The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • Monarch endorses Obiano

    Monarch endorses Obiano

    The traditional ruler of Obosi Kingdom, Anambra State,  Igwe A C Iweka III, has endorsed Chief Willie Obiano, the candidate of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) in the November 16 governorship election in the state.

    The traditional ruler said at this year’s Ofala festival at the AfoAdike Stadium, Obosi, that APGA has picked the right candidate, who is capable of expanding the vision of Governor Peter Obi.

    According to James Eze, Head of Media and Communication of Willie Obiano Campaign Organisation, the traditional ruler spoke while receiving the APGA team in his palace. He also pledged the support of his cabinet and the town in the proposed election.

    According to the monarch, although many people want the next governor to come from Anambra North Senatorial Zone, Obiano stands out as the best candidate.

    Earlier in his remarks, the APGA candidate, Obiano had assured Igwe Iweka III that he will ensure that the great work done by Governor Obi would be sustained.

    According to him, it would be unfortunate, if the tremendous progress the state had recorded under Obi is allowed to go down the drain because of lack of continuity in vision and commitment.

  • APC, PDP unite for Ogbara

    Members of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) have set aside partisan politics as they joined former PDP governorship aspirant in Ogun State, Alhaja Kafilat Ogbara, in a thanksgiving service in Lagos.

    Speaking at the ceremony, Ogbara, said: “All I can say is to thank the Almighty Allah for sparing my life in a fire incidence in Ogun State in February this year. I am also grateful to President Goodluck Jonathan, ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo, Ogun State Governor Senator Ibikunle Amosun and all Nigerians, who stood by me during my six months sojourn abroad”.

    She commended Jonathan and Amosu for their quick response to emergencies in the country. “Governor Amosun, especially, stood by me. I am not a member of the APC, but he stood by me. Those with the fear of God should be made to govern this nation like Amosun. He is an excellent man”, she said.

    Obasanjo, who was represented by Chief Femi Majekodunmi, also expressed gratitude to God for sparing the life of the young politician, while paying glowing tribute to her. Amosun, who was represented by Mrs Funmi Ajayi, said the government will continue to ensure the security of lives, property and safety of her citizens during emergencies.

  • ‘National conference too critical to be left to the flip-flopping Presidency’

    ‘National conference too critical to be left to the flip-flopping Presidency’

    All Progressives Congress (APC) leader and former governor of Lagos explains his postion on the convocation of a national conference by President Goodluck Jonathan.

    Since I first made known my initial reaction to President Jonathan’s proposed National Dialogue/Conference, the daggers have been out against me. The paid public relations gangs of the administration and some sympathizers have gone into overdrive in the media and public fora to denounce me for the position I have taken. I thought I ought to enjoy the same right they have exercised by supporting Jonathan’s conference to also reject it and make my reaction known. Unfortunately it does not seem so.

    But I have news for them. I will not take anything I have said back on the proposed National Dialougue by this present administration. I insist that the planned national dialogue is a ‘Greek’ gift and public deception. I say beware of the Greek gift; let us first of all, ask a series of questions.

    The government’s proposal is a walk down a back alley that leads only to a dead end. It has the same empty taste as sitting down to dine after all the food has been eaten and the table cleared.

    I intend to raise fundamental questions/interrogations in the following response. I am known to have always reviewed the message or policy action of government after which I simply proceed to respond to the message and not the messenger. But this time around, my focus and response is to the messenger and not the message essentially. Questioning the messenger and his motives is my mission here as a Nigerian and a political leader. Also in warning against Jonathan’s proposed Conference, I will put forward a few practicable suggestions.

    The core questions to ask here is how credible, reliable and capable is the current President to be able to midwife a critical conference such as this? Will this President be sincere enough to let all the issues that are on the agenda be exhaustively discussed at the conference? Will this President have the guts to implement fully all final resolutions of the conference without fear or favor or any pandering?

    This is an administration that has been known to have flip- flopped on so many critical issues of national importance. President Jonathan was part of two issues of national importance in the recent past; Amnesty and the Uwais Panel on electoral reform. We all know what has happened to these two issues. The Amnesty conceived from inception has been corrupted and hijacked by the President’s clique. It is one of Nigeria’s drain pipes. A slush fund for political expeditions and a conduit to siphon money to the boys.

    The Uwais Panel report gathers dust and suffers from constant cherry picking. What about the much-publicized SURE-P initiative of this administration? Another ill-conceived and fraudulently implemented program of this administration. Billions of naira have so far disappeared into private pockets and the treasury still bleeds. I can go on and on. Is this the leader we want to trust with organizing a National dialogue or is it conference they call it? Where is the capability? Where is the sincerity? Where is the presence of mind?

    Recent Nigerian political history bears me out in this instance. Recall the call for a Sovereign National Conference began in earnest in the latter phase of the political transition programme of military president Ibrahim Babangida. Claiming that it was laying a solid foundation for a democracy that will endure, the regime turned Nigeria into a laboratory for all manner of political stunts.

    Nigerians came to conclude that the regime was pursuing a not-so-hidden agenda of self-perpetuation and called for a Sovereign National conference to replace a transition programme that had clearly lost its momentum and its direction.

    Next door, in Benin Republic, a Sovereign National Conference was being staged to chart a new course for a country that had virtually come to a standstill. Its crisp, bold and purposeful proceedings resonated in Nigeria, and Nigerians yearning for such a conference embraced the Beninoise model.

    The military regime seemed at a point to embrace the concept, too, and even tried to enlist some prominent citizens to translate it into practice. But when it appeared those citizens had taken the regime more seriously than it took itself, the regime scuttled the idea and decreed jail sentences for anyone purporting to stage a national conference.

    Then came the presidential election debacle of June 12, 1993, and with it, renewed calls for a Sovereign National Conference. The election crisis swept out the military regime, but not before it had planted a surrogate, the so-called Interim National Government, a clueless outfit that lasted three months but drove Nigeria to the edge of ruin, until it was overthrown by General Abacha.

    To win public acceptance, Abacha promised to stage a National Conference with “constituent powers.” This was another act of bad faith, for Abacha packed the assembly with his hand-picked nominees. Those who were not his nominees were products of an election that was widely boycotted, persons who could hardly be described as authentic representatives of their constituencies. The conference exercised nothing close to the “constituent powers” Abacha had promised. The five political parties that emerged from the constitutional framework designed by the Assembly all ended up endorsing Abacha as their presidential candidate. Abacha’s death ended the charade. Knowing that Nigerians were no longer prepared to put up with military rule, Abacha’s colleagues hastily put together a constitution to serve as the legal framework for the civilian administration inaugurated in 1999.

    The constitution was not published until it came into effect. It was not debated. Those who took office swore an oath to defend a Constitution they had not seen, and the provisions of which they did not know.

    Soon, it became clear that it was riddled with grave defects. Despite its portentous preface, “We, the People,” it was not a people’s constitution. The people played hardly any role in its writing. It did not reflect their yearnings. Some legal authorities even went so far as to call the document a forgery.

    And so, demands for a Sovereign National Conference broke out afresh, to design a new constitutional order for Nigeria, one anchored on the core principles of federalism and warranted by the preface, “We the People.”

    Then came the Obasanjo’s constitutional review process by the National Assembly in the twilight of his administration. The process came up with 118 recommendations most of which were far reaching and dealt with critical and contentious issues of nationhood. It became ill-fated due to the failure to smuggle in the third term tenure extension provision.The rest as they say, is now history.

    Now, we are about to embark on a similar futile exercise. And here is why. Until some two to three months back, our demands for a sovereign national conference found little sympathy in the Executive and Legislative branches of government, until some three weeks ago when Senate President David Mark, issued a qualified endorsement. Then, in his National Day Broadcast, President Jonathan Goodluck, announced to everyone’s surprise that the Federal Government would indeed sponsor National Conference, at which Nigeria’s ethnic nationalists would discuss and negotiate the terms of continued association.

    Within days, Dr Jonathan named a chairman and members of a committee to advise on modalities for staging the conference and submit a report within one month.

    I, like other well-meaning Nigerians must welcome this shift. It is an admission, at last, that the wide cracks in the national fabric can no longer be papered over, and that the time has come for fresh thinking on fundamental problems, the existence of which has for too long been denied.

    Yet, President Jonathan’s epiphany–if epiphany it is and not an expedient calculated to enhance his 2015 reelection bid – should be subjected to searching questions.

    It is difficult to lay aside the suspicion that his sudden conversion is all about 2015. Otherwise, why the sudden endorsement of a National Conference, not merely in principle, but with a rush toward some form of implementation? What has happened that was not already in play in all those years during which the authorities rejected demands for a National Conference?

    Second, it is also difficult to lay aside the suspicion that the government is now embracing the idea with a view to watering it down, if not smothering it altogether. What its proponents have been canvassing is a Sovereign National Conference organized by the sovereign people of Nigeria, not one staged by the government. Government will figure in that Conference only as a facilitator, not as organizer.

    Many of the ethnic nationalities clamouring for a Sovereign National Conference are contesting nothing less than the legitimacy of the Nigerian State as presently constituted. It cannot be an answer to their misgivings that the Federal Government, the agent of that state, is set to take charge of a Sovereign National Conference designed to chart a new path.

    Third, Dr Jonathan did not indicate whether the Conference will be sovereign or exercise constituent powers. That omission is not reassuring. What Nigerians have been demanding is a Sovereign National Conference whose decisions can only be ratified or rejected by the people in a national referendum. There is no room for a Government White Paper of Blue Paper or Paper of any colour whatsoever in such a scheme.

    Fourth, it must be asked whether this is an opportune moment for the conference, when the ruling party is in disarray, a large portion of the country is convulsed by Boko Haram violence and killings, and permutations over a general election have already taken centre stage in the affairs of the nation two years ahead of schedule.

    Would staging a National Conference in such a setting not overheat the polity? Would it not be better to defer the Conference until after the general elections? There is still so much to do to ensure that the election is free and fair, conforms to the best practices, and represents the true will of the people.

    Though I remain an unrepentant supporter of a genuinely Sovereign National Conference, I am suspicious of this present concoction because it is half- baked and fully deceptive. Government’s sincerity is questionable, the timing is also suspect. Now that this government is sinking in a pool of political and economic hot water of its own making, it seizes hold of the national conference idea as if it were a life jacket.

    This government habitually puts the wrong leg forward. In the face of debilitating terrorist attacks by Boko Haram, kidnappings across the country and a general insecurity, this government wants to open up another political front by hurriedly organizing a national conference rankles the brain.

    This government has not the honesty, foresight, tolerance and objectivity to hold a National Conference of any type. This government is so partisan and parochial it can’t even hold its own party together how dare it even think it can organize a national conference that lives up to its name by being truly representative of all the nation’s constituent parts. At most, all they can conduct is a conference comprised of one section of their party and those shell, artificial civil society groups that purport to reflect the public’s mind yet do nothing but spew government propaganda and get paid good naira for their service. This government cannot hold a National Conference anymore than a comatose man can stand and hold up a candle that the rest of us might see our way to a better Nigeria.

    Before embarking on new public relations ploys to whitewash its tarnished record, the government should treat some long outstanding issues and matters. This government cannot give what it does not have.

    If the conference must be held now, we must return to the spade work already done by the Obasanjo government in the aspect of constitutional review. Let the Jonathan government bring it out, remove the third term toxic component and set up a technical review committee to examine the 118 recommendations therein. We must continue from where we disagreed. Nation building is a progressive work and to totally jettison the considerable spade work already done is to set back the hands of the clock. Time is not on our side.

    Secondly, this government should implement the Uwais recommendations on electoral reforms. That report was the work of imminent Nigerians and it was done after widespread consultations to constituencies far and wide. We all know that our electoral system is broken and unfair. If the President has done nothing to fully implement this corrective report that would fix a system so blatantly broken, why would he implement recommendations of national conference if those recommendations do not suit his narrow purposes? The government should first implement this important work in order to demonstrate to Nigerians that it can hold and honor the outcome of a National dialogue.

    This government should do so to show that it has nothing to hide and is willing to engage in the upcoming electoral contest on a level playing field.

    This government must first show good faith for Nigerians to believe them. President Jonathan is not the man to give Nigerians a true National Conference. He can only give us a “Jonathan conference” as bitter icing on the sour cake his government has become. This government lacks the presence of mind and the decency to implement a national conference.

    This administration has not achieved any tangible transformation because it has no concrete goals. Now it tilts and staggers under the weight of insecurity. Claims of transformation and of building an economy that is robust and institutions of democracy, by the President shows someone who believes fiction is more important than fact and imagination is more genuine than reality. While I would not mind such a person to be a leading figure in our Nollywood film industry, I am frightened that he is the chief resident in Aso Villa.”

    Both in timing and in style, previous administrations adopted the same tricks of National Conference as a framework to structure their agenda to which people presented memoranda and attended plenaries before realising it was a trick.

    This government’s offer of a National Conference is a wingless bird. It will not fly. The advisory committee set up to design a framework and come up with recommendations as to the form, structure and mechanism of the process will soon find out they are on a journey with no destination save the wall of futility.

    Yes, we need to talk. However, we need a national conference that is truly sovereign and not one dictated by the reactionary and regressive elements of the ruling party. This is not the way to clear Nigeria from danger. This is a selfish ploy that will place the nation deeper in darkness and indirection.

    Nigeria is adrift and unless we start a discourse aimed at updating and improving our political economy and its structures, we might wake up one day from a night devoid of dreams because we have turned into a nation devoid of hope.

    However, an imposed national conference by individuals who have shown total disdain for anything nationalistic that does not unduly benefit them and who have demonstrated lack of respect for the opinions of others because they are in “Power” will have little success. It will be an empty and expensive futility with no true dividends for a people wanting their leaders to show them a way out of the pit and not a way deeper into it.

  • Politics of revenue allocation

    Politics of revenue allocation

    Revenue sharing has generated controversy across the country. Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN examines the politics of revenue allocation and implications of the ccurrent formula for federalism.

    There have been calls for a review of the revenue sharing formula, which according to the proponents, lopsidedly allocates more money to the Federal Government at the expense of states and local governments. Similarly, the Northern governors have launched, a campaign for the removal of the 13 per cent derivation, which accounts for the additional funds to the oil-producing states.

    The revenue sharing formula is as follows: Federal Government 52.68 per cent; States 26.72 per cent and 774 Local Government Areas 20.60 per cent.

    A cursory look at the history reveals that the agitation for revenue sharing is not new. It was a subject of controversy, even before independence. For example, the Richard’s Constitution of 1946 introduced the principle of derivation, granting autonomy to the regions based on their natural resources. In 1954, Sir Louis Chicks Commission recommended that the total revenue available to Nigeria be allocated according to the derivation principle, for the purpose of meeting the reasonable needs of the centre and the regions. Sir Arthur Richards adopted the recommendation, only for it to be replaced with another formula produced by another commission headed by Jeremy Raisman in 1958.

    Raisman Commission ignored the principle of derivation. Instead, it placed greater emphasis on the population, which it regarded as an approximate index of fiscal need. The fiscal review commission headed by Binn also emphasised the application of the principle of fiscal need. The principle tilted in favour of the Northern Region because it was more populous than the rest of the country.

    The military incursion into government led to a major shift from the tradition equitable distribution of National wealth and principle of derivation. The military government promulgated the Distributive Pool Account Decree 13 which granted States 60 per cent share of export duties instead of 100 per cent, 50 per cent of duty on motor fuel and 50 per cent of the excise duty revenue leaving the rest to the Federal Government. The Federal Government also got additional five per cent from the previous 50 per cent of the share of states on mining rights and royalties. The non-oil producing states benefitted more from this arrangement.

    But, in the Second Republic, President Shehu Shagari signed the Revenue Allocation Act, which granted the Federal Government 55 per cent; States 30.5 per cent and Local Government Areas 10 per cent while 4.5 per cent goes into special funds with the derivation principle not getting a mention.

    In the 1990s, the Niger Delta people stepped up, agitation for resource control. A major breakthrough was achieved in 1992, when the Ibrahim Babangida-led military government established, Oil Mineral Producing and Development Commission (OMPADEC) to address the ecological problems caused by oil exploration in the region.

    The present derivation regime emanated from the constitutional conference set up by the late General Sani Abacha in 1995, headed by Justice Nikki Tobi, which recommended a 13 per cent derivation to the oil producing states. Subsequently, it found its way into the 1999 Constitution and became operational in April 2000.

    Governors from the 19 Northern states are pushing for a review of the revenue allocation formula to reflect what they described as current realities in the country. The Chairman of the Northern Governors Forum, Governor Babangida Aliyu of Niger State, described as unfair the current revenue sharing structure that offer, states from the Northern Region lesser allocations than their counterparts from the South.

    Aliyu argued that the amount received from the federal allocation monthly are spent on payment of salaries and other overheads. Adding most northern states funds to provide infrastructure and tackle poverty the region.

    According to him, “the revenue allocation formula should be looked at. We were hoping that there would be discussions and review of the allocation formula. But there are other issues that would come. For example, there were oil wells that were over 200 kilometres away of the shore of the country. Those ones were supposed to be oil wells for the whole country.

    “But now, they are given only to the contiguous states, in addition to the 13 per cent derivation. So, if you look at that, you will say that it will not serve everybody well if certain parts of the country are not doing well while some part are doing exceptionally well. So, the pressure will continue, until we are able to find a solution.”

    The Northern Legislators Caucus in the House of Representatives published statistics from the 2012 budget. According to the figure, the South-south geo-political zone got the highest allocations in the budget with N116.5 billion, representing 29.65 per cent of the total votes allocated to the six geo-political zones. Followed by the Southwest, which got N65.52 billion (16.67 per cent) and the North Central, including the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), which received N63.92 billion (16.27 per cent). The Northwest got N56.96 billion followed by the Southeast with N49.2 billion and Northeast which had the lowest amount of N40.89 billion or 10.4 per cent of the total N392.96 billion allocated to the six zones.

    A social critic, Hazan Modibo, linked the rising violent crimes in the North, especially the terrorist activities of the Boko Haram, to the uneven distribution of the country’s wealth. He said the government’s amnesty programme to redress the grievances of the militants in the oil-rich Niger-Delta had inadvertently helped create the conditions for the Islamic insurgency.

    “There is a clear direct link between the uneven nature of the distribution of resources and the rising violence. When you look at the figures and the size of the population in the north, you can see that there is a structural imbalance of enormous proportions. Those states do not simply have enough money to meet basic needs while some states have too much money”, Modibo said.

    Incidentally, the latest country’s Poverty Profile Report published by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) ranked the northern region, specifically the troubled North-East geo-political zone, as the poorest region, with 69.1 per cent and 76.3 per cent as absolute and relative poverty levels respectively.

    Expectedly, the argument of the Northern Governors Forum has drawn the ire of their counterparts from the South zone described as unfortunate and misplaced the attempt by Northern political leaders to blame the rising terrorism and poverty in the region on the derivation funds as well as the criticism of 13 per cent derivation funds due to the oil producing states in the Niger-Delta. They said that the Southsouth needed an upward review of the derivation principle and the introduction of fiscal federalism.

    The governors insisted that, on the contrary, the issue to be addressed is environmental degradation and pollution in the Niger-Delta created by the oil exploitation, which has adversely affected fishing and farming activities. This makes it imperative for an upward review of the derivation principle and introduction of fiscal federalism.

    They questioned the rationale for exploiting other mineral deposits in other parts of the country while depleting oil and gas reserves of the Southsouth . The said that the introduction of fiscal federalism and resource control will encourage each state to control its resources and develop, in accordance with its capability.

    The Southsouth leaders also faulted the request of their northern counterparts on the ground that it is against the principle of true federalism. According to the Niger-Delta activist, Annkio Briggs. It is unfair for northern states that are not bringing anything to the table to make such demands. “The people from the Niger Delta region are bringing the oil that God has given them. The oil is in our land and it belongs to us. It is unfair that there are 36 states in Nigeria and only nine states are actually contributing something; and people who are not contributing anything at all are now talking about injustice,” she argued.

    The National Secretary of the Ijaw National Congress, Mr Robinson Esitei, said that the country would continue to stagnate, unless it reverts back to true fiscal federalism. “In fact, we are proposing to the Constitutional Amendment Committee that Nigeria should revert back to the regional arrangement where each region would control its resources and pay tax to the centre.” The present formula is disadvantageous to the Niger Delta people who are suffering degradation and other hazards that go with oil exploitation.Unlike their northern counterparts, the governors of the Southwest had requested for the devolution of more powers to the states and practice of fiscal federalism. They said, instead of bickering over allocations from the Federation Account, states should be empowered to generate their own resources to relieve the Federal Government of too many responsibilities. Although, the Southwest governors deplored the imbalance in the resource allocation, especially to states that make up the old Western Region, they insist the solution lies in the devolution of powers.

    The Minority Leader in the House of Representatives, Mr Femi Gbajabiamila, supported the position of the Southwest governors, saying Nigeria would tackle its development challenges faster, if the states generate their own resources, rather than depending on the federal allocations. “We always clamour for a review of the revenue allocation formula, in line with the principle of federalism. We want a situation where the states will be stronger than the government at the centre. Let each state develop at its pace. The time has come and it is long overdue”, he added.

    Renowned economist Mr Henry Boyo blamed the problem on the fraudulent constitution: According to him, under the Republican Constitution, Nigeria was practising true federalism, whereby each region controlled its resources and paid tax to the Federal Government.

    Boyo made reference to Sections 136 to 145 of the 1963 Constitution, recalling that funds in the Distributable Pool Account were divided among the regions in shares proportionate to the respective amounts of goods consumed in the regions. He said 50 per cent of proceeds from mining royalties and rents, including mineral oil, were retained by the regions. “This was the golden era of true, equitable federalism. The Constitution encouraged the regions then to engage each other in healthy economic competition,” he said.

    A university don and fiscal policy analyst, Dr Tunji Ogunyemi, criticised the current sharing formula. The formula, according to him, has emasculated the states and local governments.

    Ogunyemi called for the amendment of Section 162 of the 1999 Constitution and suggested a new formula of 20 per cent for the Federal Government; 60 per cent for states and 20 per cent for councils. For derivation, he recommended 50 per cent and a tax of 10 per cent payable to the Federal Government on resources produced by the states.

    He said that the bulk of national revenue should go to the states and local governments because they are the centre of development. Ogunyemi said that state governments are carrying out the Federal Government’s responsibilities in their respective states. According to him, most of the federal roads in the states are maintained and even reconstructed by state governments. He cited the case of the Federal Police that rely solely on state governments for logistics such as patrol vehicles, bullet proof vests, fuelling and maintenance of patrol vehicles and special allowance paid to motivate the police personnel.

    Ogunyemi mainkind that the centre should be less attractive. “We shold de-emphasise the centre. There should be devolution of powers; states should be given more powers, more responsibilities and commensurate additional funds,” he added.

  • ‘Aliyu has no presidential ambition’

    ‘Aliyu has no presidential ambition’

    The Secretary to the Niger State Government, Saidu Kpaki, spoke with reporters in Minna, the state capital, on the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) crises and face-off between President Goodluck Jonathan and Governor Babangida Aliyu.

    Is Niger State Governor Babangida Aliyu actually eyeing the Presidency?

    The Chief Servant is not after President Jonathan’s job as speculated by some people. This country returns to the general elections every four years to choose who should pilot the affairs of the country. So, every four years, the President’s job is declared vacant for a general contest.

    Those who claim that the Chief Servant was or is after President Jonathan’s job are mischief makers, who are bent on pitching two illustrious academics with doctoral degrees against one other. I don’t know whether you have heard anything new, but what I can categorically say is that in 2015, the Presidency will be declared vacant and Dr. Jonathan, just like every other Nigerian like the Chief Servant, will be free to lay a stake to it. This is the beauty and essence of democracy.

    Has the governor performed well in office?

    Without going into rhetorics, I make bold to say that this administration is anchored on planning and performance. When the present administration came on board in 2007, the education sector was in shambles and near total collapse. Due to his passion for education, the governor swung into action with the creation of the Ministry of Tertiary Education and the Ministry of Basic Education. This has gone a long way in transforming the education sector in the areas of management and provision of infrastructure, which to a large extent, ensured the enrollment of our children and better performance in public examinations.

    The government also declared free education for all pupils/ students in public schools, notwithstanding their states of origin, embarked on the payment of the NECO and WAEC fees for these students, a project which has received commendation by parents and other stakeholders.

    On health, this government was determined to take health care delivery close to the people. For instance, the administration carried out the construction of three new 110-bed hospitals at Gulu, Sabon Wuse and Nasko and equipped them with modern equipment. The rural hospitals at Bangi, Kutigi and Kuta were also upgraded to the status of general hospitals. The IBB Specialised Hospital, Minna, was also upgraded to a specialist hospital with full compliments of resident consultants.

    The administration declared free medical services for pregnant women, the aged and sickle cell patients. It also purchased and distributed free 1,700.000 insecticide treated mosquito nets to people in the 25 local government areas of the state and carried out free eye surgery for 11,500 eye patients in Minna, Bida and Kontagora. 4,000 other patients had their sights restored after undergoing cataract surgery under the full sponsorship of the state government.

    The major focus of the administration in the last six years is to turn agriculture to a money-spinning and employment-generating venture. Government has purchased over 258 tractors and other implements for use by small and large scale farmers.

    Governor Mu’azu Babangida Aliyu is currently implementing the multi-million naira rice programme, which will make the state the largest rice producer and exporter in Africa.

    In the area of infrastructural development, Minna and other towns are now wearing new looks. The present administration constructed some roads, such as Kutigi-Fazhi, Batati-Dabban, Bonu-Gurara waterfalls, Luma-Babana, Industrial lay-out, Minna, AP-Kpagungu-Keteren-Gwari, Mu’azu Mohammed Road and Zarumai –Onigbinde Road. Government also purchased heavy equipment for road construction, which was given to all the local government councils.

    The Ward Development Projects initiated by the administration is a new approach and innovation to participatory democracy through projects identification and execution at the grassroots. Through this, the Chief Servant brought a new innovation to governance in the country, where people at the grassroots would initiate their own programmes and participate actively at every level of implementation.

    In its bid to make housing assessable to the majority of people at affordable rates, the administration has constructed 1500 housing units in Minna,Bida, Kontagora and Suleja.

    Does the governor has a succession plan?

    As far as I am concerned, the Chief Servant is not going away today or tomorrow. He still has about two years. So, we are expending our energies in milking more resourcefulness from him.

  • What manner of national conference?

    What manner of national conference?

    Nigerians are still divided over the proposed National Conference. While a section has hailed the proposal, another  has expressed caution and reservations because of the timing. Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN highlights the conditions for a credible and successful national dialogue. 

    President Goodluck Jonathan’s proposed National Conference has not been taken hook, line and sinker. Although some stakeholders have applauded the President for his sensitivity to the strindent calls for it, others have expressed reservations, based on past experience. The timing has been faulted, even by pro-National Conference agitators. However, some people also believe that Nigerians can insist on some conditions for the dialogue to become credible and successful.

    For decades, pro-National Conference advocates have argued that, Nigeria, a homogeneous society, can be re-negotiated by the ethnic nationalities. They believe that the former colonial master had decided to amalgamate them into a country without due consultations. Also, they argue that economic interest motivated the colonial authorities to lump them together. After, the amalgamation, the country wobbled on in disunity.

    The Governor-General between 1920 and 1931, Sir Hugh Clifford, described Nigeria as “a collection of independent native states, separated from one another by great distances, by differences of history and traditions and by ethnological, racial, tribal, political, social and religious barriers”. This description vividly captures the problems of Nigeria.

    Under normal circumstances, the amalgamation should have provided a firm basis for establishing closer cultural, social, religious, and linguistic ties. Instead, there were division, suspicion, unhealthy rivalry and disparity in development.

    The ethnic nationalities have a grouse. They claim that they have not made inputs into, accepted or rejected any constitutional framework through a referendum. Thus, the advocates of constitutional conference have always disputed the basis for peaceful co-existence.

    Conference without sovereign powers

    A university don, Dr Tunde Ogunyemi, described the proposed national conference as step in the right direction. But he faulted President Jonathan’s approach, saying that, by hand picking the 13-member advisory committee headed by Dr. Okunrounmu, the conference will lack a “sovereign status”.

    Ogunyemi said the national conference is not the prerogative of the President, but the responsibility of all Nigerians. The Obafemi Awolowo University teacher said, before the announcement, the President should have consulted the critical ethnic groups, including the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF), Afenifere, Ohaneze Ndigbo, Ijaw National Union, and other political interest groups.

    “The planning should involve the critical mass of the population, who are found in ethnic representation, such as Afenifere, Ohaneze, Ijaw union, Arewa Consultative Forum and political leaders. They should also include technocrats, bureaucrats, lawyers, medical practitioners, academics, technical personnel on defence, foreign affairs and religious groups.

    “The President missed the point in setting up the planning committee without carrying the people along. It is unexpected because this government is known for taking decision before thinking. It hardly consults on critical issues before making pronouncements,” he added.

    Despite the shortcoming, Ogunyemi implored Nigerians to embrace the idea to rebuild the collapsing foundation. He said this is necessary to move away from the brink and to prevent the experiences of Rwanda, Burundi, Sri- Lanka, Somalia, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Kosovo, Croatia and Bosnia in Nigeria.

    A lawyer, Tony Emordi, observed that many have deluded into thinking that the conference is critical to the resolution of the country’s problems, unmindful of the fact that the fashionable political theory being badied about in the country today is that past conferences have failed to achieve this objective.

    Emordi noted that Nigeria had wasted billions of naira on constitutional debates and constitution making without success. He feared that the current exercise may end in fiasco, unless lessons are drawn from the experience of the past.

    Critics are worried about the prospect of a national conference without “sovereign power”. They argue that, without a sovereign power, the conference resolutions may end up in the archives.

    Civil rights activist Shehu Sani has labelled the proposed conference as diversionary and a waste of time and resources. According to him, any decision taken the conference is not binding on the people. He said Nigerians are not asking for a mere conference, but a Sovereign National Conference (SNC) that will give teeth to all issues that will be discussed and the outcome of such conference must be respected.

    His words: “Nigerians are not just asking for a conference, but a sovereign one. It is not the usual conference that will come out with a communiqué, but a conference with a resolution that is binding on the Nigerian people.

    “Right now, the country is operating under the military constitution authored by the Abacha and Abdulsalam military regimes. We need to use the opportunity of our centenary to freely discuss all issues that bother the Nigerian state, to strengthen our unity, democracy and enhance the wellbeing of our people”.

    Emordi also shared this view. He reiterated that the Sovereign National Conference is the only option left to save the country from disintegration, adding that that it should be convoked as quickly as possible. Emordi said the primary duty of the SNC is to address and find solutions to the key problems afflicting Nigeria, since 1914. “The concern is to remove all obstacles, which have prevented the country from establishing political justice, economic justice, social justice, cultural justice, religious justice and to construct a new constitutional framework in terms of the system of government-structurally, politically, economically, socially, culturally and religiously.

    “The SNC is to rebuild the country from scratch and establish a new constitutional structure for a new Nigeria where every ethnic group will find succour; and where the masses, the neglected, the persecuted, the deprived and the cheated will find solace”.

    But Professor Itse Sagay (SAN) urged Nigerians not to be carried away by the proposal. He said that it is painful that the conference lacks a sovereign power. Yet, he advised Nigerians to embrace it because it is better to start from somewhere.

    Sagay said: “If it is National Conference without sovereign powers; it is okay, it is a good development. Although a Sovereign National Conference is preferable, what is important is that there is the need for the people to sit down and dialogue on the problems affecting the country. We have never really met to discuss the future of our country. But we were compelled to live together, first by the colonial administrators, and later by the military that foisted constitutions prepared by them on us.

    “It is necessary for us to meet and decide for ourselves how we want to live together, how we want to move the nation forward. It is then, that peace and tranquillity would prevail and there would be development.

    According to Sani, government needs to be educated about the sovereign conference. He said: “A sovereign conference is not a talk-shop; it is also not a musical gathering. It is an assembly of Nigerians to discuss issues and come up with the best possible means of addressing and proffering solutions to problems. There is no need for us to hold a conference that its decision would not be binding.”

     

    Agenda for National Conference

     

    Many stakeholders want the conference to deliberate on everything under the sun. They frown at the attempts to erect no-go areas. To them, the unity of Nigeria is negotiable.

    Ogunyemi raised a 10-point issue for deliberation at the conference. He noted that the structure of Nigeria is faulty with 19 states in the North and 17 in the south. The criteria for state creation, according to him, should be the people, and not the land mass. He said the one per cent allocation from the Federation Account for the development of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, contradicts the Supreme Court’s ruling that it is the responsibility of the Federal Government to finance Abuja from its 53.8 percent allocation. The one percent special allocation to FCT is illegal, he said.

    On education, Ogunyemi wants the tertiary education to be exclusive to the Federal Government. State governments should concentrate on primary and secondary education, while the proliferation of private universities should be curtailed to enhance quality’, he added.

    Ogunyemi also observed that the governors, who are the chief security officers in their states, lack the power to command state police commissioners. He stressed the need for state police. He also suggested that the 36 states should be grouped into six autonomous regions, with their own constitutions, recalling that that was the structure in the First Republic.

    Ogunemi advocated a cut in the power of the President. He described the President as the most powerful leader in the world, pointing out that he controls the army, the police, customs and immigration, Central Bank, the Federation Account, and Prisons. He canvassed for the delition of indigeneship from the constitution, saying that emphasis should be on citizenship.The Federal Government, according to him, should devolve more responsibilities and funds to the states. The centre should hands-off from railway, roads and prisons, he added.

    Sani urged the conference to address the issue of ideology, that is, what should be the ideological direction of Nigeria; the relationship between the federating units, especiallyon the issues of economy and political power distribution, production of a new constitution for the country and social welfare programmes.

    He said it should also discuss and resolve the character and nature of the economic system for sustainable improvement in the material lives of the ordinary people. The conference, according to him, should be concerned with establishing an economic system that will guarantee economic rights for the rich and poor.

    “The ordinary people must enjoy the right to work or unemployment allowance in the absence of jobs, cost-free housing, education, health, water, and electricity in a restructured polity. The access to social services by the masses should be regarded as fundamental rights.

  • ‘PDP has no plan for Nigerians’

    ‘PDP has no plan for Nigerians’

    All Progressives Congress (APC) chieftain Hon. Monsuru Owolabi is a member of the House of Representatives. He spoke with reporters in Lagos on national issues. Correspondent Musa Odoshimokhe was there.

    Is the House of Representatives living up to the expectation?

    The House is doing a fantastic job and I must commend the leadership qualities of the Speaker, Rt. Hon. Aminu Tambuwal, and other principal officers. The contribution of the current House to issues of national importance, such as the fuel subsidy debate, constitution amendment debate, the political crisis in Rivers State and other issues, is robust. Of course, because of our large number, which is 360, there can be disagreements. But we disagree to agree and that is the hallmark of leadership.

    Let us look at 14 years of democratic rule under PDP. How would you describe the journey so far?

    We are in 14 years of democratic rule. But let me say here that the PDP has dragged Nigeria backwards for 28 years. Nigerians have suffered long enough under the PDP. It is a selfish government that does not care about the welfare of Nigerians. What area can you pinpoint where PDP has excelled? Is it in terms of bad roads, poor health care service delivery and poor educational system? Look at the educational sector. Our students have been idling at home for the past two months, due to the insensitivity of this government.

    Nigerians can no longer walk freely on the streets in their country because of the fear of being kidnapped. Also, they cannot sleep with their two eyes closed, due to insecurity challenges. If there is insecurity, how will the foreign investors come? Also, look at the issue of power supply. Nothing tangible has been achieved, despite trillions of naira and various reforms in the power sector. Most of our industries have relocated to other African countries like Ghana, Cotonou and South Africa. Yet, we are saying there are no jobs. 14 years of democratic rule under PDP is a waste.

    What should Nigerians expect from the APC, if it becomes the next ruling party in Nigeria?

    The emergence of the APC is the best thing that has happened to this country. In fact, it is long overdue. The coming together of these parties could have happened eight years ago. All those who are now coming together under the APC have sacrificed themselves, their time and resources and they have been at the vanguard of ordinary people, in terms of trying to elevate the living standards of these people. I congratulate our leaders, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and General Muhammadu Buhari, and other eminent personalities for taking this unenviable task in rescuing Nigeria and Nigerians from the clutches of power mongers and enemies of true democracy. Nigerians should expect a different form of leadership under the APC. They should expect to be governed by a government, which places the interest of the country above their personal concern. A progressive government that will eradicate corruption and other vices that are inimical to the growth of democracy and will usher in a true change, prosperity and justice.

    The PDP believes that minor differences will polarise the APC? Is this a fair assessment?

    The PDP’s thinking is faulty. To them, three or four people coming together with different ideologies and political background is impossible. That is why they keep saying there will be in-fighting and disagreement within the APC. But unknown to them, we are all determined to move the nation forward, no matter the challenges we may encounter. No one ever said coming together of different political parties will be an easy task and that is why the leaders of these political parties deserve commendation for agreeing to let go of certain positions, so as to make the merger a success. The PDP never believed the APC will see the light of the day. In fact, they believe the party will not be registered in the first place. But against all odds, the APC is here to stay. To me, I think it is all about give and take. You take A and I give B and we move forward. Understanding of one another and putting party interest, ahead of personal interest, too is very important. It is not compulsory that I become the President of the country. If I am interested in becoming the President and the party supports another candidate, all I need do is to bury my ambition and back the candidate put forward by the party. That is one thing they lack in the PDP. To them, it is about me, me and me. They are always thinking of what to benefit, instead of what will be of benefit to Nigerians.

    Do you see Nigeria gravitating towards a two-party system, unlike the current multi-party system we operate?

    Well, with what is happening at present, I cannot really say that Nigeria is tilting towards a two-party system like we have in the days of the NRC and SDP. This is because other parties will still be registered by the INEC and these parties will want to contest in the forthcoming elections. Also, we have other parties that are duly registered and are still operating. Also, don’t forget that the Supreme Court recently unbanned some parties that were deregistered by INEC. If these political parties decides to join forces with the APC to confront the PDP, that is when we can say Nigeria is moving towards a two-party system.

    What about the smaller political parties, do you see them making any impact in the next general election?

    All these mushrooms political parties will, in no distant time, collapse into the APC. They will join forces with theAPC and it is just a matter of time. Many of these political parties know that they do not have what it takes to win election, both at the state and national levels. Also, with the intractable crisis in the PDP, many of them will not want to join them because they know they will be used and dumped. Tell me, which sane political party will want to enter into alliance with the PDP today? They have been in power for 14 years; no single political party has entered into any form of alliance with them. Is it now that they are polarised and divided that any political party will want to enter into any agreement with them?

    What has been your major contribution to your constituency?

    As a politician, I know the primary reason why I am in the National Assembly, which is to represent my constituency and to make laws for the country. Let me add here that Nigerians are good people. They know it is not all politicians that are selfish and do not have their interest at heart. If you come to them and pretend that you love them in order to get their votes, they know.

  • Ubah has prospect in politics, says aide

    Ubah has prospect in politics, says aide

    Ahead of the November 16 governorship election in Anambra State, some stakeholders have thrown their weight behind the ambition of Ifeanyi Mr. Ubah, the candidate of the Labour Party (LP). But observers have pointed out that, although he is a strong personality, LP is perceived as a weak platform.

    Ubah is facing formidable opponents-Senator Chris Ngige, who is the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate, and Chief Willie Obiano of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA).

    The Deputy Director, Ifeanyi Ubah Media Campaign Organisation (IUMCO), Emmanuel Ibeleme, however, said the outcome of the poll will shock many people. He hinged his calculations on some factors, including the endorsement of Ubah by many groups and associations.

    “Dr Ifeanyi Ubah has the brightest prospect and chances of winning the November 16, governorship election. He is the only candidate that has the endorsement of all the critical stakeholders. As we speak, Dr Ifeanyi Ubah is the only candidate that has been endorsed by the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), both at the national and the state levels. The National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS), the widows, the physically challenged, and traders”, he said.

    Ubah flagged off his campaign last month in Onitsha, where he declared his manifesto. His speech was titiled:“Freedom Plan Agenda for Ndi-Anambra”.

  • Kaduna Speaker’s impeachment saga: behind-the-scene intrigues

    Members of the Kaduna State House of Assembly impeached their Speaker in an apparent controversial circumstances, which falls short of the constitutional requirement.TONY AKOWE reports on the intrigues behind the move.

    It started like a rumour when the Assembly resumed from its annual vacation on August 14, 2013 that members were jostling to impeach the Speaker and his deputy on allegations of corruption and other sundry issues which were not made public. Thus, the Assembly, which has remained out of the news for a long time, suddenly bounced back with various interest groups jostling to outdo each other in the game. Before then, the House was in the news over the controversy generated by the implementation of the SURE-P in the state. When the house resumed, the impeachment issue became the first issue on the front burner of the assembly presided over by Hon. Usman Muazu Gangara. The allegation against him was corruption and incompetence. But when the members went into the hallowed chambers to carry out their plan, only 20 of the 34 members were present and had signed up for the impeachment. That number is however less than the required two third of the entire members of the house which they need to carry out the impeachment as required by section 92 (2c) of the constitution.

    The Nation was informed by sources close to the assembly that before the sitting, those who wanted Gangara out were sure of getting the required number to do so, but two of those who were supposed to be part of the plot stayed away from the assembly and all efforts to get them to come failed. However, two third of the 34 member assembly is 22.6. So, when they realised that the plan cannot be carried out, they decided to adjourn sitting, giving the Speaker and other Principal Officers of the House one month to resign.

    However, when the house reconvened on Tuesday, September 24, 2013, the number that wanted the Gangara and his team out of the way had dropped to 18, five members short of the required 23. But they went ahead to carry out their plan.

    The members went ahead to elect Philemon Usman as the Acting Speaker, who immediately took charge of affairs of the house.

    The Nation investigations revealed that Gangara’s sins may not be unconnected with his handling of the indictment of the Executive in the execution of the 2012 SURE-P funds of the state.

    However, the implementation of the scheme in the state has not gone down well with the people of the state, especially the state House of Assembly.

    The House had suspended the implementation of the SURE-P programme in the state and in a letter to the Deputy Governor, who is the Chairman of the implementation committee of the programme, requested for information on the programme.

    Some people in the state believe that the government may have been angered by the fact that the Speaker allowed the adoption of the report by the house. But this argument was quickly dismissed by those in support of the impeachment who argued that if he was to be punished because of the SURE-P, then Kantiok would not have been the one to move for his removal since the same Kantiok was the Chairman of the committee that investigated the SURE-P issue. But another school of thought believe that those who wanted him out merely want a balance of power within the state. With the Executive presently coming from the northern senatorial zone of the state and the deputy from the south, the speaker automatically comes from the central zone.

    It is believed that the governor was more favourably disposed to Gidan Mana taking the position as a way of gaining the support of Southern Kaduna Christians for the 2015 elections. Although Gidan Mana represents Kakuri state constituency, he is originally a Jaba man from Kachia Local Government Area and one of the oldest members of the assembly. But some other lawmakers, especially from the northern part of the state, were said to have risen against that idea and this may have apparently truncated the move to impeach Gangara in August. However, those who didn’t want Gidan Mana to take the seat had their way when he was made to preside over the election of Shehu Tahir, also from the same Giwa Local Government to take over from Gangara.

    Other sources also argued that although the Speaker was accused of corruption, powerful forces outside the Assembly may have moved for his head in order to check the powers of the former Secretary to the Yakowa government, Samaila Abdullahi Yakawada, who was believed to have influenced his emergence as Speaker in the first place. Gangara is believed to be the only Yakowa loyalist still standing and is therefore a threat since his loyalty to Yakawada has remained unshaken.

    However the question being asked at the moment inlude : What direction is the once peaceful Kaduna State House of Assembly heading? The impeached leadership of the house are not giving up without a fight.

    Though the new leadership of the house was put in place, the house could not continue its sitting that Thursday and had to take a radio announcement to announce the adjournment.

    It was gathered that the Gangara-led leadership  headed for the courts to ensure that things are done the right way.

    These confirm that the events of the next few days will determine which direction the pendulum will swing.

  • Confab: The politics of committee membership

    As the newly inaugurated National Conference Planning Committee settles down to chart the course of the proposed conference, Assistant Editor, Dare Odufowokan, unveils their socio-political leanings

    With Monday’s inauguration of the National Conference Planning Committee by President Goodluck Jonathan, stakeholders remained divided over the membership of the committee saddled with preparing the ground for the eventual convention of a national dialogue to discuss the future of the country.

    Is anything really wrong with the composition of the committee? Are there merits in the arguments for and against the committee membership? A look at the personalities and background of the members of the committee may help answer these questions.

    Senator Femi Okurounmu – Jonathan’s political ally

    Senator Femi Okurounmu, an Egba man from Abeokuta, was elected Senator for the Ogun Central Constituency of Ogun State, at the start of Nigeria’s 4th Republic, on the platform of the Alliance for Democracy (AD). He was in the National Assembly from May 29, 1999 to May 29, 2003.

    Before then, he had served as commissioner in the state’s ministry of works. At the Senate, Okurounmu was appointed to committees on Commerce and Economic Affairs where he was deputy to Senator David Mark.

    He ran for reelection in 2003, but was defeated by Alhaji Ibikunle Amosun then of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). Afterwards, he became the Secretary-General of the Yoruba socio-political group, Afenifere.

    In January 2009, he caused a stir in the politics of the South-West region with a statement that Afenifere membership was open to all, regardless of political party affiliation, as long as they believe in the Afenifere and Awoist credo. Some political analysts still believe the statement was made for the purpose of allowing the return of some conservative politicians into the fold of the pan-Yoruba organisation.

    Okurounmu’s progressive credentials also came under scrutiny in January 2010 as the Baba Ijo (father of the congregation) of St. Paul’s Anglican Church, Sodubi, Abeokuta, he allegedly led a revolt of some of the church elders against the presiding Priest.

    Aggrieved youths, acting in support of the Priest and calling Okurounmu a conservative, who along with some elders have been opposing positive changes in the parish, sealed off the church gates to prevent worshipers from attending the Sunday service, threatening to lynch Okurounmu if he dares show his face. It took the timely intervention of the police to prevent the situation from becoming violent.

    And in 2011, during the run up to the presidential election, Okurounmu led other chieftains of his party, the Democratic Peoples Alliance (DPA) to announce the endorsement of President Goodluck Jonathan of the PDP as their presidential candidate.

    Ever since, he has remained a close political ally of the president and Senators David Mark and Anyim Pius Anyim, the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF).

    Professor George Obiozor – Imo PDP leader

    Born August 15, 1942, Obiozor, who is from Imo State, has served as an Ambassador in the PDP government since the return to democracy in 1999. A product of the Institute of African Studies and Albert Schweitzer College, he graduated from the University of Puget Sound in 1969, and from Columbia University with a Ph.D. in International Affairs.

    He was Director-General of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs. He was the High Commissioner to Cyprus. He was also the Nigerian Ambassador to Israel, from 1999 to 2003. He was the Nigerian Ambassador to the United States, from 2004 to 2008.

    In his native Imo State, he is regarded as one of the leaders of the PDP. He is an ally of former Governor Ikedi Ohakim and has participated in all recent activities aimed at returning the party to the Government House, come 2015. There are also insinuations that he is eying a senatorial seat in the state.

    Senator Khairat Abdulrazaq-Gwadabe – PDP returnee

    A former Senator for the Abuja Federal Capital Territory constituency in 1999 on the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) platform, she held office from May 1999 to May 2003.

    Born in Ilorin, Kwara State in April 1962, she studied law at the University of Lagos and became a legal practitioner. Her Senate election in 1999 was her first venture into politics. After taking her seat in the Senate, she was appointed to committees on the Environment, Health, Women Affairs (chairman), Federal Character, Tourism and Culture and Federal Capital Territory.

    In January 2003, after losing her bid for a return ticket to the Senate on the PDP platform, she announced that she was moving to the All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP).

    She is married to Colonel Lawan Gwadabe, former military governor of Niger State. Senator Abdulrazak-Gwadabe was the Chairman of the Senators Forum, a body of former and serving senators.

    In 2011, she returned to the PDP and was one of the champions of President Goodluck Jonathan’s re-election bid. She has remained in the good books of the Presidency ever since.

    Mallam Buhari Bello – PDP appointee

    He was the former Executive Secretary to the National Human Rights Commission. . He served in that capacity for a period of about seven years. He was born in Birnin-Kebbi, Kebbi State and studied Law at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria and the Nigerian Law School, Lagos. He was at various times Assistant Director, Public Prosecutions, Ministry of Justice, Sokoto State and Director of Legal Services, National Electoral Commission (NEC).

    After his removal from the NHRC by former President Obasanjo, he became an appointee of the PDP when he accepted the job of Special Assistant to the Attorney-General of the Federation.

    Mallam Buhari Bello was a member and later leader of the Nigerian delegation to the United Nations, and was elected Vice-President of the Diplomatic and Plenipotentiary Conference for the Establishment of the International Criminal Court in Rome, Italy and was also elected Chairman of the Coordinating Committee of the African National Human Rights Institutions as well as a member of the Credentials and Accreditation sub-committee of the International Committee of the National Human Rights Institution, UN, Geneva.

    He was honoured with the prestigious member of the Order of the Federal Republic OFR in December 2003, Dr Kwame Nkurumah Outstanding Merit Award and membership of the National Institute MNI, 2007.

    Comrade Tony I. Uranta – President Jonathan’s friend

    He calls himself an independent Civic and Social Organisation professional. Uranta is a graduate of the University of Ibadan. A Niger Delta-born rights activist, he leaves no one in doubt about his closeness and friendship with the Jonathans.

    He is from the same Bayelsa State as the President and many say he has unhindered access to the Villa. He is the Executive Secretary of Nigerian Summit Group (NSG) and Chairman of Izon Ikemi, an Ijaw group.

    Alhaji Dauda Birma – Bamanga Tukur’s age-long ally

    He is the Sarkin Gabas of Adamawa and a long time political ally of PDP’s National Chairman, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur. Their political friendship dated back to the politics of the old Gongola State.

    A former presidential aspirant on the platform of the ANPP, Birma is now a prominent chieftain of the PDP in Adamawa State with access to both Tukur and Jonathan.

    Few months ago, he led a delegation of the Northern Elders Forum (NEF) to endorse the re-election bid of President Jonathan during a visit to the PDP national headquarters. His action was widely criticised by leaders of the northern geo-political zones.

    Dr. Mairo Ahmed Amshi – Active PDP member

    Her name may not ring a bell in national politics, but Hajia Mairo, a close associate of current Minister of State for Finance, Dr. Yerima Lawal Ngama, is an active member of the ruling PDP in her native Yobe State.

    A regular delegate to all national activities of the PDP, Amshi is one of the leading figures in the pro-Jonathan faction of the party in Yobe State. Unconfirmed sources even have it that she has served on the board of some federal parastatals on the strength of her membership of the ruling party.

    Timothy Adudu – Another PDP returnee

    A former Senator of the Federal Republic, elected in 2003 to represent Plateau North Senatorial District on the platform of the PDP, Adudu was in the National Assembly for only one term as he refused to seek re-election in 2007.

    Shortly after leaving the senate, he dumped the PDP and teamed up with the ANPP, saying PDP lacks what it takes to take Nigeria to the promised land.

    But recently, he returned to the PDP, amidst objections by the Plateau chapter of the party. His ability to bypass the state chapter in his return to the party, according to sources, is because of his closeness to some people in the presidency.

    Dr. Akilu Idabawa – former PDP National Youth leader

    Indabawa is from Kano State and was Special Adviser to Governor Musa Rabiu Kwakwanso between 1999 and 2003 as well as the party’s Director of Campaign during the 2003 governorship election in the state.

    Between 2003 and 2006, he worked in Abuja as an aide to the Minister of Defence. Later that year, he emerged as the National Youth Leader of the PDP. He later fell out with Kwakwanso and joined President Jonathan’s camp.

    He became Special Adviser to Jonathan, who was then the Vice President and later Senior Special Adviser on Political Matters to the President following the death of late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua.

    He is the leader of the pro-Jonathan faction of the PDP in Kano State today.

    Colonel Tony Nyiam – A pro-Jonathan Campaigner

    Known for his involvement in the April 1990 military coup, Nyiam hails from Cross Rivers State. He holds a Master of Arts degree in Strategic Studies and International Security from the University of Aberdeen.

    Though he has been in the forefront of the call for a peoples’ conference to discuss the future of the country, he has also not hidded his support and admiration for President Goodluck Jonathan.

    His support for the President, according to some of his statements, may be borne out of his pro-South-South sentiment, which he is not also known to hide. A highly respected public commentator, Nyiam wants issues like the federal character system, census, North-South divide, etc to be discussed at the conference.

    Professor Funke Adebayo – A new name on the bloc

    The University don is obviously new to Nigerian politics and governance. Currently lecturing at the Ladoke Akintola University of Technology Ogbomoso, Oyo State, (LAUTECH), she is from Oyo State.

    It is still unclear how the relatively politically unknown don made the list of the committee members but pundits say she is definitely not somebody to be ignored by both the people and the government as she may spring surprises in the course of her current assignment.

    Abubakar Siddique Mohammed – University don and social critic

    A 1977 graduate of Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Nigeria, he holds a BSc and MSc degrees in Political Science from the university. He also holds an MSc in Energy Economics and Policy from the University of Grenoble, France and a PhD in Socio-Economics of Development from the Ecole Des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris, France.

    An avowed critic of former President Olusegun Obasanjo, he authored a book titled, “The lust for power and its tragic consequences” during the fierce debate over an alleged third term plot by the retired General.

    He is a specialist in Nigerian Government and Politics and major trends in world politics. He is the Director of Centre for Democratic Research and Training (CEDDERT).

    He has served in various federal government committees in recent times. One of such is President Jonathan’s committee that looked at the possibility of reviewing the tenures of governors and the president.