to the stage that we are. When we resumed at the agency, there were some programmes that they were doing but we needed to expand the scope and the horizon of the agency so that it can be properly situated within the structure of government and governance because that is what the agency is supposed to be. And so, we commenced with reaching out to government agencies so that we can synergise towards implementing government programmes for Nigerians. But more to that, we have also extended our reach to development partners and other partners seeking to have interactions with communities in which our agency provides a platform since we are present in all the local government areas and successfully, we have done one or two programmes with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) where we implemented the Freedom of Information campaign. The campaign is an advocacy in the community and it was highly successful.

    When you came in, what would you say were your plans for the agency?

    Well, first is to make it a resource centre. A resource centre where information can be provided on nearly every aspect of government because part of the mandate of the agency is that the agency is supposed to know all kinds of agency and it means we should be knowledge-based. Secondly, we needed to be proactive in terms of sensitisation and mobilisation of citizens to support or even understand the direction of government and thirdly, to be activity-driven. We should be full of activities that will sensitise, mobilise, explain and create new things that will assist Nigerians and government itself towards achieving a national consensus to nation-building.

    The NOA came out of an agency that focused on the reorientation of Nigerians on core societal values. And, at the moment, we are faced with corruption and all kinds of social vices, what is your agency doing to sensitise Nigerians on the effects of these vices on the larger society?

    We have done quite a number of programmes. While some are at the conception stage, we have commenced implementation on others. But in pursuing this, we also need to take care of the deficiencies within our own system. We need to strengthen our institutional capacity to face the challenge out there because we cannot give what we don’t have. So, we needed to also mobilise ourselves so that, together, we can go out there in the field challenging and fighting the issues. You know, like change to anybody, it comes with challenges and that is what the president is also doing with the introduction of the transformation agenda. A lot of things that were normal will become abnormal. But what is important is how well the agency is able to mobilise people, situate their interest within the change that is taking place so that, together, we can fashion out the programme that will enhance the welfare and wellbeing of Nigerians.

    There is no transformation without resistance; do you face such resistance even from within?

    Yes, we do and that is why I said that, even here, there were processes here that were not too correct and you will find out that people will deviate from such things naturally. So, as we try to block some of the loopholes, you will find out that even the corrupt practices that are here are even fighting us back. It is fighting us back in a manner to either stop us or make us conform but we will not do that. We will not preside over an agency of government and see resources being wasted.

    In civil service setting, we know what it means when the issue of transfer comes up, especially with entrenched interest, how have you been able to deal with this entrenched interest?

    We have successfully done the staff audit and we are able to know who can do what. We are in the process of implementing and repositioning the process but we were delayed because the fund we requested for is slow in coming. The president had earlier approved some money to be given to us for that purpose but it has not come; though a little bit of it came which is not enough for us to implement the large scale reform that we want to implement. But we are going to start; we will post people to where we know they have adequate capacity or where if we give them little training or capacity, they can discharge their duties efficiently and effectively.

    Recently, the president inaugurated the advisory committee on national dialogue. In the past, the NOA was in the forefront of uniting the populace. Do you think you have done enough to reconcile Nigerians or is it a challenge to you now that the conference is about to come up?

    Well, for us, we have even recommended dialogue as an agency because one of the programmes that we have introduced is community dialogue. We go round and engage communities to dialogue with us in order to explain government policies and we have had a lot of issues coming up from such discussions. We believe that fashioning or convoking a conference with a dialogue session with Nigerians will reaffirm their faith in this country and reconcile ourselves at all levels. In fact, we were supposed to have something similar to the Truth Commission in South Africa but we had to shift it because the timing was not too convenient. It would have been held on the 25th of October 2013. Archbishop Desmond Tutu, speakers from Ghana and other places will be coming to share experiences and knowledge. On the National Dialogue, what the president has decided to do is to listen to Nigerians because like he said and like I also told you, this administration is a listening one and the president has the courage to take decision on issues that some other persons couldn’t do in the past. This conference will give Nigerians the chance to dialogue, to reaffirm their faith in this country and to work for reconciliation and reintegration. The agency has not failed; it is in line with what we are doing now.

    In your view, why do we still have problem of ethnicity?

    First is the nature of the struggle for independence because we did not fight it from a united front. All the regions needed their own independence first before they realised that they had a bigger fight. So, by the time they came together, there were certain values that guided their way of life; that guided their vision of their own society and shaped their agreement to collaborate with the west. So they brought it to the table; we wanted independence and we did not want to fight and we did not have a reason to fight because it was something that was discussed on the table; it was so easy for them to bury their differences at that time, take the independence and continue with the process of national reconciliation. Unfortunately, their time ended apparently the way it did and so the vision of uniting us, flowing from what they started or the thought of what should be a united Nigerian, ended with them. So, most of those who came near as part of the story of Nigeria started holding on to their locality and that is why today, most of the people who come into office, as soon as they get there; they start looking at their villages. How they can emancipate their villages to the detriment of other villages. So the struggle is, ‘let me get power so that I can build my village.’ It was not driven by the need to serve one Nigeria. Most of us are not driven by that rather the need to get what I want to get for my own village.

    How long are we going to continue with that kind of mentality?

    It should stop and that is why transformation agenda came. Transformation is a turn around. The president said lets turn around from what we are used to doing before. Let’s have a U-turn and not a roundabout.

    Would you say your frequent movement out of the office has impacted negatively on the agency, especially when one of the allegations against you is that you are hardly around?

    It is eye opening because we have reached communities that have not been reached by any government programme before. Sometimes we stop on the way and give people leaflets. Some people don’t understand what the flyers mean but we make them understand everything. The communities we stop are always excited. Even the mid-term report, we have decided to take it down to the people and a lot of people have come to dialogue with us. They tell us this is the first time government is putting on the table what it is doing and it gives them the opportunity to contribute and we bring back the feedback to the government. These are the interesting things and they even encourage us to go out more so that new ideas that they give us are transmitted to the President. All these happened by road, there are also things when we travel by sea and air. We have had reason to travel by ferry to core riverine areas, to interact with communities, they tell us what their needs are and we report it to the government appropriately. Our job is not the one where you need to sit in the office all the time, it makes you to interact with the people and that means we need to take government to the people either in the market place or the street.

    What has been your most critical challenge since you assumed office?

    Well, it is the paucity of resources. It is not enough to go round to do the programmes that we want to do. Also, we lack basic tools for the work here. In some of our offices here, we don’t have furniture. The furniture that are there have been there for more than twenty years. Sometimes, staff bring furniture from their homes. We need vehicles too but we are grateful Mr. President gave us almost 35 vehicles which were distributed to some of the states and headquarters. We also need mobile cinema vehicles which are not available at the moment. They are costly.

    Recently, NOA signed an MoU with NEMA and NESREA on sustainable flood disaster management. What is the agency’s role under the collaborative engagement?

    NOA initiated the move in the first place. After we initiated it, we reached out to NEMA, NESREA and other agencies.

  • ‘Zoning has its advantages and drawbacks’

    Dr. Obiora Okonkwo, the leader and chairman, Board of Trustees of Nzuko Imeobi, Idemili North and South areas of Anambra State, in this brief encounter, spoke on the zoning issue in the state ahead of the November 16 governorship election and what he described as the “huge voting population, the largest in the state of the two councils,” reports Sam Egburonu

    Do you think it is appropriate for socio-cultural organisations to get involved in partisan politics?

    Imeobi is just a socio cultural and pressure group. Being non-partisan is not about just sitting down and not being part of a process that will produce a leader in your domain.

    In an era where socio-cultural organisations easily seek political relevance, are there any reasons for Imeobi to get involved politically in Anambra?

    We are not seeking political relevance. We are already politically involved because part of the agenda is to sensitise, mobilise  and educate our people on the need to unite and be informed on which candidate or party they ought to support. Democracy is a game of numbers and Imeobi is working hard to take the maximum advantage of the voting strength of Idemili North and South. The purpose is to ensure that the people are united and in a position to speak with one voice in demanding that the best candidates always emerge to represent them at all levels.

      When out together, the votes from  Idemili North and South surpasses votes gathered from other councils in Anambra. No candidate can win a senatorial seat in  Anambra Central Senatorial Zone without the votes of Idemili North and South. No governorship candidate can win without winning votes from Central Senatorial Zone and within the zone, the candidate will rely on votes from Idemili North and South.

    We have articulated our needs in what we call the Idemili Charter. This is what we will use to engage anybody coming to canvas for our votes. This is not just for the governorship candidates but also for candidates in council and national assembly elections.

    So, what is the reason behind this cultural union between Idemili North and South?

    Our vision is to be a vibrant and proactive association speaking with one voice for the development of Idemili North and South councils. We are out to strengthen communal peace, unity and equity through mobilisation of all our indigenes at home and in the Diaspora. One of the political objectives of Nzuko Imeobi is to ensure that quality and credible persons are presented to Idemili electorate in any electoral contest in accordance with the criteria for contesting elective offices. Culturally, we take time to recognise indigenes who have excelled in different areas of endeavour and we honour them. We also take time to showcase our rich culture and create a forum where we share our kinship.

    Comment on the agitation for Anambra North to produce the next governor against the background that the strength of Imeobi is in Anambra Central Senatorial, which has a governorship candidate for this election

    The zoning that I think will be effective and which most people will accept is the zoning where it is agreed when each section will benefit from the power sharing charter rather than relying on the benevolence of anyone or the dynamics of prevailing circumstances.

      This agitation for zoning comes from the fact that leaders have not been fair in their dealings with their people. We believe that once anyone in power carries out his constitutional duties and functions of governance fairly, people won’t complain. Zoning has its advantages and drawbacks.

    Is Imeobi considering turning itself into a political platform considering that the voting power of  Idemili North and South as you said outstrips that of any other in the state?

    Not at all. It doesn’t take being an influential group in two councils in a senatorial zone to be a political party. We just want to remain together in our area and influence for the right reasons- the way political activities are carried out. We would be more comfortable being the pressure group that we are and using the platform to work from time to time with these people that we think have presented the best candidate with an acceptable approach to fulfilling the yearnings of the people. We have members across all the parties and we have stakeholders who are not partisan. But the important thing is that at the right time when decisions are made, obviously everybody will move in the same direction. All the candidates who have participated in elections in Anambra will testify that Idemili people usually vote en bloc. That’s the pattern. We are comfortable not aligning ourselves to one party or candidate.

    Is Imeobi planning to endorse or has it endorsed any of the political parties or candidates?

    We will, at the appropriate time, endorse a candidate. We will always do it, but we have not done so yet. We have to wait for every political activity to be concluded. We are already in talks with some of the candidates and after the consultations, we will engage the candidates at different caucuses. Finally, we will have a wide interaction with the candidates at a town hall meeting where voters will have the opportunity to ask questions.

    What kind of leader do you think Idemili people in particular and Anambra people in general are expecting from the November election?

    What is good for us of course is good for  Anambra State people. We all, in the state, will be expecting a governor who will develop the state creatively; a governor we can hold accountable and who will be accountable to us as the electorates. We in Imeobi have our measurement of who should be governor in our charter. It is quite elaborate and we will advertise it before we finally endorse a candidate.  We expect someone with competence to manage the diversity in our state; someone who will bring inclusive leadership and give everyone a sense of belonging. We want to see a leader who recognizes and appreciates the most important resource available to Anambra, and that is the people of the state, dedicated and resourceful, spread all over the world and in various endeavors at home. We want to see a  governor who will tap into this resource base and make it part of government.  We want a governor who will bring the people who have run away from the state because of the low economic activities. When this is done, Anambra will be a point of reference, a model for the whole of the South-East.

  • New PDP jolts Jonathan’s home state

    New PDP jolts Jonathan’s home state

    Mike Odiegwu in Yenagoa, Bayelsa State, reports on the travails of the new Peoples Democratic Party in the home state of President Goodluck Jonathan

    Let the old PDP impunity and injustice pass away and a new dawn break over Nigeria with the new authentic PDP. Nigeria has never been more divided.The Niger Delta has never been more divided. Bayelsa state has never been more divided.The new authentic PDP is our only hope. Let’s keep promises!.That’s what Ijaws are known for.”

    With the above daring statement, the Kawu Baraje-led Peoples Demcratic Party, popularly called the new-PDP, got disciples in Bayelsa, the home state of President Goodluck Jonathan.

    As would be expected, this statement caused consternation among key government officials in the state. It reverberated across the state and jolted the Restoration Team of Governor Seriake Dickson.

    Though most politicians sympathetic to Dickson and Jonathan publicly described the development as surprising, those who know said it was only strange to the eyes of the uninitiated in the delicate politics of the state.

    They recalled the events that led to the deposition of the former governor of the state, Mr. Timipre Sylva; the denial by the PDP to seek reelection and sidelining of persons formally loyal to Sylva in the party’s administration.

    Therefore, such analysts observed that all has never been well with the PDP in the state, especially as the new chairman of the party, Col. Sam Inokoba (retd), could not exert his authority to reconcile discordant tunes in the party.

    They concluded that it was illusory and a fairy tale for anybody to conclude that PDP was before now a united family in the state. The aggrieved members were simply waiting for an opportunity to air their view, a platform that was provided for them by the ‘nPDP.’

    Little wonder the promoters of the nPDP in the state are largely loyalists of the former governor. In fact, the interim chairman of the breakaway group, Chief Richard Kpodor, was the former Security Adviser to Sylva. Former chairmen of PDP in the three senatorial districts and eight local government areas in the state who fell out with PDP were said to be principal members of the faction.

    The membership gathered steam with fears that some notable politicians who had been cheated several times from the corridors of power by Jonathan could be sympathetic to the group. There were also insinuations that some members of Dickson’s cabinet, disgruntled senior civil servants and abandoned party loyalists were capable of rocking the boat by secretly supporting and funding the group.

    The 2015 conundrum

    What will be the fate of President Jonathan’s reelection if his home state is divided in 2015? To resolve the puzzle, we gathered that Dickson and his think tanks had analysed the development and had pronounced their verdict.

    According to insiders, the conclusion was that it would be politically suicidal to allow any group against the reelection of Jonathan to exist in the state. Jonathan, they said, could not afford to fight at home and abroad.

    Besides, Dickson should not be seen as superintending over a state that is divided against Jonathan. Such development could heighten speculations that he had fallen out with his godfather.

    Moreover, as a Chairman of the PDP Reconciliation Committee, the question has been, how could he be a peacemaker when his state is on fire? Given these realities, Dickson, we learnt, decided to cripple Kpodo and his group.

    Battle royale

    Despite claims by Dickson that his government was not disturbed by the antics of the nPDP in the only Ijaw homogeneous state, his body language proved otherwise. The governor soon unleashed the police and the state security outfit codenamed Operation Door Akpo on Kpodo and his members.

    The Commissioner of Police in the state, Mr. Hilary Opara, immediately stepped in to stop the group. Opara, in a statement, vowed to clamp down on the activities and spread of any group not legally registered to preserve the existing peace in the state. He asked members of the state to avoid such association like a plague.

    Opara said: “The Police in Bayelsa State have alerted the public of attempts by some people in the state to form an illegal political organisation under the name of ‘New PDP’ and advised law abiding Bayelsans to dissociate themselves from the group.

    “No such group or any other organisation not legally registered would be allowed to disrupt the existing peace and tranquility in the state,” he said.

    To further support their efforts, some politicians loyal to Dickson and Jonathan threw their weight behind the part of the umbrella held by Bamanga Tukur.

    Coming under the coalition of former legislators and government officials and led by the former Assistant National Secretary of the PDP, Mr. Blesson Akpoloma, the group disassociated themselves from Kpodo.

    Indications also emerged that tough times awaited Kpodo. The government through the police appeared to have declared him a persona non grata. “Catch Kpodo and new PDP dies in Bayelsa” became the objective of the police.

    As part of the plan to stop the group, the police raised a panel to investigate  Kpodo. Opara in a statement signed by the Police Public Relations Officer, Mr. Alex Akhigbe, said the police were inundated by complaints from members of the public against Kpodo.

    He said most of the complaints bordered on criminality, adding that an Assistant Commissioner of Police in charge of Criminal Investigation Department (CID) was appointed to head the panel.

    We gathered that the police investigation committee was raised shortly after the state government put Kpodo under security watch. Kpodoh was accused of making inciting statements capable of plunging the state into chaos.

    Dickson in a statement signed by his Chief Press Secretary, Mr. Danield Iworiso-Markson, said: “Mr. Kpodoh had in the last couple of days vigorously pursued his inordinate plans by dishing out deliberate falsehood about the Federal and State Governments.”

    So, the crackdown continued as tension heightened. The police in a manner reminiscent of a war situation  intensified their search for Kpodo. Over six patrol vans of armed police operatives were said to have been deployed in Trofani, Kpodo’s community in Sagbama Local Government Area of the state.

    The operatives were said to have stormed the area at about 6am and surrounded the home of Kpodo. It was learnt that they searched the home and arrested three persons including two members of Kpodo’s family.

    Kpodo’s defence

    Following the manhunt for him and significant members of the nPDP by the police and the state’s security outfit, Kpodo has been in hiding. From his conclave he throws tantrums to the camp of Dickson and Jonathan. He decried the onslaught against him and members of the nPDP. He even claimed he would summon courage and lead members of his group to open a secretariat for the new PDP in Yenagoa.

    “The constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria guarantees the freedom of association. The new PDP will go ahead with its decision to open an office in Yenagoa”, Kpodo taunted his hunters.

    He said: “We are people who are genuinely interested in what happens to the party. I worked for Governor Diepreye Alamieyeseigha as Director of Operations, Centre for Youth Development.

    “I was Senior Special Assistant, Strategy and Policy Monitoring to President Goodluck Jonathan during his tenure as governor. Sylva, during his administration, appointed me SSA on Security.

    “So what do they mean when they call us Sylva’s loyalists. We are committed PDP members who care so much about what happens to the party both at the national and state level,” he said.

    Shortly after his home was invaded, Kpodo further alleged that the police were being used by the state government to deny him his rights as an indigene of the state.

    Also the former South-South Youth Leader of PDP, Mr. Godwin Sidi, who is also a staunch member of the nPDP alleged that the police had invaded their homes and business premises.

    He said: “The lives of our wives and children are in danger following the invasion of our homes by the police. The situation is strictly political,” he said.

    Despite all the efforts of the government, the nPDP within the period formed an opposition against Dickson. They criticised his business deals with Poland, faulted his treatment of civil servants, decried his foreign trips and lamented the state’s stifled economy.

    But Dickson fired back and asked the people in the state to remember that persons like Kpodo and other members of the nPDP were the reasons why Bayelsa remained under the throes of underdevelopment before his emergence as the governor.

    Observers have seen that since the police intensified search for Kpodo, there has been a lull in the altercation. But they said it could just be a tactic as the nPDP may simply be buying time.

  • Presidency plots to cripple Saraki

    Presidency plots to cripple Saraki

    The frosty relationship between the Presidency and former Kwara State governor, Dr. Bukola Saraki, may have irretrievably snapped if the current travails being faced by the latter are anything to go by, reports Assistant Editor, Remi Adelowo

    It was one of the early meetings held in the middle of 2010 between the 23 state governors elected on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the newly inaugurated President Goodluck Jonathan.

    The main agenda of the meeting was the need to rally support behind the President in his ambition to contest the 2011 presidential election in spite of the stiff opposition by northern stakeholders who accused the President of attempting to violate the zoning policy of the PDP following the death of Jonathan’s former boss, Umaru Yar’Adua.

    It was the President that spoke first, according to sources privy to the meeting. In a military-styled fashion, the President allegedly sounded tough and subtly threatened any of the governors who failed to support his aspiration to contest.

    As the Chairman of the Nigeria Governors Forum (NGF), Saraki’s lot, it was, to respond on behalf of his colleagues. Expectedly, he seized the moment with both hands.

    The former governor reportedly told the President to allow an open, free and fair presidential primary in the party among interested aspirants. As a clincher, he told the President that no amount of threats will cow the governors as they are not subservient to his (Jonathan) authority.

    Before the parley held, speculations had been rife that Saraki was interested in contesting for the PDP presidential ticket.

    And shortly after the President declared his readiness to contest the polls, Saraki also announced his intention and went further to personally inform the President on his decision.

    But after failing to get the endorsement of the Northern Elders Forum that was saddled with the task of picking a consensus presidential candidate for the North, Saraki pledged his support for the President and subsequently delivered the state for the PDP in the 2011 general elections.

    That notwithstanding, loyalists of the President never forgave him for his alleged ‘indiscretion’ to challenmge the President in the first place.

    From that point, the relationship between the former governor and the nation’s number one citizen, has been rather lukewarm and at the best of times tense.

    While the two parties have not gone public on their alleged cold war, the Presidency has, in recent times, allegedly instigated some subterranean moves to get even with the former governor.

    Some days ago, a group of stakeholders of the Kwara State chapter of the Peoples Democratic Parties led by Alhaji Suleiman Alada visited the National Chairman of the party, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur in Abuja.

    Also in the delegation were the Chairman of the Federal Character Commission, Prof. Abdulrahman Oba, the Special Adviser to the President on Ethics and Values, Mrs. Sarah Jubril, Senator Haliru Kayamah, Deacon John Dara, Alhaji Ladun Edun, Alhaji Folorunso Ayinla and Alhaji Kunle Suleiman, amongst others.

    Alada, who spoke on behalf of the group, among other things, called for the dissolution of the state executive council of the party loyal to Saraki over its membership of the new faction of the party led by Alhaji Abubakar Baraje.

    While calling for drastic steps to be taken against Saraki, Alada was quoted to have said, “We on this delegation urge you, Mr. Chairman, that the time is now, not tomorrow. You must put on ground your strong foot of discipline to restore sanity in Kwara PDP.”

    The Nation gathered that the main objective of the group is to convince the leadership on the need to compel the Kwara State Independent Electoral Commission (KWASEIC) not to recognise the candidates put forward by the Saraki group in the forthcoming local government elections in the state.

    Oba, who is also the former Vice Chancellor of the University of Ilorin, reportedly boasted during the parley with Tukur that Saraki was no longer a factor in the politics of the state contrary to the widely held belief that the former governor is in firm control of the state politics.

    Though Tukur failed to give any firm commitment on the requests of the Oba-led group, sources disclosed that in the last couple of months, forces in the Presidency and the party have been working on series of plots to ‘deal with Saraki for his alleged disrespect and disloyalty to the President.”

    The height of Saraki’s alleged transgressions was his call for a comprehensive probe of the oil subsidy regime in early 2012, a move which was interpreted by forces in the Presidency as clearly intended to embarrass the government.

    Sources also revealed that the Presidency was also peeved that Saraki allegedly spurned entreaties by the President to intervene in the leadership crisis in the Nigeria Governors Forum (NGF) by asking the Rivers State Governor, Rotimi Amaechi, to step down for the PDP’s anointed candidate for the chairmanship position, Governor Jonah Jang of Plateau State.

    Saraki, a University of London-trained medical doctor, has not known peace since then.

    In the last couple of months, he had been in and out of the offices of the Special Fraud Unit (SFU) of the Nigerian Police and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to answer questions on his alleged role in the collapse of the defunct Societe Generele Bank, which he ran before his entry into politics and alleged misappropriation of funds during his reign as governor from 2003 to 2011.

    The Nation learnt that the Presidency, having come to the realisation that it could not placate Saraki or meet his demands for a truce, had allegedly decided to instruct the national headquarters of the PDP to dissolve the Kwara State executive council of the party anytime from now.

    A few weeks ago, this same treatment was meted to the Kano State chapter of the party over the state governor, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso’s support for the nPDP.

    Another plan on the cards, it was gathered, is to position Abdulrahman Oba as the arrowhead of the party in Kwara State ahead of the 2015 general elections.

    Once close political allies, Oba and Saraki fell apart some months ago over the alleged refusal of the latter to recommend him for a second term as the boss of FCC.

    However, through the influence of certain forces in the Presidency, Oba secured the second term much to Saraki’s consternation. For daring to challenge Saraki’s authority, Oba was subsequently declared a persona non-grata in Kwara PDP.

    In a bid to further cut Saraki to size, there are unconfirmed speculations that he may be arraigned in court by the EFCC in the next couple of weeks, while associates of the state governor, Abdulfatah Ahmed, will be subjected to further harassments by anti-graft bodies.

    The Presidency is also said to be tinkering with the idea of backing Oba, who hails from Ilorin like Saraki as the PDP governorship candidate in 2015 in order to erode the support base of the former governor in the area that has over 52 percent of the voting population in the state.

    From all indications, it is quite certain that the battle for the soul of Kwara State politics as the 2015 elections draws closer will be fought with all the arsenals at the disposal of the ‘combatants’.

  • PDP versus new PDP: Who blinks first?

    PDP versus new PDP: Who blinks first?

    Alhaji Bamanga Tukur-led People’s Democratic Party (PDP) is currently preparing disciplinary measures, including actions it would take against the ‘rebel’ governors if they eventually decamp to the leading opposition party. Associate Editor, Sam Egburonu, takes a look at the possible actions

    The decision of the G-7 governors to finally dump the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and join All Progressive Congress (APC), which, until last week remained a closely guarded secret, appears to have become more concretised today, with some of the governors, like Murtala Nyako of Adamawa State and Rotimi Amaechi of Rivers State, openly admitting that it is likely to be the next line of action for them and their supporters.

    The affected governors are Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto), Sule Lamido (Jigawa), Babangida Aliyu (Niger), Rabiu Kwankwaso (Kano), Abdulfatah Ahmed (Kwara), Mortal Nyako (Adamawa) and Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers).

    Since the face-off between these governors and the leadership of the party, the governors and some other top PDP leaders, who later declared themselves as the “new PDP,” had vowed, at least in the public, that they will not leave PDP for another party but will fight within the large umbrella.

    But as the struggle advanced, especially when the Alhaji Bamanga Tukur-led leadership of PDP reacted to the declaration and when the party got the backing of the Independent National Electoral Commission ( INEC), the political strategy of the so-called ‘rebel’ governors changed discretely.

    Soon, insider reports revealed that the new PDP leaders have launched alternative plans aimed at surviving the expected persecution from the PDP.

    In Adamawa, the home state of PDP chairman (Tukur), the first signal came when Nyako’s known close associates and aides started declaring for the opposition APC. At the last count, about 300,000 of such associates had reportedly received APC membership card.

    This development encouraged the formal invitation of Nyako to APC, the upper week. To carry out the assignment was the North-East Vice Chairman of the party, Alhaji Umaru Duhu. When he did, the speculation that Nyako may have resolved to dump PDP for APC was finally confirmed.

    Responding to the invitation from the National Chairman of the party, Chief Bisi Akande, Nyako told Duhu: “You are welcome because we want fusion of ideas to know the way forward. We in Adamawa have to know where we are going regardless of political party. We are redefining, we must redefine our ways to take a common line of action,” he said.

    Confessing that he was thrilled with the performance of APC governors whom he said have brought hope to their people despite the odds they face, Nyako said,  “I don’t have your party membership card and I did not request for it but I admire your governors, the terrain in the South-West is difficult but they kept hope alive. If anybody harasses us we know what to do.”

    He added that the APC has proved to be “a formidable political party that is capable of leading its members to achieve high level performance in the area of developmental projects.”

    The aggrieved governor said openly that the crisis in the PDP is taceable to leadership failure, adding, “We don’t believe in somebody sitting in Abuja and dictating what happens in Adamawa, people must decide who their leaders are.”

    As for Rivers State governor, Amaechi, the APC effectively collaborated with him when he fought the Nigerian Governors’ Forum battle with the Presidency. Since then, the opposition platform had remained his shelter.

    Soon after he won the chairmanship election of NGF, the leading opposition has explained clearly that it was working with Amaechi.

    For example, shortly after winning the election, APC National Publicity Secretary, Mr. Lai Mohammed, who was still the spokesman of ACN the (before the registration of APC) had explained then that the decision to support Amaechi was taken at the APC governors’ forum, not at the party level. As he said it then: “All ACN governors are in support of Amaechi but the decision was taken at the APC governors’ forum. It was not discussed at the party level. You know the APC has its forum and they discuss their affairs as it concerns the merger. Remember they were all in the Maiduguri and Yobe and they hold meetings regularly. So, they decided to vote for Amaechi at the NGF election. Is there anything wrong with that?”

    Since then, the cooperation has become even more concretised, and according insiders, it is just a matter of time before Amaechi and the others will finally declare for APC.

    PDP’s reaction:

    Party sources confirmed during the week that the Bamanga Tukur-led PDP leadership is waiting for the declaration before dealing with the governors.

    Already, the ruling party has taken some measures, which the affected members of the new PDP described as “persecution,” but which PDP insisted were merely aimed at destabilising the ‘undemocratic’ plans of the ‘rebel’ governors and the Abubakar Baraje-led new PDP. They include sealing of their secretariat in Abuja and other offices across the country, plus the alleged removal of financial allocations to such states and reported threats to withdraw their travel documents.

    While some of these claims of persecution may remain in the realm of allegation, sealing off new PDP offices and moves to resuscitate the disciplinary arm of the party in order to clamp down on the ‘rebel’ members have since been confirmed.

    The disciplinary committee of the party announced since July 29 this year, which has Dr Umaru Dikko as its chairman, and is yet to be inaugurated, (perhaps because of Dikko’s absence on health ground), is poised to be reformed as sources close to the party said a new chairman for the committee will soon be announced. “This new effort to reform the disciplinary committee is all geared to stifle opposition,” one of the aides of an official of the newPDP told The Nation at the weekend.

    It could be recalled that the Kawu Baraje-led PDP has never hidden its disgust over the threat to use the planned reconstituted disciplinary committee to descend on its leaders, especially the G-7 governors.

    The faction, in a statement issued and signed by Mr. Eze Chukwuemeka Eze, its spokesman, alleged that the purpose of the disciplinary committee “was to continue the witch-hunting of the new PDP members.”

    What Tukur will do if the elected governors defect:

    Insiders said within the week that the threat made by PDP that it was waiting for the governors to declare their membership of APC before taking its final action was not an empty threat as members of the party’s legal team are already putting their house in order.

    One of the officials of the party at the Abuja secretariat told The Nation on Thursday that “Our worry is the understanding that the disciplinary committee can only discipline a member of the party. If the governors leave PDP for APC, they will no longer be PDP members and so cannot be disciplined by the committee. But if they remain in the party, the committee will likely rely on Article 2 of the PDP constitution which prescribes sanctions on any member that promotes factions or belongs to any of such group.

    When contacted to confirm the possible actions PDP will take against the elected governors if they decamp, Oliver Okpala, the media aide of the PDP National Chairman, Bamanga Tukur, said: “The question as to what PDP will do is still hypothetical. There is a great difference between intention, even if expressed, and actualisation. It is only when the expressed intention is actualised that PDP will react. Besides, the party’s constitution provides for all that and the party has different committees to handle different situations. Lets wait for now.”

    But Dr Sonny Ajala, a legal practitioner in Abuja, explains the actions the Bamanga Tukur-led PDP can take against the elected governors if they decide to decamp to APC.

    Speaking in a telephone chat with The Nation on Thursday, Ajala said: “The G-7 governors have the right to join any political party of their choice. That right is guaranteed under the freedom of association provisions. But as you know, once the governors leave the PDP for APC, PDP leadership can, relying on the provisions of the Electoral Act, ask them to step down as governors since they were elected on the party’s ticket.

    “That is the law but if that is the scenerio, it remains to be seen how successful such an action would be. The governors may plead that the party is factionalised since the Act permits decamping under that condition. It is the same plea Governor Rochas Okorocha is making in his case with APGA. So, it remains to be seen, what the outcome would be,” he said.

    It would be recalled that just in August 3, 2013, Governor Rochas Okorocha of Imo State was suspended by his former party, the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) for “anti- party activities.” His offence? Though elected into office as the governor of the South-East state under APGA ticket, he pitched tent with the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APC).

    The suspension was announced after an emergency National Executive Council meeting of the party held in Abuja. Besides suspending the governor, the party also dissolved its Imo State chapter and resolved to appoint a 21-man committee to oversee its affairs until a congress was done.

    PDP is doing the same thing in River State. Our investigation shows that like in Rivers, PDP has made strategic moves to hijack the PDP structure in the states from each of the governors, although that effort has not yielded the expected result in most of the states where the governors enjoy popular support.

    For now, each of the parties in the struggle is putting their house in order for the eventual declaration. Until the formal declaration, everyone is still holding his breath.

  • Our position on National Conference, by Afenifere

    Our position on National Conference, by Afenifere

    For two decades, the pan-Yoruba socio-political group, Afenifere, has been agitating for a Sovereign National Conference (SNC) to discuss the basis for peaceful co-existence among the diverse ethnic nationalities. But the group has now moderated its demands by supporting the decision of President Goodluck Jonathan to forward the report of the proposed conference to the National Assembly for ratification , following a referendum. Chief Ayo Adebanjo presented Afenifere position at the stakeholders’ forum organised by the Okurounmu Committee in Akure, Ondo State capital.

    How do we successfully transit from the current chaos, underdevelopment and disunity in Nigeria to a stable, harmonious and prosperous country? No doubt, we have to create our future in Nigeria and make it happen. Unless we make it happen, it is high time we knew it is not going to happen. The secret is to define nationhood in the Nigerian context and make a successful transition from a pseudo-federal union to a proper federation. And that transition requires leaders who are courageous enough to move Nigeria out of the present intensive care unit where she lies prostrate. If we continued to do things the same old ways, we will continue to get the same old results every time.

    That is why without conducting a genuine National Conference in Nigeria, there won’t be any stable democracy, development and sustainable peace.

    We are at a stage where there is no room for error because we are at quarter to midnight. It is either we ‘federalise’ Nigeria and put it on a peace and prosperity footing or it will decay in limbo the way the current structure intends.

    It is against this background that we welcome the Chairman and members of the Presidential Advisory Committee as you criss-cross Nigeria to take inputs into this onerous task that the God Almighty has used President Goodluck Jonathan to saddle you with.

    Mark our words, generations down the line would be eternally grateful to you and your names painted on the canvass of history, if you painstakingly carry out this assignment and guide Mr. President properly to give us a genuine National conference.

    Why a conference?

    Since the President’s announcement of the proposal for a National Conference, a lot of arguments have ensued which are quite  revealing.  While there has been popular  acceptance of the idea, there have also been a few dissenting voices. The naysayers can be classified into two categories: those who benefit from the present rot and are not ready to give up their privileges and those who genuinely lack sufficient understanding of the need for a National Conference. We must persuade the two groups. The first category should know that whatever they gain at the bend presently will be lost at the round-about if we don’t restructure the country. And for the second group, we must be able to show them the vertical linkbetween the peripheral issues of corruption, lack of infrastructure, unemployment and the unitary structure of Nigeria presently.

    In this wise, we want to allay the fears of those who have been psychologically programmed to believe that the essence of a National Conference is to break up Nigeria. Rather, a National Conference is the best opportunity at the moment to save Nigeria from a crash land. A National Conference in our context is therefore, a veritable platform to correct the “mistake of 1914.”

    What is the 1914 mistake?

    Sir Frederick Lugard, a freelance imperialist, who promoted the scramble for Africa, became Governor-General of the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria and, in 1914, amalgamated the North and the South of the Country, which act was criticised by some British politicians:  “After all, these haphazard blocks of scrub and desert, peppered with ill-matched tribes, had neither geographical nor political unity…” See Thomas Pakenham: The Scramble for Africa Page 675

    Margery Perham,  Lugard’s  biographer in her comments on 29 September 1960, regarding Nigeria’s independence published on Page xii of the Times of London said: “But it may be said, whatever the necessity or indeed the brilliance of his achievement as High Commissioner, this should have been no more than a preliminary settlement for the north and that he should not as Governor-General, have imposed it on the south.”

    Nigeria, which is the name given by Flora Shaw, Lugard’s would be wife, is an amalgam of so many ethnic nationalities, empires, kingdoms etc. the constituents of the amalgam being heterogeneous, were independent nationalities with a number of which the British entered into independent agreements as  separate  autonomous independent states.

    Thus, for example, Treaty with Lagos was signed in 1852 for and on behalf of Her Majesty’s the Queen by Commodore H.W. Bruce and JohnBeecroft Her Majesty’s  Consul  in the Bights of Benin and Biafra and the King and chiefs of Lagos on the part of themselves and their country. Another treaty with Lagos in 1861. Then, a treaty of 1884 with the Chiefs and people of Asaba  requesting the chiefs and their people to refrain from entering into any correspondence, agreement or treaty with any foreign nation or power etc.

    Also, with Sokoto, a treaty of 1885, another treaty with Sokoto in 1890. Two separate treaties in 1884 with the King and people of Opobo.

    Then, in 1893, a treaty with Abeokuta.

    See Sir Alan Burns: History of Nigeria 7th Edition Pages 328-339.

    All Most Nigerian leaders acknowledged the fact that Nigeria consists of a number of nationalities.

    In this regard, note what each said: (i) Regarding the 1914 amalgamation as being wrong, Sir Alhaji Ahmadu Bello said: “The mistake of 1914 has come to light and I would like to go on further. I was referring to the amalgamation that took place in that year between the old independent governments of Northern and Southern Nigeria”

    Sir Ahmadu Bello: My Life Page 133.

    (ii) “ Since 1914 the British Government had been trying to make Nigeria into one country, but Nigerians themselves were historically different in their backgrounds, in their religious beliefs and customs and did not show any sign of willingness to unite. So, what it comes to is that Nigerian unity is only a British intention.”

    See Alhaji Tafawa Balewa: Nigeria Legislative Council Debates, 4 March 1948 page 225.

    See also O. Arifalo: The  Egbe  Omo  Oduduwa  1945-1965 page 80.

    (iii) Awolowo referred to “Nigeria” as mere geographical expression.

    See Obafemi Awolowo: Path to Nigerian Freedom Page 47

    (iv) During the first meeting of the Council of Ministers over which Sir John Macpherson presided, he referred to the diversity of Nigeria, saying: “…not only to the diversity of race, religion, language, vegetation, and climate, but also to the differences in stages of development.”

    See British Documents on the End of Empire Series B Vol.7 Part l, Note 155 co1039/1 of 26 Jan.1952 page 439

    We may safely add the contribution of General Ibrahim Haruna, Chairman  Arewa Consultative  Forum, to those who have canvassed the fact that Nigeria consists of a number of ethnic nationalities.

    He said: “The country Nigeria started from being divided. We are never one. It was the process of history that brought us together. The British did not meet us as one country. The country Nigeria started from being divided.”

    See Compass Newspaper 29 November 2009

    Nomenclature 

    There has been a lot of debate on whether the conference should be called a National Conference or Sovereign National Conference. Some have argued that we cannot have a Sovereign National Conference because there is a government in place. We are not anarchists to ask that the existing government structures be dissolved for the people of Nigeria to be able to sit down and talk, even when our stand is that  sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria from whom the existing government derives all its authority.

    We seriously need a peoples’ conference. The major contentions with all effort at constitution making in Nigeria since 1922 is that the people have not been allowed to own the process and produce an  autochthon-ous constitution.

    It is not the business of government to write a constitution, but the people. Democracy does not necessarily produce a government that represents the majority. In fact, the attached document to our memorandum, which gives a statistical analysis of the results of the 2011 elections, graphically shows that most of the governments at different levels in our country were put in place by a little fraction of the population.

    We have chosen the governorship elections, which is the most popular to show how abysmally low the figures of those who take interest in elections are in Nigeria. If a similar exercise were to be carried out for the results of elections into the National Assembly, the figures would make many of those attempting in vain to rob the peoples of Nigeria of their sovereignty to bury their heads in shame.

    Be that as it may, we insist on the National Conference with sovereign powers as far as decisions it reached are concerned. The role of the existing government on the decisions of the conference would be only  implementation.

    The only process that would be able to alter any of the decisions reached at the conference is a referendum of the Nigerian peoples.

    Afenifere right from under the direct leadership of Chief Obafemi Awolowo being consistent in asking that the nationalities in Nigeria must sit down and discuss their union and agree on a Federal Constitution to guarantee stability, justice ,peace ,real unity and development borne out of autonomy for the constituent units.

    The Yoruba nations remains the only leg of the “big three” that has never questioned the corporate existence of Nigeria either in form of “Aburi” or “ARABA “, in spite of the many provocations of the events of 1962 and 1993.

    It is in that spirit that we still ask our compatriots to let us come together at the table of brotherhood to discuss our situation.

    Now,we speak to issues in your terms of reference:

       The structure of the conference

    As Nigeria has failed to attain nationhood fifty three years after independence, it means that the Nationality question is the most urgent business to be resolved.  Afenifere  therefore asks for a National Conference of Ethnic Nationalities (being the founding entities of the amalgamation) in the main but with accommodation for civil societies, religious leaders, labour, students and other special interests.

    Delegates to the conference should emerge through elections. For this purpose, we suggest a conference of not more than 700delegates with 100 delegates from each of the six geo-political zones and the remaining 100 representing special interest groups.

    The 100 delegates from each of the zones should be elected on the basis of 10 per cent representation for all established ethnic nationalities organizations in the zone while the remaining 90% would emerge from equal number of elected delegates from all senatorial districts representing the  traditional ethno-geographical contents of the region.

    There shall be a Zonal Conference Committee (ZCC) for each zone to supervise the electoral process.

    The ZCC shall be composed of men and women of proven integrity from within each zone.

    Legal framework for the conference

    We accept the fact that the President is the convening authority, he should make the necessary proclamations  to give legitimacy to the conference. This is consistent with the order -in-council that promulgated the 1960 Independent Constitution.

    Duration of the conference

    we suggest a six-month duration for the conference from inauguration broken down as follows: (i) one month for debates on conference agenda and agreement on how the country should be constituted. (ii) Three months for constitution drafting. (iii) one month for conference to adopt the draft constitution (iv) One month for referendum on the draft constitution to be conducted in all the zones with the wishes of majority of zones being final.

    Agenda for the conference

    It is our considered view that to arrive at the agenda for the conference, there is a need for well-crafted and carefully thought-out questions to be discussed very thoroughly at the level of each geo-political zone. The agreed answers at the level of each zonal debate will form the agenda of the conference. Questions to be sent should include but not limited to: (i) Philosophical foundation of the Nigeria State: Federal, Confederal or unitary (ii) Form of government – Presidential or Parliamentary (iii) Structure of the Nigeria State: – Two-tier system – Three-tier system – Four-tier system (iv) Legislative list – Exclusive list – Concurrent – Residual (v) Revenue Generation/Allocation (vi) Law Enforcement, Defence and National Security (vii) Economy (viii) Judiciary

    Legal procedures on constitutionalising the outcome of the conference

    The constitution produced shall be promulgated by the National Assembly repealing  Decree 24 of 1999 that brought the existing constitution into operation. This is within the law making powers of the National Assembly. There is a precedent for this in the action of Parliament in 1963, when it replaced the 1960 Independence Constitution with the Republican Constitution of 1963.

    We therefore, propose that the draft constitution from the Conference of Nations within Nigeria shall immediately be taken to a referendum, after which the President will forward an Executive Bill to the National Assembly, which shall enact it into law without tinkering with any of the decisions, since they would be acting as agents of their principals who are the people of Nigeria.

    Once we have a constitution for the Federation, the federating units  would then proceed  to write their own constitutions based on the new powers and functions that have been negotiated and devolved to them.

     

  • PRONACO Report: Can Okurounmu Committee learn from the past?

    PRONACO Report: Can Okurounmu Committee learn from the past?

    Many stakeholders want the National Conference Committee headed by Dr. Femi Okunrounmu to critically study and tap from the report of the 2006 conference organised in Lagos by the Pro-National Conference Organisation (PRONACO). MUSA ODOSHIMOKHE examines the draft Peoples’ Constitution and its implications for federalism.

    The proposed National Conference has continued to elicit passion. The views canvassed by the stakeholders suggest that they want the government to revisit the report of the previous conferences. The popular belief is that these reports, which were dumped in waste bins, have critically addressed the national question and proffered solutions to the crisis of lopsided federalism.

    In 2006, the Pro-National Conference Organisation (PRONACO) led by the late Chief Anthony Enahoro held a ‘Conference of Ethnic Nationalities’ in Lagos. But the report was rejected by the Federal Government, which also organised another conference in Abuja. The report of the Abuja Conference was also sacrificed on the alter of the ‘third term’. The PRONACO members believe that, if the report of the Lagos Conference is implemented, the country will move forward in its quest for peaceful co-existence, national unity and stability.

    Many political leaders have reasoned that, since a lot of energy and resources were invested in the previous dialogues, the reports can be visited in the national interest. The All Progressives Congress (APC) leader, Senator Bola Tinubu, who reflected on the previous efforts, called on the government to revisit the reports. He said, although the 2006 Abuja Conference collapsed, following the third term manipulation, it was wrong to dump the robust and novel proposals.

    Also, at the recent stakeholders’ meeting organised by the Okunrounmu Panel, a PRONACO chieftain, the late Baba Omojola, urged the committee to revisit the 2006 report, which he said, met the yearnings of Nigerians agitating for a Sovereign National Conference (SNC).

    The PRONACO report validated the necessity for a federal system of government. But, noting that the federal arrangement is skewed, it made proposals for true federalism.

    Also, the PRONACO draft anticipates a country where the rule of law will be the barometer, rights will be defended by the constitution and liberty and justice will not be compromised.

    Geo-political structure

    PRONACO proposed a federal country of “18 nationality-based regions”. These federating units, according to the organisation, should be constituted based on their peculiar identities and cultural contiguity. Power should also be devolved to the units to prevent over centralisation of power at the centre. Under the regions, states, provinces and local governments are also expected to flourish.

    According to PRONACO, the region should have powers to create states and local councils, based on the demand for them by the grassroots. The conference however, advocated for the recognition of ethnic nationalities as a tier of government, if they have the numerical strength and resources either at the council, state or regional level.

    PRONACO also said that two or more ethnic nationalities could form a state, if they are contiguous. If this is explored, it could foster economic cooperation and infrastructural development.

    Also, the federating units, in exercising their autonomy and right to self determination, should be at liberty to secede whenever they are no longer satisfied with the federation. This should be in line with universally supervised plebiscite by the United Nations. However, many stakeholders are against this proposal. Thus, at the proposed conference, the negotiability of the unity of Nigeria will still be a contentious issue.

    Fiscal arrangement

    PRONACO also suggested that “not more than 15 per cent” should be paid as taxes to the central government from all revenues. This should be managed by a mechanism approved by the law, constituted by the central and regional governments. Also, in the report, the conference proposed that “not more than 35 per cent” should be designed as the distributable revenue.

    According to PRONACO, the revenue distribution formula should be based on 15 per cent of the total revenue on first line charge account and two percent of total revenue as special rehabilitation fund for past devastation arising from acts and omission of state.

    However, the balance should be distributed as follow: 50 per cent derivation, 36 per cent to the distributable pool and 15 per cent to Federal Government.

    The organisation also proposed that the regions should manage all resources found within their respective boundaries, with consideration given to the local, regional, national and international boundaries.

    PRONACO has also consistently argued that the regions should be entitled to constitutional autonomy. But it also canvassed a first line charge towards the provision of education, healthcare, housing, full employment, unemployment allowance, living allowance for the aged, disabled, physically and mentally challenged and environment preservation.

    System of government

    To PRONACO, parliamentary system is better than presidential system. But, it stressed that the cabinet system should have the following features: one Federal House of Representatives, a ceremonial President, and a Prime Minister elected from his constituency. Also, the group advocated sanctions for carpet crossing, including the automatic loss of seat.

    Citizenship rights and ethics

    The report suggested a solution to the indigene/settler conflict by proposing that every Nigerian has the right to reside anywhere in the country and enjoy all the basic socio-economic rights in his in his or her place of residence.

    However, it noted that a person cannot enjoy citizenship rights in two different states/regions simultaneously as residency should be the basis for enjoying such rights. For example, a Nigerian woman married to a man of different origin should reserve the right to choose her spouse’s place of origin, it added.

    Social and economic rights

    According to the report, “there shall be equal right to education to a minimum of first degree. The right to food, basic healthcare, shelter and employment shall be enshrined in the constitution and made enforceable in the law courts.

    “In order to maintain the sanctity of the human person, the death penalty should be abrogated. The constitution shall guarantee the right to adequate compensation to every Nigerian citizen whose property is destroyed as a result of religious or communal violence and natural disaster.

    “Government shall investigate the killing of every Nigerian due to religious or ethnic conflict and prosecute those persons responsible”.

    Religious rights

    PRONACO proposed Nigeria “a secular state in letter and spirit”, stressing that “the resources of the country shall not in any way be used to promote the cause of any religion”. The group said that Sharia and customary court should exist strictly for private and consensual matters. “Aspect of the Sharia law to be applied in any part of the country must not violate either the letter or the spirit of any other laws of the federation”, it added.

    Rights of the disadvantaged

    “The constitution should not discriminate against any Nigerian either on the grounds of sex, gender, ethnicity, race or disability and should guarantee the rights of people with disability.

    “It shall be mandatory on all tier of government to provide adequate and appropriate facilities and resources for the well being of people with disability. It shall be mandatory on all tiers of government to make all public facilities and spaces including walk ways and disability friendly material to the disabled”.

    Defence and security services

    PRONACO stated in the report that “the power of the defense and security shall be shared and federated”, adding that “a directorate of each of the defense and security services shall be under the control and management of the federal, regional, state, provincial board or council respectively”.

    “The federal army, air force, navy board shall consist of representatives’ officers from each of the regions and with the service chief being rotated among the regions periodically”, it added.

    Police administration

    PRONACO called for a decentralised police to enable the central government, the regions, states, local governments and communities exercise the right to set up and maintain their own police services.

    “Each police service shall have exclusive jurisdiction in its own territory subject to the fact that federal police shall be responsible for crime falling under exclusive matters.

    “Where there is a cross territorial interest or conflict, the territories involved shall jointly resolve such interest or conflict failing which the next higher of the service shall intervene”.

    Electoral commission

    “The Electoral Commission shall be responsible for conducting election into House of Representatives at every level of government. The commission shall be composed of representatives of all the political parties.

    “The Regional Electoral Commission shall be conducted into state and State Electoral Commission shall conduct elections into local governments.

    “The voting shall be voting system adopted in 1993 election (the open secret ballot ‘Option A4’). PRONACO kicks against the adoption electronic voting system”.

    Judiciary

    The draft emphasised that, at the federal level, there should be a Court of Appeal and Supreme Court. The Judicial Commission should recommend three nominees to the Presidency from whom one candidate would be taken and ratified by the parliament.

    The Parliament shall confirm the appointee. The composition of the Federal Judicial Commission shall be as follows: the Chief Justice of Nigeria who shall be the chairperson. The next most senior Justice of the Supreme Court shall be deputy chairperson.

    The National Judicial Commission shall recommend to the executive branch who shall forward it to the parliament for action if such appointment would be terminated.

    Economy

    But PRONACO’s proposal for a well balanced economy, which is neither totally capitalist nor socialist, is controversial and confusing. According to the organisation, the proposed “balance economy” will reflect “the summation of both principles on a home grown model”.

    “The country shall run a mix economy, subject to the principle of fiscal federalism. Economic policies shall not facilitate or enable the concentration of wealth and means of production in the hands of individuals.

    “The primary objectives of economic policies and management shall be the continuous and sustainable increment in the quality of the life and competitive capacity of Nigeria and Nigerians”.