The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • Southern Kaduna renews agitation for state creation

    Southern Kaduna renews agitation for state creation

    Correspondent TONY AKOWE writes on the persistent clamour for the creation of state by the people of Southern Kaduna to preserve their identity.

    The agitation for the creation of a state by the people of Southern Kaduna started in the 1950s. Its leaders supported the agitation for the creation of a Middle Belt Region. The area was called Southern Zaria. It was part of the old Zaria Province.

    In 1975, the Southern Kaduna leaders made a formal request to the Justice Ayo Irikefe Panel for the creation of a seperate state. The request was repeated in 1987 and in 1996. The panels set up by the federal government recommended that a state should be created for them. But the military government did not implement the recommendation. Therefore, they lost out. The people alleged injustice, pointing out that their request failed, despite their marginalisation in Kaduna State.

    In this dispensation, the agitators have turned to the National Assembly for help. However, the announcement by the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Constitution Review, Senator Ike Ekweremadu, that none of the proposed states met the criteria jolted the agitators of new states. Among those who felt that Ekweremadu, who is the Deputy Senate President, was being economical with the truth was the President of the Southern Kaduna Peoples Union (SOKAPU), Dr Epharim Goje, who is clamouring for the creation of Gurara State from the Kaduna State.

    Goje accused the Senate Committee of jumping into the conclusion, without giving the agitators the opportunity to work to meet the criteria. He said that, al hough state agitators were asked to update documents submitted to the committee, the Senate created the impression that those agitating for states did not meet the requirements.

    “What I expect the Senate to do is to say that, if there are certain things missing, update them in view of the realities on ground.We know that the process is cumbersome, but that is why the senate committee is there in the first place. They are supposed to propose amendments that will make state creation easier. It was because we knew that the process is cumbersome that we held those sessions to ensure that, when people who genuinely need a state make the demand, they get it. The Houses of Assembly, the House of Representatives and the Senate are the organs we need to create states. Once the two-thirds of those Houses say yes, this is what we want, why should we be denied?”

    However, those who signed the request for the creation of Gurara State out of Kaduna State were not the the right people. The wrong signatorie, who signed the document as lawmakers representing the area, are no longer in office. For example, out of the seven members from the area in the National Assembly who signed the document, only Yakubu Umar Barde and Godfrey Ali Gaiya are still serving as federal legislators. Also, many of the local government chairmen and councillors who signed the document have left office.

    The agitators were given a second chance by the Senate to amend their presentation. The senator representing the Kaduna South District, Senator Nenadi Esther Usman, quickly returned home to ensure that they did not missed the opportunity. She gathered the Southern Kaduna elders and opinion leaders to inform them that a new window of opportunity had opened for them and that the Senate Committee on State Creation may reconsider its earlier stand by giving the agitators the opportunity to correct the anomaly in their requests and represent same to the committee.

    Usman told them that the amended request will be treated by the committee on a first come, first serve basis. She said that, in accordance with section 8(1) of the constitution, only serving lawmakers at the state and National Assembly and local government chairmen and councillors should sign the request to make it valid.

    According to her, of all the requests presented to the Committee, only 17 partially complied with the law and they were processed by the committee, pointing out that none of the 17 complied with the provisions of section 8(1) of the constitution. therefore were rejected. Usman said: “At our last meeting, those of us who are from areas requesting for states made a case to the committee. We told the committee that, as the representatives of the people, we should be able to make provisions for state creation and that we should be given the chance to correct the errors in the requests.

    “Those who are not requesting for states agreed with us and, at the end, the chairman of the committee agreed that those requesting for states be given a second chance to correct their mistakes and submit, but warned that it will be treated on first come, first serve basis. If you look at our presentation, you discover that many of those who signed the document we presented are not even necessary.

    “What the constitution requires is that only elected representatives of the people, who are members of the National Assembly, State Assembly, elected local government chairmen and their councillors should sign the document. In the past, I have been accused of going into other areas and those people who made that allegation are still around. That is why I have restricted myself to my zone only before people go round to say I want to contest for the office of the governor. It is my aspiration to see that we have a state of our own and with your support, we will actualise this dream. We will not abandon it now”, she said.

    The Southern Kaduna people believe that they have all it takes to have a state of their own. Their best chance came during the Abacha regime, but lack of unity of purpose by the agitators robbed them of a state. There were more than one request for a Southern Kaduna State. The groups requested for different places as capital. While the majority wanted Kaduna as the capital, other groups wanted Kafanchan and Zonkwa as capital.

    They lost the opportunity as Abacha turned his back on them although the list of states that were created came out from the office of the Principal Staff Officer to Abacha, who happened to be a high ranking officer from the area. However, the people seem to have resolved the issue of state capital in favour of Kafanchan, which appears to be central to all the local government areas constituting the proposed Gurara State.

    Goje, reiterated that the people have all it takes to have a state of their own. He said: “We have the capital, the human resources, the land and every other thing that it takes. Our state has a lot of potential and we are capable. If they give us Gurara State, I am saying that we don’t need the federal allocation. We can survive without oil money in Southern Kaduna under the new Gurara State. If we are given a state, we couldn’t be worse than states created by the military.

    “All we need is to harness our potential. If we are given Gurara State, it will be one of the model states in this country. We have the capability and we are saying give us this state and see what we can make out of it. We are also saying that it is one of the ways you can bring about peace in Kaduna State”, he said.

    However, the agitators face opposition from the northern part of the Kaduna metropolis, especially Kaduna North, Kaduna South and Lere local government, which is located in the Northern Senatorial Zone.

    Goje is not disturbed by this because, according to him, “my colleagues from the northern part are also asking for their own state and we have a very good understanding between ourselves. The only gray area is how to handle Kaduna metropolis, which we will do through a round table negotiation and for the border communities. We will do a referendum for them to decide where they want to go. As far as we are concerned, we have an agreement with our brothers in the northern part of the state. We are prepared and working towards it to ensure that Kaduna State is divided into two.

    “My two senators – Makarfi and Nenadi Usman- are really working hard to make sure that they mobilise us to meet up with the requirement and whatever it takes for us to have a state and I am sure that the senator from zone two, even though he comes from a different political party, I am sure he shares the same dream”.

    The consciousness about the bebefits of an additional state is growing. A committee of elders set up by the state government, immediately after the sharia crisis in 2000, recommended the splitting of the state into two. The committee report, which was accepted by a government white paper said: “We hereby solemnly, unanimously and unequivocally resolve that, in the supreme interest of peace, security, development and welfare of our people, the present Kaduna State should be divided into two. We declare that this decision is not based on any ill-motives or ill-feelings or desire to hurt anybody or any group whatsoever.

    “We declare that in the new state, by the grace of God, we shall ensure justice, fair play and equity to all people regardless of their ethnic or religious affiliations. We declare that there shall be no interference with the rights of the people on their religious beliefs and traditions; and we declare that in the pursuit of the above declarations; we have taken cognisance of the provisions of the Nigerian Constitution”.

    The Kaduna State House of Assembly also passed a resolution sponsored by 11 members of the House on October 17, 2002 supporting the splitting of the state into two, in accordance with a position prepared by the delegates to the National Constitutional Conference.

    Senator Usman, who is a member of the Senate Committee on Constitution review, has motivated the Southern Kaduna agitators to repackage their request. They have got 100 per cent support from the elected representatives of the various local government areas that are supposed to constitute theproposed state and submitted the document to the National Assembly for consideration. The document, it was gathered, will be presented to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which is expected to conduct a referendum on the request, following its approval by the Senate.

     

  • ‘North should wait till 2019 for Presidency’

    ‘North should wait till 2019 for Presidency’

    Former Federal Capital Territory Minister and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Board of Trustees (BoT) memberAlhaji Mohammed Abba-Gana spoke with reporters in Lagos on the agitation for power shift by the North and other partisan issues. EMMANUEL OLADESU was there.

    You are a founding member of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Is the party still living up to the vision of its founding fathers?

    I have been in public affairs of this country since 1979. I was a commissioner from 1979 to 1983 and thereafter, I got more involved in politics. I was very active in politics in the Second Republic. I was in the 1994 Constitutional Conference as a delegate from Borno State. In this dispensation, I was among those who wrote the PDP manifestos under the chairmanship of the late Chief Sunday Awoniyi. So, I am a founding member of the party. One thing most people don’t know about the PDP is the background of the party. When Abacha died unexpectedly in June 1998, the political space just opened because Gen. Abubakar Abdusalami (rtd), who came in promised that he would hand over power to the civilians within a year. So, political activities started. But most politicians then looked back at history, because previously, all our parties were regional based and every time there was a general election, there were bitter disagreements and acrimonies all over the country, which the military cited as reasons for its interventions.

    So, when Abacha died, the political leaders decided that this time around, we must do away with ethnic or regional based political parties, so that we will have a situation where there is a large political party that will have its presence in every state of the federation and dominance in at least 70 per cent of the country, for us to really entrench democratic rule without much crisis. For this reason, the leaders of the PDP when we started in 1998 were drawn from across the six geo-political zones of the country. We got people of substance in every state to be part and parcel of the party, people like Awoniyi, Solomon Lar, Abubakar Rimi, Bamanga Tukur, Jubril Aminu, Alex Ekwueme and even the late Bola Ige. He (Ige) was actually the chairman of the party’s constitution drafting committee.

    After the launch of the PDP in August 1998, there was the local government election in December and the PDP won more than 400 local governments out of the 774 that we have in the country. This established the dominance of the party and in subsequent election in 1999; we won most of the governorship seats, the presidency and dominated the National Assembly. So, while we thank God for our democracy since then despite the challenges along the line, I will say that there is no major threat to the democratic order and that is the basis why the PDP is still very relevant in the affairs of the country. Without a political party being dominant in a polity, there would be no stability and in the process of nation-building, you need a kind of link up to get it right. If after every four or five years the military comes in, you will never hit the ground running. So, the background of the PDP is so comprehensive because political leaders from different backgrounds and every part of the country said enough was enough and decided to bury their differences to form the party to move the country forward. I won’t be far from the truth if I say that the PDP was deliberately engineered by politicians to entrench democratic order.

    Fourteen years down the line, would you say the party has sustained that vision of its founding fathers?

    Democratic culture and attitude must be developed over a period, because, if you get pushed aside every time that you start learning, you will never have good politicians. For example, if the unfortunate military coup of 1966 had not happened, believe me; Nigeria would have been as great as Brazil, Malaysia, India and South Korea because the visions of leaders like Nnamdi Azikiwe, Obafemi Awolowo and Ahmadu Bello were so great. You know that when the Western Nigeria Television Service was established in 1959, it was the only one in Africa. If that stride had continued, the black race would have benefited immensely from Nigeria in terms of knowledge and education. So, I will say that we had not developed because of lack of knowledge, but due to lack of stability. Military intervention over a long period forced Nigeria to stagnate, otherwise Nigerians are very bright. Even now, we export highly skilled professionals to several countries of the world. If you go to the Middle East, you will see Nigerian professionals driving their aviation sector; in Britain, you will see top Nigerian academicians, medical professionals and engineers; in the United States, it is even more. We have the skill and knowledge, what is lacking is the opportunity to harness our wisdom over a period but this is the only time that we have started. Because of the military’s intervention in our political process in 1999, we didn’t have the opportunity to form an elite consensus. There must be consensus between the elite on what they want for the country because they are the ones who are supposed to educate the rest. To answer your question directly, I will say that we are still on track because the PDP has ensured the entrenchment of democratic order and rule of law.

    What about the crises in the party?

    The crises in the party are imagined and they will die out very soon. That some people are grandstanding does not mean crises. You know that politics is about interest and accommodation of interest, so if people are jostling to promote or protect their interests, the time will come when the party will decide. In 2010, when President Umaru Yar’Adua died, there was a problem about succession, but we overcame. There was a problem about power shifting to the North because Yar’Adua didn’t complete his tenure, but our group differed with the Adamu Ciroma group on that. We said that it was not fair to take away the Presidency which the South-South got as a result of Yar’Adua’s death. We argued that such will severely disrupt the zoning arrangement in the PDP. As a result of this, there was crisis all over the place and we said; what do we do. The party agreed that let there be a primary. They nominated Atiku Abubakar and there was a primary at the Eagle Square between him and President Goodluck Jonathan. Like the say, the rest is history and we have moved on. So, all these things you call crises would soon be resolved and we will move on. There have always been crisis in political parties across the world and Nigeria is not an exception because politics is all about interest. You cannot play politics without disagreeing and agreeing, but it always end with the majority having its way while the minority have its say.

    But the minority seems to be having its way with recent development where 16 was said to be greater than 19.

    That is not true. The 16/19 impasse is really not important because the Nigeria Governors’ Forum, NGF, is a non-governmental organisation. Did we hear about a Governors’ Forum during the Second Republic? Did we lose anything because of that? No! President Shehu Shagari of the defunct National Party of Nigeria, NPN, was in Lagos with the state governor, Lateef Jakande, who was elected on the platform of the Unity Party of Nigeria, UPN, and there was no bickering. The problem with the NGF started when politics was introduced into the group by some of its members. For example, the Forum should have wisely avoided the PDP congress in Adamawa State by saying that it is a PDP affair and not its business because it has its members from the various political parties. But what did we see; the Adamawa State governor, Murtala Nyako ran to the forum, saying he needed protection. That was a contradiction because the issue on ground was a party affair. There was a query that originated from the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, over the conduct of the state PDP congress and based on that, the party’s national leadership ordered another congress for the state.

    Why is the PDP unable to resolve its lingering crises?

    The problem with the present dispensation is that we have a situation where the political parties are no longer supreme than their members unlike in the First and Second Republics. I was a commissioner in the Second Republic and I know how we respected our leaders. Take the case of Ondo State in 1983, when Chief Awolowo told those who were aspiring to replace Michael Ajasin to wait. They disagreed and Akin Omoboriowo went to the NPN and contested and they said he won, but he ran away from the state before the Supreme Court later restored the mandate to Ajasin. With Chief Adisa Akinloye as the chairman of the NPN, no governor of the party ever dared the party’s leadership. There was discipline then, but today we have individuals who are bigger than the leadership of their parties. So, I will appeal to all stakeholders to allow political misunderstandings or crisis to be resolved politically, because you cannot take a misunderstanding between you and the leadership of your party to court. If you cannot allow such disagreement to be resolved internally, you have the right to leave and form your own party or go to where your views would be accommodated.

    Do you have such internal mechanism for conflict resolution in the PDP and how was it applied in the recent case of the Rivers State PDP?

    The case of Rivers State was complicated by other circumstances. In life or public affairs, it is always better to ask what is right and not who is right. Once you start asking who is right or wrong, there would be more problem and you will not get a solution to it. But if you ask what is right or wrong, you will be more objective. Also, you should avoid bringing in ego when cases like that of Rivers occur. There is no American governor, who will not seriously respect the country’s president. Whether you are right or wrong, if the president says this is the way to go, you should just keep quiet. The dangerous dimension to the Rivers problem is that it has escalated to the whole of the South-South. The other governors in the zone see it that someone doesn’t like the President; that he wants to become the vice president that is why he is causing problem.

    But most Northern elders also seem to be against the President.

    It is not true. The North is not against President Jonathan because there are several well respected northern leaders the media may not know who are supporting him.

    So, what do make of the actions and utterances of some Northern elders like Prof. Ango Abdullahi?

    The Northern Elders Forum (NEF) led by Prof. Ango Abdullahi is just an interest group which is pursuing what I see as their own view of Northern interest, but there are other groups which are against them in the same North.

    Are you saying that Ango Abdullahi does not speak for the North?

    I doubt if he speaks for the North because the political parties are the only recognised institutions through which one can present oneself for an election and not through non-governmental organizations like NEF or the NGF. Ango Abdullahi and his group cannot organize any primary to nominate a candidate for the polls. They can only aggregate their views and channel it through a governor of their choice.

    Besides Ango Abdullahi, other political leaders in the North are insisting that the Presidency must return to the region. What is your reaction?

    Some people in the North want the presidency to come back to the region in 2015, but at the same time, others are saying there is nothing wrong in allowing President Jonathan to complete his eight years for fairness. Allowing Jonathan another four years will not take anything away from the North. Mind you the region has produced about eight or nine former heads of state of this country and it did not take away poverty from the North. We should not be talking as if the North has never had any president. We have had about eight or nine presidents, yet all the poverty, illiteracy, crises are in the North. So, if the previous eight or nine leaders, who are Northerners, did not make any difference, is it the remaining years of Jonathan that will kill the North?

    In other words, are you are saying that the five northern governors going round the country and meeting some statesmen pose no threat to Jonathan’s second term ambition?

    I have told you that the PDP was deliberately formed to engineer national unity and integration as well as democratic order, which no one can derail. I don’t see any of the governors leaving the PDP and I want to assure you that someone like Governor Sule Lamido of Jigawa State will never leave the PDP. He has been a consistent and very loyal member of the party and I think that he has not gotten like minds outside the PDP.

    Does that means there is no Northern agenda, even within the PDP itself against Jonathan’s ambition?

    This is a democracy, so the PDP as a party will not suppress the aspiration of anyone. But we should realise that the PDP has a sitting president and if Jonathan says that he wants to seek for a second term, there is no way the party will say no because there are several advantages for a party if a sitting president says he would like to seek for another term, which he is entitled to. If the President says he will seek another term, most of us will support him, because it would be very unwise even for the PDP itself to bring out another person while Jonathan is still sitting in the Aso Villa. How will you force him to support the new candidate?

    Do you support the right of first refusal advocated by the chairman of PDP Board of Trustees (BoT) Chief Tony Anenih?

    It will be a matter of consensus by the leadership of the party, so let the time come, we will take a decision on that. I am a very loyal and committed member of the PDP and I am also a member of the BoT and Chief Anenih is my chairman, so I wouldn’t want to contradict him in any way.

    What is the way out for the North?

    Gen T.Y Danjuma, our highly respected statesman, has told our Northern elite that the North needs to plan very well. He also said the North needed to work very hard and also relate better and talk less. If you ask me, the North needs another four years to plan, to relate better, to work hard and create a programme, so that this Boko Haram crisis, Jos crisis and so on will be settled. And we should search for and groom a leader from the North, who will unite the region and at the same time give Nigeria a very good leadership. But you can’t do this in a crash programme. And all these cannot be done with the governors going up and down.

    In 2011, President Jonathan savoured enormous political goodwill. But people now criticise him for poor performance. What went wrong?

    I am sorry to say that the Fourth Estate of the realm – the media, sometimes, unfortunately because of certain interests, magnifies issues. Some of the crises that we have now were not created by President Jonathan. For example, the Boko Haram insurrection has been there before Jonathan came in and I must say that it is worse than the Nigeria/Biafran war. The crisis is a misfortune but in spite of it, Jonathan is doing a lot of work, so we should commend him because no nation can face such level of insurrection and still carry on with governance and infrastructural development.

  • Amid crisis, Anambra PDP prepares for poll

    Amid crisis, Anambra PDP prepares for poll

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has released its timetable for the November 16 governorship election in Anambra State. But the crisis rocking the troubled chapter may rob it of victory, reports Assistant Editor AUGUSTINE AVWODE.

    The crisis-ridden Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has an agenda in Anambra State. The party chieftains have vowed to reclain power at the November 16 governorship election.

    The party will be locked in the battle for the governorship with the new mega opposition party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the ruling All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA).

    For the PDP chieftains, the ego of the party has been deflated by its persistent electoral failure to capture the number one seat.

    The PDP is not perceived as the main opposition party in Anambra State. The performance of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) in the previous elections has reduced the PDP’s influence in the state.

    As a demonstration of its readiness to win back the state, the PDP recently released its timetable for the proposed contest in Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). At the meeting presided over by the National Chairman, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, the party announced that the sale and return of the ‘Expression of Interest (EoI) Form’ would take place between August 1 andAugust 5. The price is N10 million each. Then, the state congress to pick the party’s candidate will hold on August 24. The submission of the candidate’s name to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is on Friday, August 30.

    Repeat of 2010 experience

    Barely two days after the release of the time-table, 27 chieftains obtained the forms. This may translate into a rancorous primary election. The development immediately sent strong signals that the party has serious challenges to contend with, if it must make good its promise to win the state back from the APGA, or deal with the threat posed by the All Progressives Congress (APC) chieftain, Senator Chris Ngige.

    A chieftain of the party, who spoke with The Nation on the condition of anonymity, said that he is worried because the development portends grave danger for the party. He said the large number of aspirants is worrisome.

    “The party would like to win the state, but I tell you, as an individual, I am not comfortable with the large number of people who purchased the form within two days. Curiously, almost half of them are women. Where have you seen that before, if not that somebody already has a hidden agenda? There we go again. I pray there is no repeat of the 2010 fiasco.”

    But at the close of work on August 5, when the sale of the nomination form closed, only a little above half of the number who obtained the form were able to meet the conditions stipulated by the party, including the payment of the N10 million for men and N5 million for women.

    A source said: “But for the financial hurdle, the whole exercise could have gone hay wire by now. In 2010, the Expression of Interest Formwas N250,000.00 while the nomination form was N3 million. It was the highest in the country then and it caused some uproar.

    “This time, the party had to quickly deal with the situation, once they discovered that some people were bent on causing mischief. Only about two-third of them were able to meet the condition. With a multitude of aspirants, it would create confusion. But even then, the danger is still not yet averted. Those who sponsored hair dressers to take the first form may be out there devising other means to ensure that, if they fail to clinch the ticket, the party goes down. That was what happened in 2010. We must avoid a repeat. And the party must act accordingly”, he said.

    Consensus candidacy

    Party sources said that the reason for the large number of aspirants was to force the party to consider the option of consensus for the choice of the party’s candidate. But, the national leadership of the PDP had, during the meeting with the party’s stakeholders, resolved not to pick its flag bearer through a consensus arrangement, preferring to go through the party primaries.

    The aspirants include the former student activist, Dr Tony Nwoye, Senator Andy Uba (Anambra South), Afam Onwuanyi from Nkwelle Ezunaka, Oyi Local Government Area, Prince Nicholas Ukachukwu from Osumenyi, Nnewi South Local Government Area, former federal legislator Nze Akachukwu Nwankpo from Okija, Ihiala Local Government Area, and Obinna Uzor from Ihiala Council Area, Walter Okeke from Nanka, Orumba North Local Government Area, Ugochukwu Okeke from Ihiala, South Senatorial District; Senator Alphonsus Igbeke from Nsugbe, North Senatorial District, and Dr Alex Obiogbolu from Onitsha North.

    How to ensure a united house after the primary election is one of the challenges the party would face in the days ahead. A source in the state told The Nation that the party may have succeeded to a large extent in checking the effect of the large number of aspirants. “The fact is that the high cost of the form has indeed, succeeded in considerably reducing the danger and threat posed by the deployment of stooges and proxies by desperate individuals. Nobody knows their next trick. The party must act smart now, or else, it would find itself in a position where it is late to do anything to stop the opposition from getting to the Government House, Awka ahead of us”, he said.

    Factionalisation of PDP

    Another challenge confronting the PDP factionalisation. For now, there are two major factions. Some chieftains are parading themselves as the authentic chairmen.

    Prince Kenneth Emeakayi is the chairman recognised by the electoral commission. But a section of the National Working Committee (NWC) has claimed that Ejike Oguebego is the authentic chairman. The implication of this is too grave to be underrated. Whether theparty likes it or not, it must find a solution to the leadership crisis.

    Already, it was resolved at the party’s stakeholders meeting in Abuja that the factions should submit their membership lists. The goal is to harmonise the lists and arrive at a complete membership list for the August 21 primaries. As a condition, each faction must not only have membership cards, but must produce the evidence of financial membership. Party leaders believe that it the only means of preventing fake party members from participating in the primaries.

    The Soludo experience

    Former Governor of Central Bank Prof. Charles Soludo was the PDP governorship candidate in the 2010 election. Recently, he defected to the APGA. Analysts fear that, unless the PDP moves to put its house in order, there could be a repeat of the Soludo experience in the party on a larger scale immediately after the November 16 election. The emergence of Soludo in 2010 caused disaffection. Many of those who contested with him openly declared that they would work against the interest of the party. Some of them carried out their threats.

    Senator Uba left the fold for the Labour Party, emerging as the flag bearer. He came a distant third in the election. If he had stayed in the party and joined forces with Soludo, the party would have won the election. That Soludo waited this long before jumping ship is indicative of the direction of things in the party in Anambra State.

    Anambra PDP elders are worried about the likely outcome of the primaries. They are troubled by their past experience. The elders, it was learnt, are pushing for a thorough screening of the aspirants.

    They also want some criteria to guide the screening pannel. A party source said that the party also want PDP to anticipate post-primary crisis and eveolve means of revolving it to prevent chaos.

    True reconciliation

    Another thing that the party must do in the state is to ensure that it carries out a true reconciliation of aggrieved members in the state. The party must take advantage of two things. The Governor Seriake Dickson-led PDP Reconciliation Committee can assist in bringing about truce in the party. Also, the Board of Trustees(BOT) members, including Second Republic Vice President Alex Ekwueme, Senator Onyeabor Obi, Josephine Anenih and Chief Maxwell can reconcile the factions.

  • How Abiola was betrayed —Adefuye

    How Abiola was betrayed —Adefuye

    In this interview with Associate Editor, Sam Egburonu, Senator Anthony Ogungbemi Adefuye, an All Progressives Congress (APC), chieftain, assesses Nigeria’s political dilemma and reveals how the late MKO Abiola was betrayed. Excepts

     

    As you celebrate your 69th birthday this weekend, what would you say has changed between the time you were young and now, especially the way politics is played?

    When I was younger, I would not say I understood clearly the way politics was played then. But all I can remember is that people were godly, kind and honest then and so we had good time growing up. We went to school and were taught by good and dedicated teachers. We were happy growing up. It coincided with the time politics had become part of Nigeria.

    So, we grew into democracy and people thought there would be a change for the better. But unfortunately, the first democracy we had, during the Shehu Shagari era, was a bad era. Since then, each time there was a military take over and we all hoped for a change for a new beginning. But unfortunately, each of the new beginning had always been worse and worse. The military only wanted to change uniform.

    Where did we miss it as a nation? Can you pinpoint where we missed it?

    If I want to talk about where we missed it, it will take a whole day. I will therefore prefer to talk about some new and positive developments in Nigeria.

    One of it is the registration of the new mega party, All Progressives Congress (APC), which we believe will challenge the PDP. With this development, we are moving towards two party system as happened in Europe and America, where there are just two major political parties.

    Also in recent time, we are witnessing a situation where some northern governors are supporting southern presidential aspirants and some southern governors are supporting northern presidential aspiarnts. That is also a new development that I consider positive. It shows that people are beginning to see beyond boundaries. Very soon, Nigerians will begin to emphasise the need for good people to emerge as elected leaders

    But it seems the National Assembly itself is not performing it’s functions properly. As a former senator, do you think this National Assembly is doing what it should do in our present our present circumstance?

    There are a lot of cash and carry at the National Assembly now. When we were in the National Assembly, the civil servants paid our salaries. They just pay it into your account. We didn’t discuss salaries on the floor of the House. We had nothing to do with contracts. We just dealt with the law. But the National Assembly members are now involved with many oversight functions, which include awarding of contracts, which include what they call constituency projects. You cannot be awarding contracts and also be making laws at the same time. If you ask a lawmaker today he would tell you he must do it to deliver dividends of democracy, and after taking, say N40million in a quarter, he would go and buy two sewing machines and two pepper grinder and call in newsmen to record his delivery of dividends of democracy to the people. So, we are a sinking nation. I won’t say a condemned people.

    This problem, does it not have something to do with the law, the constitution?

    I do not accept the claim that it is the problem of existing laws because we were using almost the same laws when things were going on well. The problem now is that we have put the wrong people to operate the constitution.

    Talking about wrong leaders, don’t you think it starts from the way party primaries are conducted here?

    Yes, hardly do political parties conduct primaries now. That is one of the major problems we have and that is what is destroying PDP now. Since Chief Tony Anenih announced that the president, senators etc would return automatically, that was the beginning of the uproar. You don’t do such things. Anenih who announced it did not win his Edo constituency, did not win even his ward.

    Do you think the Chairman of Independent National Electoral Commission, Dr. Attahiru Jega, has the capacity to bring in the new political era we are all expecting?

    Well, if you had asked this question two weeks ago, I would have said yes. But two weeks ago, I saw Jega in Aso Rock. What was he doing there? A neutral umpire should not be going to Aso Rock up and down. They should come to him if they need anything. I am sure that INEC has enough independence now. Even funding, it has almost direct access to its funds. So, what was he looking for in Aso Rock? We have to be very careful. He is a respected Nigerian, who people expect to deliver and he has improved on the past. But we still need a lot of improvements. Nigerians really believe in Jega and I hope he would not disappoint us.

    What specific reforms would you want in INEC?

    I believe Nigerians should vote for whoever should lead INEC. He should not be an appointee of one man. The same thing should be applicable to the Chief Justice of Nigeria. He should be elected by Nigerians. That way, they will know they were elected just like Mr. President. Their loyalty will then be to the people and not to the almighty president.

    So, you admit part of the problem is the law?

    Yes, part of the problem is the law. The INEC must be completely neutral and if I were Jega, I would have laid off most people because most of the people in INEC have soiled their hands. Ordinary registration of a party has taken so long to announce that the party has been registered.

    What is the solution to Nigeria’s political dilemma? Which structure will help the country to develop?

    We have always craved to regionalize the Nigerian body. Before we had, the west, the east and the north. Now we have six zones. We can really have these six regional governments and have a weak centre, where what would connect us at the centre would be immigration, customs, military, currency and such like. This will work because it has worked before when we had the three regions. The earlier we do this, the better for Nigeria. The reason is this, these states are so independent that sometimes they go out of control. That is why there is Boko Haram in most of the states in the North-East. When Nasarawa State started this, we did not clip it in time. When the then Zanfara State governor, Yerima,  said he wanted to Islamize his state, talking about Sharia, they would have declared a state of emergency in that state at that time and that would have checked everybody. Instead, some were saying every state has independence, they can do whatever they like. No, you cannot do whatever you like! They must be some limits on what you can do and what you cannot do. We are also saying local governments can do whatever they want. No! There must be some control somewhere. You cannot just  tell the 778 local governments that they are on their own. No, it is not possible. Somebody must be in control. So, we need to, where necessary, amend the constitution.

    Which specific areas do we need to amend?

    I think we should create a Nigerian federation, and these six zones should become the federating units. Each of the six zones should have a Prime Minister and then we should have the President at the centre. If you like, you can create as many states and local governments as you like in your zone. It will reduce overhead and let each zone concentrate on the things they believe will favour them. You will also have a better union that way.

    Haven said that, the ultimate is to have a unitary government as they have in America, where each federating unit will be encouraged to develop their areas of economic advantage: mining here, industry there, and agriculture the other place. That is the best form of government which our forefathers wanted to do at that time, the unitary government, but because of fear of tribalism, nepotism, etc,  it could not survive. But a unitary government at the centre, with six regions should be our best system now.

    With the registration of APC, there is the belief that Nigeria may be heading to a two party state. What do you think would be the effect of APC’s emergence to the polity?

    I think the registration of APC is one of the best things that has happened to Nigerian politics in recent times. Now, we have two giant political parties, APC and PDP. These two parties envelope the whole of Nigeria, cut across the whole of Nigeria and so there would be healthy competition between the two parties. You now have alternative unlike before when it was just PDP and all the others were just regional parties. It is now as it was when we had SDP and NRC. It is a good development for Nigeria and it will improve our politics.

    Talking about APC, there is fear by its critics as to whether the top leaders of the party, like General Muhammadu Buhari and Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, will agree on issues like presidential candidate and topmost leadership of the party?

    You narrowed it down to two people: General Buhari and Asiwaju Bola Tinubu.

    I can assure you that APC is more than that. APC is beyond those two leaders. Of course, we must acknowledge that those two were the two major people that brought about the fusion that gave birth to APC. Once there is a fusion, the party is beyond them. APC is now a very big party. It is not Buhari or Asiwaju’s party anymore. But people look up to them for good leadership, having brought about this fusion and I am sure they all have their good sides and we hope to tap those good sides from two of them to make a better party.

    But Buhari has always wanted to be a civilian president. Is it possible for him to let go?

    There is nothing that is impossible. He has said it several times that it is not a do or die affair but I think if Buhari says he doesn’t want to be president, Nigerians should start weeping.

    Why?

    Because we are going to have a good president in Buhari. I am convinced. He has demonstrated it before. He was chairman of Petroleum Trust Funds, we did not see any form of corruption or embezzlement, etc.  He has shown himself as a good leader.

    There is this impression that you are working for President Jonathan?

    Who, me? I am an ACN, now APC man!

    Critics said your plans for Jonathan was behind the Southern Leaders Forum project?

    Southern Leaders Forum is an apolitical group. We are only interested in what happens in our region. If you have a president who is from your region, definitely, you will have sympathy for that person. Our Yoruba people say no matter how flat the bottom of your child is, you don’t put the chain on the bottom of another child. You wear the chain on your child. What we have said in Southern Nigerian People Assembly is that the constitution allows him to run again if his party allows him to run again, then he could be allowed to run, that was what we said.

    In other words, you endorsed him for 2015 presidency?

    No, we did not.

    Your role in the negotiations for late MKO Abiola’s release from prison is still an issue. Did the Yoruba elders handle the matter well enough?

    They were negotiating with MKO behind bars. When they were supposed to demand for his release and for the validation of June 12, they requested for the military to remain in power for three months and then organise a proper election. That was when they killed MKO and when we got to MKO’s  house when he died, they attacked us because they were afraid we were going to talk.

    Was that what happened sir? Because the rumour then was that you were attacked because you compromised?

    How would I have compromised? I was not in government, I did not take any board appointment. In fact, General Diya  is alive today, you ask him what happened and who they dreaded most? I was the most dreaded. I was the one they could not talk to. I was the one they wanted to kill. Compromised? They ruined my business. Aresco was classified as MKO’s company. The British government came to my house and gave me a visa and said they would give me asylum I did not leave. Compromised? I can show you a picture of those who went to Aso Rock receiving gratis, when their booths were being loaded with money. It is not yet time to talk. I didn’t want to talk at that time because I felt the Yoruba people have gone through a lot of troubles. I want to say to you that most of them did not want MKO to be president.

    So, why were they after you?

    You know that most of them went to the central party and I remained in UNCP and UNCP won most of the seats in the west. That was the anger. They thought my profile was rising above theirs. That was all and they wanted to kill me there. It was inside MKO’s house that I was attacked, not even outside. They were angry about the uproar and reception that greeted me when I arrived. So, when I got in, they asked Shofolowan to throw me out. Where have you seen older people arranging the burial of a younger person? Most of them sitting down there were older than Abiola. When Abiola sent s letters from prison, he sent to me and not to most of them. He listed the names of the 50 people he sent it to. They even refused to release my copy. I don’t want to talk yet. People were not just honest with MKO.

     

  • Has Obi endorsed Obiano?

    Has Obi endorsed Obiano?

    Anambra State Governor, Peter Obi, may have finally revealed his plan on who succeeds him in 2015. The recent entry of a banker, Willy Obiano, to contest the governorship is said to be causing ripples within the ruling All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA). Obiano, a former Executive Director of Fidelity Bank (where Obi allegedly controls the majority stake), is alleged to be Obi’s long time confidant and financial advisor and a man whom he can trust to watch his back when he vacates the government house next year.

  • Akwa Ibom 2015: Umana’s new game plan

    Akwa Ibom 2015: Umana’s new game plan

    The fall-out between Akwa Ibom State governor, Godswill Akpabio, and his close political associate, Umana Okon Umana, though resolved on the surface, may rear its ugly head again in the run-up to the 2015 general elections. Remi Adelowo reports

    Until the unexpected sack (or resignation) of Umana Okon Umana as the Secretary to Akwa Ibom State Government, a few weeks ago, his relationship with the state governor, Godswill Akpabio, could be described as near-perfect.

    This was quite understandable. Both men had struck a bond over 14 years ago while serving as commissioners in the administration of ex-Governor Victor Obong Attah, who ruled the state from 1999 to 2007.

    The relationship moved on to another level following Akpabio’s election as Attah’s successor in 2007.

    Umana was one of the few aides of Attah who stood by Akpabio in the acrimonious battle for the governorship ticket of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    While Attah allegedly favoured his son-in-law, Dr. Udoma Bob Ekarika, who served as the Commissioner for Health, to succeed him, other stakeholders, including Umana, threw their weight behind Akpabio.

    No one gave Akpabio any chance in the 2007 PDP governorship primaries. But banking on the support of powerful forces both within and outside the state, particularly in the Presidency, Akpabio coasted to victory beating over 20 aspirants to the exalted seat.

    As compensation for his role in Akpabio’s emergence as governor, Umana was appointed as SSG, a position he held until recently when he unexpectedly threw in the towel.

    So unceremonious was Umana’s exit from the cabinet that he was reportedly locked out of his office by security operatives, who allegedly acted on the governor’s directive.

    The ugly episode occurred less than 48hours after Umana formally announced his intention to contest the 2015 governorship election. His statement, which did not come as a surprise to stakeholders in the politics of the state, however, did not go down well with his boss, who was then on a trip outside the country.

    Before he formally declared his governorship ambition a few weeks ago, Umana had, in the last one year, kept sealed lips on this issue, preferring his supporters to do the subtle campaign for him.

    But in spite of his stance, not a few people in the state believed he was Akpabio’s anointed candidate as the next governor of Akwa Ibom State.

    Sources say so entrenched was Umana’s influence in the government that he was referred to as the de facto deputy governor of the state, who largely determined who got what and how in the administration.

    But his statement to contest the 2015 race without allegedly taking the governor into confidence exposed his vulnerability.

    The Nation gathered that Umana’s reported lock-out from his office, leading to his resignation, caused a major crisis within government circles, most especially among commissioners, special advisers and other top government officials, most of who felt he (Umana) does not deserve the ill treatment.

    Worried that the crisis could cause a major crack in his government if not quickly nipped in the bud, the governor was alleged to have cut short his trip to embark on a rapprochement with Umana by heading straight to the latter’s residence on his arrival in Uyo, the state capital.

    At the end of their closed-door meeting, the two men agreed to bury the hatchet, citing a breakdown in communication as the reason for their feud.

    It was based on this reconciliation that Umana accepted the governor’s invitation at the inauguration of the new SSG, Udom Gabriel Emmanuel, a former Executive Director of Zenith Bank.

     

    Zoning controversy still raging

    The controversy over the unwritten zoning policy, which will ensure the rotation of the governorship seat among the three senatorial districts in the state, is still raging despite Umana’s exit from the government.

    For the people of Eket Senatorial zone, the general consensus is that 2015 is their turn to produce the governor of the state after the tenure of Victor Attah from Uyo, who served for two terms (1999-2007) and Akpabio from Ikot Ekpene senatorial zone serving out his two terms in office in 2015.

    Umana’s declaration for the governorship, if allowed to stand, would have rubbished the zoning arrangement as he hails from Uyo zone, which has had its taste of the plum position from 1999 to 2007.

    Up until recently, the governor had consistently advocated for a merit-based process to determine who emerges as his successor without recourse to the zoning formula.

    But sources disclosed that the governor may have had a change of mind on the issue following tremendous pressures on him by some forces within the state, the leadership of the PDP and the Presidency.

     

    Other side of the argument

    Another reason cited as to why Akpabio dumped Umana may not be unconnected to the argument of certain individuals close to him that Umana, when he becomes governor, will be too difficult to control.

    This school of thought was also alleged to have convinced the governor that Umana is too rich and independent-minded to keep deferring to his (Akpabio’s) leadership with the reins of power firmly in his grips.

    Before his appointment as the Commissioner for Finance in 1999 (a position he held for eight years), Umana retired as a director in the state budget office. He also served as SSG for six years and is widely perceived as very wealthy.

    Other sources in the state revealed that Umana’s refusal of an offer to become the next Managing Director of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), while insisting on the governorship, is another source of controversy over his next agenda.

     

    Umana’s new game plan

    Unconfirmed speculations have it that in spite of his well-publicised reconciliation with the governor, Umana may likely go ahead with his plan to contest for the 2015 governorship race.

    Already, emissaries are being sent to the former SSG by prominent figures of opposition parties in the state to dump the PDP and join them.

    The possibility of leaving PDP, revealed sources, may have informed Akpabio’s visit to Umana where he allegedly apologised to the former, while he also appealed to his former SSG not to leave the PDP.

    The fear in government circles in the state is that Umana knows too much about Akpabio, which has necessitated the need to keep him within the PDP at all cost.

    Promises are being made to the former SSG, one of which is a ministerial appointment in 2015.

    If this plan remains unchanged, the political configuration of the state, post-2015, will have the incumbent governor as a senator, while a candidate from Eket will emerge as governor, with the ministerial slot ceded to Uyo senatorial zone.

    All of these permutations, no doubt, indicate interesting times ahead in the politics of the oil-rich South South state.

  • Genesis of Adamawa’s political feud

    Genesis of Adamawa’s political feud

    Barnabas Manyam in Yola traces the roots of the current political crisis in Adamawa State and reports that the embattled governor may join a vibrant opposition party ahead of 2015 if his reconciliation efforts fail

     

    The internal feud rocking the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Adamawa State may not abate for now until a meaningful dialogue with the emergent forces of the two combatant factions is held. Investigation shows that if this is not done, PDP’s continuous control of the state in 2015 will not be certain, as Governor Murtala Nyako’s political strategists are already making alternative plans to join a vibrant opposition party ahead of 2015.

    The state governor, Murtala Nyako, since his inauguration in 2007, has employed various tactics to contain rampaging forces from outside, and even within his cabinet and his party, the PDP.

    Although skirmishes are normal features in any democratic practice, the Adamawa case study has, however, lingered to a worrisome dimension in the past, due largely to the hate campaign that characterised the last governorship election in the state.

    Interestingly, Nyako happens to be the only governor in recent history to have contested for the same office three times and winning same without incumbency advantage, having been a victim of judicial pronouncements on his seat many times over. This, according to sources, was the genesis of the political feud, because the judicial fireworks were handiworks of anti-Nyako elements in the PDP.

    Fascinatingly, a deliberate political scenario was created by top echelons, which has pitched one ethnic group against the other, all for political gains. The self-serving intrigues remotely guiding the hate campaign against Nyako and his government are, however, glaring for those who see with prescient and lucid views.

    To a large extent, there appears to be some kind of advantage that accrues to those bent on perpetrating the dissensions, not taking into cognisance the collateral damage the entire state is facing or its citizenry stands to incur as a result of their actions.  It is hoped that peace will subsist in Adamawa State, at least before the next round of elections. But, right now, the PDP remains a house in disarray, judging by many internal battles and high profile sabotage being masterminded by some of its chieftains. To say the least, the PDP under Nyako has had to contend more with fifth columnists from within its fold than defending itself from opposition parties in the state.

    Looking back, soon after election in 2007 and later after the elections in 2008 due to a tribunal ruling, Nyako had to draw more from his military experience to survive and to remain the landlord of the Dougirei Government House.

    As the state continues to grapple with the intense fighting within the party, the reasons for the deep-seated in-fighting remains a mirage, at least, to the common people of the state. To the masses, the feud could be on account of anything but service delivery. This is because Nyako’s new government is held in high esteem by the masses on the premise of infrastructural development; water supply, health care delivery and education development, which led the Nyako government to win prestigious prizes as the overall best performing state in Nigeria in the educational sector.

    Despite that, some PDP top echelon, said to be Abuja-based, insisted that the government is a misnomer. They accused Nyako of selective empowerment and of running an exclusive government, with social services and development programmes not equitably distributed. Thus, to these critics, his administration was designated as government of “family and friends.”

    However, Nyako’s admirers and the teeming populace have always queried the allegation that any social service or development programme was not equitably distributed. “Are there some people who were denied the use of roads constructed by this government, or are there those who were denied access to hospitals, schools or pipe-borne water that runs through homes across the state,” an associate of the governor asked?

    He further cited Nyako’ s many feats to include what he described as “the first of its kind,” in area of skills acquisition programme in Nigeria, where young people drawn from the 21 local government areas of the state are imparted with technical skills in strict compliance with German technical standard to boost technology transfer and special skills resource of the state.

     

    Fate of the opposition

    While the in-house battle rages within the PDP, the opposition could best be described as docile, as they are rarely heard coming hard on any government policy, which prompted a conclusion by supporters of “Baba Mai Mangoro”, as vice Admiral Nyako is fondly called, that the ship of state is in the capable hands of a competent navigator who happens to be an experienced seaman.

    The passivity of the opposition, argues Nyako supporters, speaks volume of their endorsement of this government. This view has to a reasonable extent been corroborated by political commentators in the state who hold that in a few cases where a row ensued between the government and any of the opposition parties in the state, one or some PDP characters were fingered as masterminds.

    In the past, a socio-cultural group, Adamawa United Forum (AUF), came hard on the way and manner Nyako was running the state. AUF accused the retired seaman of nepotism, accusing the governor of hoisting himself up as the alpha and omega in the state.

     

    Nyako’s sins

    The question many observers are asking today is, what are Nyako’s sins that most of those who fought for his victory have turned around to cripple his government?

    This question is what the cabal that was formed as soon as Tukur became the national chairman of the PDP could not find answers to, but now appears the public may need to wear its thinking cap to get to the root of the matter as what we gathered may not be palatable to all.

    Alhaji Umaru Mijinyawa Kugama, state chairman of the PDP, once described the internal wrangling within the party as a fight over bounties of a political victory.”Believe me, Governor Nyako is just grappling with an age-long tradition of sharing state resources among the upper echelon after a political victory like this. What he met on ground was a ‘come, let us chop’ kind of a situation, but he said ‘no, it must not continue.’ That is all I can tell you,”  Kugama stated.

    While this argument seems to douse curiosity, Dr Umar Ardo, governorship aspirant with a vibrant opposition voice, on the other hand, has grabbed the judiciary by the jugular to chase the Kugama-led Exco of the PDP out. Ardo argued that the Kugama-led Executive Committee was constituted in breach of the party’s constitution.

    However, political commentators say Kugama, having been duly elected to serve for a period, should be allowed to complete his tenure. This argument is premised on the fact that Kugama should not suffer for a wrong he has no hands in, seeing he was elected state chairman of the party by delegates of the party.

    While the battle rages on, the Tukur-led National Working Committee (NWC) suspended Kugama and a caretaker chairman in the person of Damagun, who was appointed soon after a controversial state congress was conducted, leaving out the Nyako-led PDP in the cold. It was that congress that produced Chief Joel Hammanjoda Madaki.

    Soon after Madaki’s emergence, the litmus test of who becomes the member representing Jereng constituency in the State Assembly was hovering on the blink menacingly. Two congresses were conducted by Madaki and Kugama, but later the INEC, which had supervised the two congresses, rejected that of Kugama and accepted that of Madaki.

    The election was allegedly conducted in the sitting governor’s home local government area of Mayo Belwa and PDP won, but the victory left a bitter test in the mouth of the two PDP factions.

    Today, the relationship between these two factions has become so irreconcilable that it is certain the state and the citizenry would be the worse for it.

    The stakeholders of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Adamawa State, especially those loyal to Governor Murtala Nyako, have finally resolved to dump the party in Adamawa State.

    This fresh development, we exclusively uncovered, will be implemented if all the current efforts by Nyako at reconciliation fail.

  • Is Suntai returning soon?

    Is Suntai returning soon?

    The recent publication of the pictures in some newspapers of the ailing Governor of Taraba State, Danbaba Suntai, has raised expectations among his supporters that he will return soon to the country to reclaim his seat. But there are other politicians in the state who think otherwise. Their argument is that the governor’s pictures being churned out in recent times is a ploy to keep buying time and to prevent the acting governor of the state, Alhaji Garba Umar, from further consolidating on the seat. Umar, in the last few months, has fired about two commssioners, the SSG and the Chief of Staff, who are all staunch supporters of Suntai.

     

  • The politics of Okorocha

    The politics of Okorocha

    Governor Rochas Okorocha of Imo State, who was last weekend suspended by All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) for joining the All Progressives Congress, has become one of the most talked about politician in Nigeria. Associate Editor, Sam Egburonu, takes a look at his politics since 1999, wondering what it holds for his state and the South-East.

     

    To some observers, Governor Rochas Okorocha of Imo State is a political puzzle, a riddle that needs to be solved. This is because, while his political rivals criticize what they call his unpredictable style, he has remained on the high beat since he first made appearance in the intriguing Nigerian political theatre, some 14 years ago.

    What is more, the Imo State governor has consistently drawn attention to himself and his style of governance, both because of his sheer speed and his seeming love to walk where Angels are afraid to thread. This trait has seen him involved in one political controversy after the other.

    The latest being his reported suspension from All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) for being involved in the formation of All Progressives Congress (APC).

    Close examination of Okorocha’s political history shows that in joining APC, in spite of the disapproval of some of his close political associates from APGA and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), is hardly out of character.

    Born September 22, 1962 in Ogboko, Ideato South, Imo State, Okorocha’s political career can be traced back to pre- 1999 return to civilian democracy, when he served as a Commissioner on the Federal Character Commission and when he served as a member of the National Constitutional Conference.

    He began active political contest in 1999, when he competed in the primaries to be People’s Democratic Party (PDP) candidate for the governor’s seat in Imo State. He lost to Achike Udenwa and not satisfied with the circumstances that led to his loss, moved to the All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP). A source, very lose to the governor said top PDP leaders then tried hard to convince Okorocha to remain in the big family but he resisted what he allegedly described as undemocratic ways of selecting party candidates in PDP then.

    His political career got a huge boost in the then leading opposition party, ANPP, for in 2003, he emerged the party’s presidential candidate.

    He returned to the PDP and was appointed a Special Adviser on Inter-Party Affairs to the then President Olusegun Obasanjo.

    Not satisfied again, he formed the Action Alliance (AA) party in 2005, a party some alleged he floated just to fly the presidential flag again in the 2007 elections.

    However, he again returned to the PDP, and in September 2007 was one of the aspirants for the seat of the party’s National Chairman.

    But the local politics in Imo State, especially the high wire intrigues that characterized his political face-off with former Governor Ikedi Ohakim, culminated in his final exit from the PDP, in spite of interventions from PDP leaders like Obasanjo. He flew APGA’s flag in the April 2011 national elections and after the prolonged intrigues became the state governor.

    In APGA, the political battle continued, as many insiders resented what one of them described as Okorocha’s “excess independence of mind.” As a result of his refusal to be controlled they soon evolved alleged leadership rivalry between Governor Peter Obi of Anambra State and Okorocha. The Nation learnt that this rivalry at a time pitched the party’s National Chairman, Chief Victor Umeh, in-between the two governors. “ Okorocha’s flamboyant style, said one APGA official in Anambra did not help matters, as Obi’s camp accused Umeh of ceding the national leadership of the party to Okorocha.”

    It was at this stage that the merger challenge to form APC began. According to the source, the others were confused following what he described as Okorocha’s speed at joining the new party.

    He alleged that the governor was suspended not only because he left but because he couldn’t wait for an agreement.

    Explaining why Okorocha did not hesitate before embracing the option, one of his political associates, who said he was not asked to talk, said “ Okorocha hates delays. To him, what needs to be done must be done with the speed of light if possible.”

    But Okorocha, who reacted to his suspension, maintained that he joined APC because the future of Ndigbo was bright in the new party.

    So, he said he was not perturbed  by his suspension. According to him, “APC remains the best vehicle to promote the interest of our people. PDP has marginalised the South-East and has nothing to show for all its years in power.”

    He urged all Igbos to join the APC, which he noted guarantees equity and political opportunities denied by the ruling party.

    “The purported action of a faction of APGA is of little political consequence as the party lacks the national spread to ensure the Igbo make significant headway in the political leadership of the nation,” Okorocha said.

    He explained that before the emergence of APC, the politics of the South-East geo-political zone has suffered greatly and it has become certain that majority of the electorates and political leaders there, were  in search of change.

    The Nation’s investigation confirms that the primary allegation for the growing quest for change in the zone was, as the governor said, that the PDP, which has dominated the politics of the zone since 1999, has been unable to resolve, satisfactorily, the deep feeling of marginalisation amongst the people.

    Even the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), which many of the people saw as their own, had been stalled by continuous internal crises and intrigues, thus leaving the zone largely naked, politically.

    Given this reality, Okorocha’s supporters said majority of Ndigbo, especially those dissatisfied with the status quo, see the emergence of APC as the long awaited opportunity for political deliverance, adding that such electorates and political stalwarts enthusiastically embraced the new party even before the conclusion of the registration process.

    Not impressed by the claims, APGA last weekend suspended Okorocha “for engaging in anti-party activities.”

    Notice of the suspension was contained in a communiqué signed by the National Chairman of the party, Chief Victor Umeh, at the end of the party’s National Executive Meeting last week’s Saturday in Abuja.

    The communiqué noted that “rising from an emergency NEC meeting in Abuja, APGA unanimously resolved to dissolve the Imo executive committee of the party.

    “The party’s NEC has also resolved to appoint a 21-man caretaker committee to oversee its affairs in Imo until a congress is held.”

    It regretted that a governor on the platform of APGA could decide to act contrary to the constitution of the party that voted him into power.”

    APC in South East, in support of Okorocha, described his suspension  from APGA as “the final phase of a possible merger of the party (APGA) with the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).”

    In a statement issued by APC South East Zonal Publicity Secretary, Osita Okechukwu, the party alleged that “the first phase to merge APGA with PDP started with the South-East Zonal Rally of the PDP before the 2011 general elections, where APGA publicly declared support for the PDP.”

    APC lamented that “APGA National Chairman, Victor Umeh, who fought gallantly against this unholy merger, has finally capitulated.”

    As Okorocha spreads his new found gospel that APC will serve Ndigbo better than PDP and APGA, it seems the South-East political theatre has become more complicated, electrified and intriguing. More politicl land mines have just been planted and the actor’s survival antenna must be more sensitive to ensure victory.

    The question now is, how far can Okorocha and other APC leaders in the zone go, ahead this years’s elections in Anambra and the general elections in Imo State and other South-East states in 2015? The game has just begun!

     

  • APC: The real hurdles

    APC: The real hurdles

    The All Progressives Congress (APC) has finally applied to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) for registration. This marks the attainment of a high degree of preparation for contesting the 2015 election. Hopefully, with that move and the consequent INEC decision, the controversy over which is the real APC would be resolved and a higher gear engaged by the political association.

    By this, I am not being simplistic. I am not unaware that issues could always crop up requiring attention and impeding movement. But, it is my contention that registration represents only one real hurdle: fulfilling the legal requirement. The party has already done what is expected of it at this stage. It has painstakingly gone through the process of agreeing on a name, a logo and flag. The issue of officers and how they are to be picked has, also, been presumably settled. The ball is now in INEC’s court to prove if it is indeed an extension of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party. Thereafter, the matter could be tackled.

    However, the registration hurdle is the lowest. The real hurdles are political. The requirements to make APC a potent political force and an alternative to the PDP are legion and more difficult to handle. It pushes the political association (that is what it is until it is formally registered) to a terrain laced with landmines.

    First, it is faced with the challenge of bonding with the people. The only concrete antidote to rigging and manipulations by the dominant ruling party is obtaining the confidence of the people. It is not a feat to be attained overnight in a country where cynicism is a religion. Many, and there is merit in the argument, believe that there is little to distinguish one set of politicians from another. After all, many of those in the APC have traversed the entire party corridor. Many were pioneer members of the ruling party and only left when handed the short end of the stick. It is an uphill task convincing the electorate that the APC is any different.

    Second, the people need assurance that the APC stands a ghost of a chance to displace the PDP. Otherwise, some of those who may be sympathetic to its cause could decide to be apathetic to the process. All that the PDP strategists have to do is drum up the message that the party controls the federal executive, the federal legislature, 23 of the state governments and more than two-thirds of the local government councils and put up a nice argument that no other party could possible stand the PDP might in the run up to 2015. Again, it is left for the APC captains to prove that the battle is not for the mighty and there have been cases when such giants fell; if not in this clime in others around us.

    Third, there is one question to be answered: is there a real difference between APC and PDP? This can only be answered in action. The campaign must be shifted to issues. Up till now, save regular rancor and acrimony, no one knows what the PDP stands for. Its governments cannot be held to anything. This is the common feature of the current party system. The APC needs to toe the line of the Action Group and Northern Elements Progressive Union in the period leading to independence. Both canvassed support based on a social ideology that located the people, the governed at the heart of policy. The AG that was reputed as the best organized in Africa had a policy paper on every issue. When it was coming up with the free education programme in 1955, Chief Adekunle Ajasin, Dr. Awosika and Professor Sanya Onabamiro and others had to work to produce a blueprint with the tiniest of details. It had similar policy frameworks on the Justice, economic, agriculture, industrial and health sectors, among others. The Unity Party of Nigeria built on that in the Second Republic with the famous four cardinal principles. This is a difficult but inescapable precedence for the APC.

    Fourth, the cost of maintaining a solid structure required by a mass party must be staggering and enormous. But it is the only road to travel. The branches, chapters and cells of the APC must be visible and working. Its federal and state organs must function and the impression must not be given that it is owned and run by one or a few oligarchs.

    One responsibility that the aspiring party can take up immediately is exposing the hollowness of the PDP government. Its men must take up the party on major issues of the day. Alhaji Lai Mohammed of the ACN has been doing a lot for the party, so has Rotimi Fashakin of the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), but this is not substitute for structured responses and expert analysis. At best, the public sees Mohammed’s and Fashakin’s views as partisan responses, not detailed analysis on social issues.

    On national development, where does the APC government stand? On federalism and restructuring, would an APC government convoke a national conference- within what period? Would an APC government introduce free education or insist that qualitative education must cost parents money? How would education be funded? What about scholarship schemes? What about state police? These are issues that the people deserve to know and should know.

    The APC stands at a vantage point now. This is a unique opportunity to arrest the rudderless and inept leadership of the country. But the party needs to assure us th at it is dependable and the future of the country could be entrusted to it.

    Otherwise, the search has to continue.

     

    This article was first published in this column on June 16, 2013