The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • Nzeribe returns to the ring

    Since he said the South-East should forget the 2015 Presidency, Senator Arthur Nzeribe has been the target of acidic criticism from his kinsmen, some of who accused him of not having the interest of Ndigbo at heart. Associate Editor, Sam Egburonu, reports on the politics of the flamboyant politician and his many controversies

    To Senator Arthur Nzeribe, controversy seems to be a necessary manure that nurtures his political tree. In fact, since the billionaire joined partisan politics in Nigeria, during the Second Republic of the 1980s, his reputation has been coloured by unending controversies, most of which he allegedly enjoys and looks out for.

    It began in 1983, when the international arms dealer allegedly spent N12m to win a Senatorial seat in Orlu. Before then, not many imagined that such a large sum could be used for a senatorial election.

    So, the glamour he brought to the then Nigeria People’s Party (NPP) made him very popular from onset, not only within the NPP and the eastern states, but also thoughout Nigeria. It was also to mark the roots of the controversies that have combined to define the image of Nzeribe and that of his politics.

    When he reportedly donated helicopters for the presidential candidate of NPP, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, he understandably attracted the kind of attention that had been given to only few politicians before his entrance into the game, as many observers began to ask questions concerning the sources of his wealth and what he was worth.

    If the source of his wealth has contributed to the controversies associated to him, his utterances and actions, most of which are usually considered unconventional, have been fuelling the tempo of his politics.

    For example, Nzeribe, in 1993, dared critics across the nation, when at the peak of military dictatorship he declared himself as a prominent supporter of the Association for a Better Nigeria, a hotly criticised organisation which backed General Ibrahim Babangida’s alleged life presidency bid.

    In fact, Nzeribe has, throughout his political career, remained that daring, ready to say what even the most radical activists would think twice to say and doing what he knew would certainly raise people’s eyebrows.

    So, when he suddenly withdrew to his shell in his palatial home in Oguta, Imo State, after losing his senatorial seat, his political supporters and opponents alike, who seem to have missed the controversies his actions and comments easily generate, have been curious to know if he has truly retired from active politics or at least, what he was up to.

    They had to wait until June this year, when Nzeribe’s unmistaken hidden hands was again clearly spotted in the local politics of Imo State.

    His return:

    Although he did not speak so much in his usual style in the months preceding the yet-to-be concluded Oguta bye election in Imo State, informed political observers alleged his involvement in the intrigues and controversies that preceded the bye election.

    Before that stillborn election, Senator Arthur Nzeribe, known to be one of the country’s controversial politicians, had, for some time, avoided making direct comments both on the politics of the centre and that of his state.

    But The Nation’s investigation on the intrigues that surrounded that election showed that it was primarily a political battle between Nzeribe’s loyalists and that of Governor Rochas Okorocha.

    The political show of power between these two had led to a long legal tussle that helped to keep the election in limbo.

    The legal battle was as a result of the total cancellation of results from the council in the heat of the 2011 Imo general elections that brought in Governor Rochas Okorocha to power.

    While the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) candidate, Walter Uzonwanne, is backed by Okorocha, Dibiagwu, the Peoples Democratic Party candidate, is said to be backed by Senator Nzeribe.

    After the prolonged legal battles, the June 22, 2013 bye-election still ended a stillborn.

    2015 Presidency debate

    While the Oguta zone political puzzle remained unresolved, Nzeribe seemingly confirmed his return to the national political ring when he told Igbo advocates clamouring for a Nigerian president of Igbo extraction in 2015 that they should forget the dream, since, according to him, they lack the necessary unity to get the country’s Presidency.

    Speaking in his Apo residence in Abuja on Wednesday, July 23, 2013, Nzeribe also gave as his second reason for his position the allegation that his kinsmen cannot lay claim to the position because of their inability to speak with one voice.

    ”Until we start speaking with one voice we cannot get the Presidency. We should not try it now, we are not just ready for anything like that, we must first put our house in order,” he said.

    He also came hard on the leadership of his party, recommending radical reforms as a way of saving the party.

    If reactions to his criticism of PDP is yet to come, that of his view of his kinsmen’s unpreparedness has since generated heated controversy, thus welcoming Nzeribe back to the familiar ring.

    First to react was Njiko Igbo, a socio- political group, in Igboland. The group in a statement signed by its Director of Operations, Senator Emmanuel Onwe, said, “No Nigerian civilian president or prime minister has ever launched himself to power on the springboard of ethnic unity since the advent of the Nigerian state. By taking the position that he has taken, Senator Nzeribe has demonstrated that he lacks any measure of grasp or apprehension of central executive power politics in this country. Having been a participant in the political game, as Nzeribe clearly had been, does not confer such understanding.

    “It is hard to resist drawing the conclusion that Senator Nzeribe came to his erroneous and inflammatory conclusion having been seduced, induced or deceived by personal and selfish considerations rather than by considerations of what is in the best interest of Ndigbo and indeed Nigeria in general. But it must be emphatically stated that a hundred, a thousand, a million Arthur Nzeribes cannot and will not break the Igbo spirit nor weaken the Igbo resolve.”

    It added, “It is curious that this nation has been in a quasi state of war for over two years but the voice of Nzeribe has been silent. Ndigbo have been bombed and butchered in their places of worship and business in some sections of this country by nihilistic Islamic fundamentalists and yet the voice of Nzeribe has remained silent. The corpses of dozens of young men who were clearly victims of extrajudicial executions were recently plucked from Ezu River in Anambra State and yet Nzeribe did not call a press conference to condemn it or demand answers from the Nigerian state.

    “History has no record of Nzeribe’s intervention either publicly or privately in the organised anti-Igbo massacres in Kano in 1980, Maiduguri in 1982, Yola in 1984, Gombe in 1985, Kaduna in 1986,etc,” the group lashed.

    Dr. Ifeanyichukwu Dike, in a chat with the The Nation, however, defended that “What Nzeribe said may be a bitter pill to us, but is it not true? Do we really control any political machinery that can win the Presidency in 2015? If you ask me, my answer is no. This has been the vintage Nzeribe since he joined politics. You may hate his bluntness but this attitude has not changed style.”

    As Nzeribe’s recent comments generate such verbal exchanges, the question most political observers are asking is if his return will add any positive value to the polity or if he should just be dismissed as a political spent force seeking vain attention.

  • From Zimbabwe to Anambra: Obasanjo’s trail of confusion

    Nigeria was almost exposed to ridicule with the recent insinuation that Zimbabweans wholesomely rejected former President Olusegun Obasanjo as the Head of Africa Union (AU) Observer Mission for the election in that country. The intrigue and horse dealing that went on behind the scenes for Obasanjo to be finally accepted for that role is a story for another day. However, the fact that Zimbabweans mooted the idea of not allowing Nigeria’s former president to play that role is a worrying sign.

    As far as elections go, Zimbabwe has not been the role model on this continent. If anything, that country is an example of how not to run a contemporary democracy. Old man Rob Mugabe has been on the seat since that country’s modern history and even at 89 years old has shown no sign of letting go of his grip on power. Could it be that the Zimbabweans are worried about the similarities between their designated observer and their leaders whom some of them are willing to sacrifice their lives to get rid of? After all, if Obasanjo’s bid to manipulate the 1999 constitution – the third term agenda- had succeeded, he would probably be in his second term under the new constitution by now.

    It would seem that other African countries have more to worry about in connection with this anti-apartheid hero. Mugabe’s clamp down on the opposition could pale into insignificance compared to the way and manner that he ran those opposed to him out of the country. During Obasanjo’s tenure as a civilian president, Zaki Ibam in Benue State and Odi in Rivers State were reminders of his capacity as an army general to ride roughshod over people in his attempt to leave up to his personality as a one time military dictator. In his generosity, he was gracious enough to have applied the Public Order Act in liberal doses to stifle the most basic of democratic dispensations despite a court ruling to the contrary.

    Despite his showmanship, his credential as a leader who fought corruption could not have endeared him to people of other climes who are not as tolerant of sleaze as this Nigeria’s icon. Not with all the rots that were discovered once the Emperor of Otta left office as president.

    Furthermore, Obasanjo holds the singular honour of being the purveyor of “do or die” politics in Nigeria. The anti-corruption agency that should have been empowered to track down corrupt people was converted into a personal terror police to intimidate political opponents. The 2007 elections, which today hold the honour of being the worst in the nation’s history, were the results of the do or die politics that Obasanjo introduced. Results were merely allocated to those loyal to the strong man of Otta while the tribunal and courts were later kept busy trying to sort out the mess.

    Those who contend that some of these misdeeds were in the past are correct. However, Obasanjo’s continued posture indicates a man who has no remorse for the things he did wrong. The national dailies recently reported that he gave his protégée, President Goodluck Jonathan, a red line that must not be crossed in their relationship. This red line, as reported by the media, is his insistence that President Jonathan must ensure that his erstwhile aide, Andy Uba, emerges the governor of Anambra State in the forthcoming governorship election.The effrontery of it was part of the report that said Obasanjo declared the Andy Uba governorship project as his (Obasanjo’s) project. There is certainly no record anywhere that shows that the people of Anambra State collectively resolved to outsource the leadership of the state to Obasanjo.

    This insistence is despite the fact that Andy Uba and his brother Chris Uba once declared before Obasanjo, when he was president, that they rigged that state’s election to favour PDP.

    These scenarios in Anambra portrays Obasanjo as a man who has failed to take a retrospective look at the trail of confusion he left behind. He spent eight years as an elected president but now wants to dictate not just to Anambra people but to the entire country because that is the implication of drawing a red line for an incumbent president.

    It is thus important that the people of Anambra State, especially the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) chapter, should deliver a strong message to Obasanjo. The message is that he has used up his time as well as frittered away the goodwill of the people and should at this point allow Nigerians to decide what works best for them. Anambra State chapter of the PDP must reject the idea of a consensus candidate and insist on free, fair, transparent and acceptable primary election. This is the only way of ensuring that the rampaging bull inObasanjo’s make up is escorted out of the china shop before activities for the 2015 elections kick off. Should he be allowed to have his way, then he would equally dictate the candidates for his party in the various states.

    This will fit perfectly into Obasanjo desire to be the leader of Nigeria for life – there are other statesmen other than him. It will also be consistent with the sit tight culture of some of his African contemporaries with the difference being that the former president would be teleguiding the affairs of the nation through his protégée and proxies. One is left wondering why Obasanjo and some African leaders have this unrelenting desire for self-perpetration and resorting to proxies when term limitation saw them out of office. But then there is Nelson Mandela, let not forget for a moment. Nigerians should therefore emulate the Mandela option and avoid like a plague the Obasanjo example.

    Dr Adebisi, a public affairs commentator

  • State and the politics of moral outrage

    Just when one thought the worst that could befall the people of Anambra State is in the past, the very characters responsible for the state’s sordid past soon surpass themselves. They outdo themselves in the art of brigandage that tarnishes the image of a state peopled in majority by an otherwise hardworking, talented and industrious people.

    I was recently taken on by a friend from one of the north central states, who, relying on the facts available to him, dismissed Anambra State as an enclave of crooks and clowns. The natural thing is to be miffed at hearing a person from another part of the country dismissing one’s home state in such unsavoury words but my friend was insistent. He said that crooks lord it over the state and powerless citizens only grumble in their private recesses without being able to do anything fundamental about throwing out the brigands once and for all.

    According to him, at the dawn of the on-going civil rule, at a time when other states were arousing themselves from the ashes of military rule, it turned out that the resources of Anambra were being diverted into the pockets of a godfather to the then governor, ‘Odera’ Chinwoke Mbadinuju. It turned out that the federal allocations are dutifully remitted to the godfather while his urchins highjacked the paltry internally generated revenue. The outcome is now history. From the death trap that roads became to the breakdown of security that saw to the emergence of Bakassi Boys who regularly dispense vigilante justice, Anambra soon became a by word for lawlessness and social disorder.

    The emergence of Dr. Chris Ngige was hailed way back then. But that was before it was alleged that he was part of an oath swearing coven. Ngige’s refusal to toe the line of his ‘godfathers’ led from one sordid tale to the other: ranging from the kidnap of a sitting governor to the confession by Chris Uba and his brothr, Andy Uba, before former President Olusegun Obasanjo, that the election to produce the governor was rigged. The Ubas’ grouse was that they were not getting returns on their investments as expected.

    Even when Ngige lost out to pave way for Peter Obi, it did not in anyway assuage the feudal lords. He was impeached by a magical quorum of the state assembly and it again took the courts to reinstate him. In between his two tenures, Andy Uba took the joke called Anambra politics to a new low when he briefly paraded himself as the governor. His nine days tint was the final proof that all the political woes of Anambra people could be situated in the greed of one family, the Uba family.

    There were so many other instances of anomaly cited by my friend to prove his point that my home state is a huge joke. As would be expected, I vehemently defended my people, especially since the person making these points is not on ground in Anambra state and does not know where the shoe pinches. He does not know about the collective resolve of the people that never again will brigands under whatever guise have a free run in the state.

    I was however taken aback later in the day when I discovered from the list of aspirants that have bought nomination and expression of interest forms from the PDP that Andy Uba is still nursing the ambition to become Anambra State governor. My sense of outrage assumed a new proportion when, on a few phone calls to key persons in the state later, I learnt that Uba’s former boss, Olusegun Obasanjo, is the one pushing his aspiration. The same Obasanjo, before whom, as president, the Ubas’ confessed to rigging an election and he did absolutely nothing about it.

    For the avoidance of doubts, I am not saying Andy Uba has no right to contest elections – he is a serving senator, so he can certainly contest but he has lost the moral platform from which to launch such aspiration, particularly when it is now apparent that the Andy Uba governorship project is an Obasanjo governorship project. I cannot recall at what point the people of Anambra resolved to outsource the leadership of the state to a Yoruba man in Otta.

    There is also the issue of competence. A school leaving certificate would suffice for anyone aspiring to be governor. However, we live in a time when people with multi-disciplinary Masters Degrees are presiding over parastatals and agencies, how come that a man who has no first degree to his name-forget the honorary Doctorate he parades, is the one to lead Anambra people? It would be more productive if Andy Uba rather spends the next four years acquiring a university degree instead of dreaming about being a governor for thesame span of time. With some luck he could pick up some finesse in the course of studying for a degree and would be in a position to enlighten the rest of his clan.

    Turning to the issue of sleaze, it is unfortunate that the legal and legislative frameworks of Nigeria are not more robust than they presently are. If not, a man who openly admitted being worth trillions of naira – proceeds of “gifts” he received as Obasanjo’s errand man -has not been tried for corruption. Now he has the effrontery to try unleashing his slush funds in his desperate effort to become a governor. This is the point when stakeholders in Anambra should ask this profound question: if a man as an errand boy acquires trillions of naira just how much will he loot as the governor?

    The Ubas’ brigandage in Anambra State is what could make my friend from the north central state refer to the people of my state as clowns and it is the one thing that must not be allowed to continue. Not just does it expose the state to ridicule but this latest foray into the governorship race has all the potential to destabilise the state,particularly when the Uba clique, ably led by Obasanjo, is already flying the kite of a consensus PDP candidate. Should Andy Uba emerge as the PDP candidate the people of the state should kiss free, fair and credible election goodbye. The time to put a final stop to the arrant nonsense of the Uba clan is now and Anambra people must do it to save themselves from further ridicule and suffering.

    •Hon Dike was a former member of Anambra State House of Assembly

  • Nigeria not doing enough to fight corruption -Lar

    Senator Victor Rampyal Lar represents Plateau South at the Nigerian Senate. He is the Chairman, Senate Committee on Drugs, Narcotics and Financial Crimes. He was a member of the Federal House of Representatives from 1999 to 2007, before heading to the Senate. In this interview with reporters, Lar speaks on the war against corruption in Nigeria, calls for the autonomy of the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU) among others. NICHOLAS KALU was there.

    Do you think enough is being done to check graft in Nigeria?

    I am not satisfied with the anti-corruption war in Nigeria. Both institutionally and operationally, I am not satisfied. In the first place, when we came on board as members of this committee, we had the noble desire to exit Nigeria out of the target group of Financial Action Task Force, having been placed on observation and target for the previous two years; we tried to look at it, observed the deficiencies that attracted the placement of Nigeria on the target group and tried to work towards meeting them as a vehicle for exiting Nigeria. First and foremost was the anti- money laundering law which has been amended and has given us a pass mark; then the terrorism Bill and the terrorism financing Bill which has also been amended. However, the tall one of having an independent and autonomous financial intelligence unit is what we are working on and, as a matter of fact, I have tried to fast-track the process. The Committee of the Senate sponsored it. Let me call it a private member bill; or a bill for an act to establish Financial Intelligence Unit. The advantages are quite obvious. Part of it will be to meet up the international requirements and standards, as a way of exiting the financial embargos and sanctions. It will enable the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to concentrate on operations and enforcement. Right now, the chairman of the EFCC goes round the whole world, doing the job of FIU. That is not proper. He is supposed to be here to look at what is happening and provide leadership for arrests, prosecution and the rest of them.

    The Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU) was set up as part of the efforts of the Federal Government in combating money laundering, and the financing of terrorist activities in Nigeria. The aim may not be fully achieved if it does not operate independently. NFIU was set up as a precondition for the removal of Nigeria from the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) list of Non-cooperation countries and territories (NCCTs). We have sponsored a Bill for its autonomy. We are taking steps to conscientize Nigerians on the implications. One of the steps is discussing with people like you, who can tell the world what we are doing and why we are doing it so they understand the essence of the NFIU autonomy Bill. We intend to undertake visits to media organisations, invite stakeholders for briefs, public hearings, etc.

    What is your take on the proposed merger for anti-graft agencies to strengthen them?

    Well, I was opposed to the proposed strengthening of anti-graft agencies, but I have decided to let go, on the condition that the merger of the anti-corruption agencies to strengthen them does not translate to retrenching people. I thought that we should give it a trial, to see if that will improve their performance; but, beyond that, I want to say that the problems with the anti-graft agencies are both institutional and operational.

    Institutional, in the sense that the EFCC, as it is presently constituted, is just like another arm of the Nigerian Police Force. Out of about 1,250 people, 700 of them are policemen. This has dampened even the enthusiasm of the international donor agencies because it is like funding another Nigerian Police Force. That has also stagnated all the graduates that were employed and trained as Cadets, because, right now, all the heads of departments in EFCC are policemen. That has affected their ‘promotability’; that has affected employment opportunities. I believe that those are institutional problems that need to be tackled. By the way, who even said that it is only the Police that have the rare knowledge of fighting corruption? There is no law that says it must be a Police; yes, Section 4 of the Police Act says they are empowered to arrest, investigate and prosecute. You can have a few of them for the purposes of arrest, but to have 700 of them is definitely unacceptable. What that also means is that as it is now, the Policemen take their pay from the Police Force and also take allowances from the EFCC. Such allowances that should have been used to employ people, you use them in giving people who are just out there on a Jamboree. I think, that is not right. That is not fair. Secondly, I believe the resources given to the EFCC are not properly applied. I believe that EFCC needs to put in more efforts in training their legal officers because the bane of the fight against corruption is not the absence of petitions. Enough petitions are generated. It is not the absence of prosecution. Quite a number of people get taken to courts, but the substance of the cases are not water-tight and not provable. They are so watery that those who are accused, who pay for the best lawyers, easily capitalise on technicalities and get off the hook. EFCC should be restructured. It is possible that there could be some judicial manoeuvrings. It is possible because of respect for fundamental human rights. The Judiciary does not just fast-track anti-corruption cases because they are criminal cases. We have to live with that because those are the requirements and prescriptions that have to be obeyed. I will rather go with the proposal of the former Chief Justice of Nigeria who proposed that we dedicate certain courts for corruption cases trial. The Judiciary is a separate arm of government and should be independent.

    What do you think about a proposed agency to monitor anti-graft agencies?

    No, I do not think that we need that. We should improve on the oversight functions, conscientisation, advocacies and proper education of citizens on holding public office holders accountable. We must partner with the media and civil society. When you have a robust civil society, they mobilise in the fight against corruption.

    What is your take on the state of security in Nigeria?

    The problem of security is so large that you cannot leave it in the hands of security agents alone. We have about 150 million Nigerians. We have less than 400,000 policemen. The number is inadequate. But, come to think of it, our deliberate strategy of what we call regime security instead of national security is the reason we keep having security challenges. Even on the less that 400,000 Policemen, more than 10,000 of them are taken off their beats and shared to politicians to provide security. That is not fair. Again, I think that the issue of national security is everybody’s business. Policemen are ill equipped, ill-trained and underpaid. State Police can also help. If you have State Police, where you have local people who know the terrain and know everybody, given the responsibility, it will go a long way.

    What is your assessment of the present administration?

    Well, they are doing their best. Their best is not good enough so long as we still have security challenges. Government should make security a priority.

  • APC: A major breakthrough for opposition

    APC: A major breakthrough for opposition

    The registration of the mega party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), has set the stage for a titanic battle for power at the federal and state levels in the next general elections, reports Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU.

    The opposition has delivered its new baby without complication. The midwife, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which provided the atmosphere for safe delivery, said that the child birth was without a prolonged labour. Its Chairman, Prof. Attahiru Jega, also affirmed that the new platform met the requirements laid down by the constitution. This confirmation has dismissed the claim of the brains behind the unregistered rival organisation falsely laying claim to its acronym, the APC.

    The birth of the APC may have instantly changed the political calculus. The numerical strength of its senators and House of Representatives members may rob the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) of a two-third majority in the National Assembly. As more PDP legislators are likely to defect to the new party, owing to the protracted crises in the ruling party, it is projected that the PDP may ultimately become a nominal majority party in the parliament.

    The country may be heading towards a two party system, the presence of the mushroom parties merely warming the INEC register notwithstanding. In 2015, PDP and APC will clash during the historic popularity test. What will definitely shape the contest are the core issues, especially the power of ideas, manifestos, pedigrees of the flag bearers, and antecedents of the parties. Nigerians, analysts argue, would have the opportunity to choose between the party that has held sway for 14 years without resolving the challenges of nation-building and development and a platform that has not been tested with power at the centre.

    The prelude to the 2015 battle will be the governorship elections in Anambra State in November 16 and in Osun and Ekiti states next year.

    To observers, Nigeria is on the threshold of history. The leaders of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) and a section of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) have achieved what the giants of history; the first generation of political leaders and their lieutenants, could not achieve in the First and Second republics.

    From this week, APC became a promising party. The enthusiasm and ecstasy cut across the political divide. As an association, it was projected as a party of ideas. Judging by the antecedents of some of its leaders, it is likely to be an ideological platform offering shades to critical progressives, who are fed up with the boring social condition. Being the product of a determined effort at forging unity and cohesion among the scattered leftist politicians canvassing an alternative route to federal power, it will also premise its intervention in national affairs on its unquestionable national outlook.

    Reality had dawned on the opposition that, despite its poor record in power, PDP can only be dislodged by the combined forces. The prospect of an alternative platform has ultimately rekindled the hope that the opposition can overcome the weakness imposed by their slight differences. Brimming with optimism few months ago, the former ACN National Leader, Senator Bola Tinubu, one of the arrowheads of the new party, submitted that, ahead of the proposed general elections, APC would be perceived as a government in waiting. His compatriot, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (rtd) of the defunct CPC, also attested to its potentials, saying that the opposition can now bark and bite. The result, he said, is good governance. Lagos State Governor Babatunde Fashola said that the Goliath of Nigeria now has a stone to contend with.

    The Secretary of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), Mr. Ayo Opadokun, predicted that the polity would not be the same again, with the emergence of a credible alternative platform. The chance of rigging is slim, he said, adding that democracy will be further nourished by the role of opposition in popular rule. Also, APC chieftain Senator Anie Okonkwo hailed the birth of the party, saying that it will energise the opposition and strengthen its bid for power. He said the performance of the APC governors in their respective states would persuade and convince Nigerians that a vote for the party would not be in vain.

    Tinubu has said that APC was formed in the national interest. He explained that the leaders of the merging parties decided to forfeit their platforms, sink their slight differences and make sacrifice for the country. From that declaration, it is evident that the leaders are ready to make more sacrifices, ahead of 2015.

    Many have argued that it may be difficult to accurately forecast what the future holds for the APC. The future is more challenging than the past and present. The first step to the future is that the leaders of the three parties that have wounded up should also be prepared to frontally confront the challenge of collective migration to the new fold. They must manage the adjustment to change.

    Remarkably, following their terminal conventions, ACN, ANPP, CPC and the section of APGA onvolved in the merger never abandoned the brainstorming sessions. The eclipse of the parties heralded the setting up of the interim administrative committee for the APC. The interim leadership reflects the spread of the party across the six geo-political zones. Although the announcement generated some skirmishes, it was not essentially destabilising. What was at work was the internal crisis resolution mechanism in the fold and the mutual trust among the founding fathers. It is great lesson in party management. Conflict is part of politics, but it should not be allowed to fester to the level of becoming a threat to the existence of the organisation.

    Now that APC has come on board, how to formalise its state, local and ward structures is the next prime assignment. The inaugural national convention of the party may hold in Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). There, the party will be formally presented to Nigerians. Instructively, the three defunct parties and groups that formed the APC are not equal in strength. If the leaders and members of the collapsed parties and groups retain their old identities in the new fold, APC may pale into a big party polarised by caucuses. Therefore, in setting up party leadership structures, not only are the arrowheads and their followers expected to make more sacrifices, they should also begin to build a party culture of equity, fairness and justice in matters relating to the choice of party officers.

    It will be counter-productive for the APC members to relate to the new organisation as chieftains of the old ACN, ANPP, CPC and APGA. The party should not be a party of senior and junior partners, but an organisation offering the opportunity for all members to grow, mature and advance without let and hindrances.

    Eyes are also on APC as it brainstorms on the choice of its presidential candidate and his running mate. The flag bearer will mirror the platform, its manifestos ethos, values and promise. Whoever will emerge is important, but how he emerges is more important. Without doubt, the new party faces the elementary test of internal democracy. The various positions and approaches germane to choice of leadership selection of candidates and shadow election should be harmonised without internal bickering and bitterness. If the party puts its house in order at that level and there is no post-primary crisis, it will be fortified to forge ahead for the most critical battle.

    The task of mobilising for power shift in 2015 is critical. Many believe that the next general elections would be issue-driven. The issue-oriented campaign is the hallmark of the progressive party. Judging by the national mood, ahead of the contest, the core issues would be elevated over and above personalities. But observers also point out that the APC leaders also have an unfinished business. They need to press vigorously for more electoral reforms and insist on the sanctity of the ballot box.

    Many observers are of the opinion that the APC leaders should be vigilant. It is still a delicate moment. It is a critical stage of transition. The road to the promise land is laced with thorns. Without doubt, all the chieftains may not reach the political Canaan. Recently, it was reported that a chieftain of one of the defunct parties that subscribed to the merger had turned around to mobilise support for President Goodluck Jonathan. The PDP, which is made up of the advocates of one-party system, retention of federal power for 60 years and “operation capture 32 states”, cannot not be aloof to the threat. It will definitely bare its fangs.

    Observers contend that the ruling party may turn the heat on the APC through intimidation, harassment and blackmail. Pockets of dissention among the co-travelers should be envisaged and be properly managed within the parties in alliance to prevent the gravitation of party members to the party in power at the centre.

    What will sustain the young platform is the commitment of the merger drivers. But the political brand should always be sensitive to the machinations of its ardent enemies. To succeed, the APC family must work hard. As one of its leaders, Tinubu, has often remarked, power is not served alacarte.

  • APC: A major breakthrough for opposition

    APC: A major breakthrough for opposition

    The registration of the mega party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), has set the stage for a titanic battle for power at the federal and state levels in the next general elections, reports Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU.

    The opposition delivered its new baby yesterday without com-plication. The midwife, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which provided the atmosphere for safe delivery, said that the child birth was without a prolonged labour. Its Chairman, Prof. Attahiru Jega, also affirmed that the new platform met the requirements laid down by the constitution. This confirmation has dismissed the claim of the brains behind the unregistered rival organisation falsely laying claim to its acronym, the APC.

    The birth of the APC may have instantly changed the political calculus. The numerical strength of is senators and House of Representatives members may rob the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) of a two-third majority in the National Assembly. As more PDP legislators are likely to defect to the new party, owing to the protracted crises in the ruling party, it is projected that it may ultimately become a nominal majority party in the parliament.

    The country may be heading towards a two party system, the presence of the mushroom parties merely warming the INEC register notwithstanding. In 2015, PDP and APC will clash during the historic popularity test. What will definitely shape the contest are the core issues, especially the power of ideas, manifestos, pedigrees of the flag bearers, and antecedents of the parties. Nigerians, analysts argue, would have the opportunity to choose between the party that has held sway for 14 years without resolving the challenges of nation-building and development and a platform that has not been tested with power at the centre.

    The prelude to the 2015 battle will be the governorship elections in Anambra State in November 16 and in Osun and Ekiti states next year.

    To observers, Nigeria is on the threshold of history. The leaders of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) and a section of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) have achieved what the giants of history and the first generation of political leaders and their lieutenants could not achieve in the First and Second republics.

    From yesterday, APC became a promising party. The enthusiasm and ecstasy cut across the political divide. As an association, it was projected as a party of ideas. Judging by the antecedents of some of its leaders, it is likely to be an ideological platform offering shades to critical progressives, who are fed up with the boring social condition. Being the product of a determined effort at forging unity and cohesion among the scattered leftist politicians canvassing an alternative route to federal power, it will also premise its intervention in national affairs on its unquestionable national outlook.

    Reality had dawned on the opposition despite its poor record in power, PDP can only be dislodged by the combined forces. The prospect of an alternative platform has ultimately rekindled the hope that the opposition can overcome the weakness imposed by their slight differences. Brimming with optimism few months ago, the former ACN National Leader, Senator Bola Tinubu, one of the arrowheads of the new party, submitted that, ahead of the proposed general elections, APC would be perceived as a government in waiting. His compatriot, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (rtd) of the defunct CPC also attested to its potentials, saying that the opposition can now bark and bite. The result, he said, is good governance.

    The Secretary of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), Mr. Ayo Opadokun, predicted that the polity would not be the same again, with the emergence of a credible alternative platform. The chance of rigging is slim, he said, adding that democracy will be further nourished by the role of opposition in popular rule. Also, APC chieftain Senator Anie Okonkwo hailed the birth of the party, saying that it will energise the opposition and strengthen its bid for power. He said the performance of the APC governors in their respective states would persuade and convince Nigerians that a vote for the party would not be in vain.

    Tinubu has said that APC was formed in the national interest. He explained that the leaders of the merging parties decided to forfeit their platforms, sink their slight differences and make sacrifice for the country. From this declaration, it is evident that the leaders are ready to make more sacrifices, ahead of 2015.

    Many have argued that it may be difficult to accurately forecast what the future holds for the APC. The future is more challenging than the past and present. The first step to the future is that the leaders of the three parties that have wounded up should also be prepared to frontally confront the challenge of collective migration to the new fold. They must also manage the adjustment to change.

    Remarkably, following their terminal conventions, ACN, ANPP, CPC and the section of APGA onvolved in the merger never abandoned the brainstorming sessions. The eclipse of the parties heralded the setting up of the interim administrative committee for the APC. The interim leadership reflects the spread of the party across the six geo-political zones. Although the announcement generated some skirmishes, it was not essentially destabilising. What was at work was the internal crisis resolution mechanism in the fold and the mutual trust among the founding fathers. It is great lesson in party management. Conflict is part of politics, but it should not be allowed to fester to the level of becoming a threat to the existence of the organisation.

    Now that APC has come on board, how to formalise its state, local and ward structures is the next prime assignment. The inaugural national convention of the party will hold in Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). There, the party will be formally presented to Nigerians. Instructively, the three defunct parties and groups that formed the APC are not equal in strength. If the leaders and members of the collapsed parties and groups retain their old identities in the new fold, APC may pale into a big party polarised by caucuses. Therefore, in setting up party leadership structures, not only are the arrowheads and their followers expected to make more sacrifices, they should also begin to build a party culture of equity, fairness and justice in matters relating to the choice of party officers.

    It will be counter-productive for the APC members to relate to the new organisation as chieftains of the old ACN, ANPP, CPC and APGA. The party should not be a party of senior and junior partners, but an organisation offering the opportunity for all members to grow, mature and advance without let and hindrances.

    Eyes are also on APC as it brainstorms on the choice of its presidential candidate and his running mate. The flag bearer will mirror the platform, its manifesto..0s, ethos, values and promise. Whoever will emerge is important, but how he emerges is more important. Without doubt, the new party faces the elementary test of internal democracy. The various positions and approaches germane to choice, selection and shadow election should be harmonised without internal bickering and bitterness. If the party puts its house in order at that level and there is no post-primary crisis, it will be fortified to forge ahead for the most critical battle.

    The task of mobilising for power shift in 2015 is critical. Many believe that the next general elections would be issue-driven. The issue-oriented campaign is the hallmark of the progressive party. Judging by the national mood, ahead of the contest, the core issues would be elevated over and above personalities. But observers also point out that the APC leaders also have an unfinished business. They need to press vigorously for more electoral reforms and insist on the sanctity of the ballot box.

    Many observers are of the opinion that the APC leaders should be vigilant. It is still a delicate moment. It is a critical stage of transition. The road to the promise land is laced with thorns. Without doubt, all the chieftains may not reach the political Canaan. Recently, it was reported that a chieftain of one of the defunct parties that subscribed to the merger had turned around to mobilise support for President Goodluck Jonathan. The PDP, which is made up of the advocates of one-party system, retention of federal power for 60 years and “operation capture 32 states”, cannot not be aloof to the threat. It will definitely bare its fangs.

    Observers contend that the ruling party may turn the heat on the APC through intimidation, harassment and blackmail. Pockets of dissention among the co-travelers should be envisaged and be properly managed within the parties in alliance to prevent the gravitation of party members to the party in power at the centre.

    What will sustain the young platform is the commitment of the merger drivers. But the political brand should always be sensitive to the machinations of its ardent enemies. To succeed, the APC family must work hard. As one of its leaders, Tinubu, has often remarked, power is not served alacarte.

  • National Assembly and its controversial pensions

    National Assembly and its controversial pensions

    The National Assembly is proposing life pensions for its principal officers. AUGUSTINE AVWODE examines the controversial proposal and its implications for the polity.

    THE decision of the National Assembly on the life pensions for the Senate President, his deputy, the House of Representatives Speaker and the Deputy Speaker has continued to generate controversy.

    Many Nigerians believe that the move smacked of egocentricity and insensitivity to the mood of the polity. And it has attracted so much condemnation.

    If the proposal becomes law, then, the principal officers will be entiled to a pension for life at a rate equivalent to the annual salary of the incumbent President and the Deputy President of Senate, the Speaker and the Deputy Speaker of House of Representatives.

     

    Life pension for what?

     

    But since the Senate voted overwhelmingly in favour of the recommendation, Nigerians have been seething with anger. Speaking with The Nation, Lagos lawyer Chief Fred Agbaje chided the lawmakers for “awarding” life pension to their principals. He questioned the rationale and morality behind the decision. He wondered whether they appreciated the full implications of the decision for the economy and the social divide.

    “Life pension for what? Anyway, don’t you know that our lawmakers love us so much? Have they not represented you well enough? You have constant light, good roads and the best security ever. What else do you want from them? Shouldn’t our lawmakers, who made these possible, be given life pension for such a good job? What else do you want?”, he queried.

    Agbaje said the beneficiaries are comfortable Nigerians, adding that they do not deserve the benefits.

    “What type of life pension are you going to pay to the likes of Senator David Mark, who apart from collecting pension from the military as a retired General, a one-time state governor and a former minister, who also has a Golf Club? Is a Golf Club a poor man’s business?”, he asked.

    A political scientist, Prof Kimse Okoko of the University of Port Harcourt, described it as a demonstration of impunity. He said that it is immoral and unacceptable.

    “The decision of the National Assembly is a demonstration of the culture of impunity that we have come to know in this dispensation. It shows a lack of sensitivity to the feelings of Nigerians. Approving life pension for the leadership of the National Assembly is condemnable, especially when the majority of Nigerians are struggling to get food to eat. It is immoral, especially when you consider the obscene salaries and allowances they had approved for themselves,” he said.

    Veteran unionist Chief Frank Kokori, the former Secretary General of the National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas (NUPENG) Workers, attributed the decision by the lawmakers to self-aggrandisement. He lamented that the Labour, Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) and other pro-democracy groups have failed to gavalnised the people to resist the move.

    “No sane person would support it, except, of course, the lawmakers themselves who are the same. In a situation where there is no cogent opposition to this type of development, they win easily. If it were to be our time, they dare not think of it, not to talk of endorsing it”, Kokori said.

    Prof Itse Sagay (SAN) shared Okoko’s sentiment. He argued that the life pension for an elected individual, who holds an office for four or eight years is undesirable.

    He said the lawmakers were selfish.

    His words: “They are not there to look after the country and Nigerians, but themselves. You don’t get a pension for being elected for few years as a political operator. Pension is meant for life service with an organization.

    “So, for them to add pension to the enormous salaries and other allowances, show how insensitive they are”, he said.

    Another Lagos lawyer, Bamidele Aturu, said that it is condemnable. He maintained that the next generation of lawmakers will likely do anything to become the principal officer of the National Assembly because of the anticipation of earning a life pension.

    “This is one clause that I think Nigerians should condemn in the strongest term possible. After serving for four years, with the emoluments and the benefits that are outrageous, all paid for by the taxpayers, why still subject the taxpayers to servicing you after you have left the office? With this type of clause, why won’t people kill to get to the National Assembly? Why won’t people do all kinds of despicable things to become one of the principal officers of the House or Senate? I think we should condemn it and call on them to rescind it. By the way, what exactly do they need it for,” he asked.

     

    Smuggled clause

     

    It has been alleged that the clause was smuggled into the items for consideration. A chieftain of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) from the Southsouth who spoke on condition of anonymity, told The Nation that life pension for lawmakers was not debated at the public hearings.

    “This is not fair. The senators have not been fair to Nigerians. They have the power to amend the constitution and they have abused it. No wonder, people say if men were God, they would do whatever they want. It is bad. It is unfair and wicked”, he said.

     

    Implication for the polity

     

    Many Nigerians believe that the legislators are competing for the control of public funds with the executive.

    Currently, only the President and the Vice President are entitled to life pensions. There is also a limitation. Any President or Vice President impeached by the National Assembly is excluded from the benefit.

    But in the present instance, no such limitation or check exists. The implication is that, if it becomes law today, all those who had held the positions from 1999 to date will automatically benefit from it.

    The amount to be paid to all the former Presidents of the Senate and Speakers of the House of Representatives and their deputies, that are still alive would be enormous. In a country where experts are calling for a reduction in the cost of governance, this clause, analysts say, is economically unwise.

    Besides, nobody can say with precision the number of leaders that will preside over the affairs of the Senate and the House of Representatives within a four year term. The polity is susceptible to unpredictable change.

    The implication is that there could be as many Speakers of the House and Presidents of the Senate as possible within four years. Ambitious legislators may orchestrate a change in the leadership of the House or the Senate in a way that the provision would become an albatross for the nation.

    Will it scale through or not? If it does, how will it benefit Nigerians and what value will it add to the democratic practice in Nigeria?

     

     

  • ‘PDP can’t dislodge ACN in Ogun’

    Ogun State Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) chieftain Otunba Oladeinde Banjo spoke with EMMANUEL OLADESU on the Amosun Administration and other partisan issues.

     

    The Peoples Democratic Party is plotting to take power from the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) in Ogun State. What are the prospects of your party in 2015?

    I think the People Democratic Party (PDP) is joking. Going by their acronym, you know it is the Poverty Development Party. I think Ogun State has made up its mind about 2015. There is a lot of infrastructural development going on in the state under the leadership of Governor Ibikunle Amosun.

    The ACN government is doing tremendously well to position the state for the future, in terms of infrastructural development. If you go to Abeokuta, the capital city, you will see massive road construction taking place. It is the same thing at Ijebu Ode, Ogun West, Ilaro, up to Idiroko. You will see new schools being constructed and educational facilities being provided for the schools. The facilities compare favorably to what obtains in Europe and America.

    Is zoning likely to play a role in shaping the political events that will occur in 2015?

    Well, I personally, don’t think zoning is a factor to reckon with. What is important is the ability of the candidates, what they stand for, their pedigree and their antecedents. Zoning will not take the place of merit and the capacity to deliver.

    The people of Egbado Division have been clamoring for power shift to the zone. How do you see their agitation for power shift in the light of the preparation for the 2015 elections?

    I am aware of the declaration of interest by Hon. Akinlade, but all of us in the ACN do not believe that another member should set up a personal structure against the governor who we have endorsed for a second term.

    Ogun West has been complaining about neglect and marginalization, but the story is changing. The zone is benefitting from the developmental projects of the Amosun Admini-stration. What the ACN members should do is to maintain unity in the party, checkmate the common enemies and allow the party to reign supreme. It is not time for intra-party quarrel. So, whatever will create problems for the party must be avoided.

    How united is the party behind the aspiration of the governor to continue beyond 2015.

    We are solidly united behind the governor. I strongly object to a situation where we form a parallel structure to challenge the incumbent governor, either in the Labour Party or the PDP. We thank God that the progressive parties are coalescing into a bigger platform. Even, the Labour Party has no prospect in Ogun State.

    There are certain ACN leaders who are alleging that they have been marginalised in the scheme of things in the state. Don’t you think this can create problems for the party?

    The ACN, which is actually an offshoot of the Action Group, has in-built internal mechanism to resolve its crises and I think that, if we are committed progressives, we should, for the sake of peace, unity and progress of the party, defer our ambition for the peace and progress of the party. Amosun is just going to complete his first term and he deserves a second chance. What should be paramount to us is the success of the party.

    What should be the preoccupation of the governor between now and 2015?

    The governor should intensify efforts on his developmental programmes, continue with the massive infrastructural development and maintain good relations with the stakeholders and party chieftains. I appeal to our members, who are aggrieved, to see the performance of the governor as their pride.

    Why are they disgruntled?

    Well, you mentioned it earlier that there is an allegation of marginal-isation. I said that the governor is carrying all along in his activities. That is why I am appealing to all of us to ensure that the governor succeeds to the end.

    How effective is the crises resolution mechanism within the Ogun ACN?

    Our leaders are experienced. They are credible. They are in control of every situation. They will not go to sleep over any matter. If there are lapses, they will rise to the occasion and remedy the situation.

    How is the party trying to manage the perceived tension between the leadership within the Ogun ACN and the governor

    Like I told you, the majority of our party members are loyal party members. We have good leaders at the state and national levels. Chief Osoba is a formidable leader in Ogun State. Our leaders are forging unity in the fold and preparing for the future challenges. The crisis in Ogun ACN is a media creation.

    In the past, election was a matter of do-or-die in Ogun State. That was how my cousin, Dipo Dina, was killed. It will not happen again.

    How do you assess the performance of the local government chairman in the state?

    Well, the local government chairmen are doing well. For now, they are trying their best, although there are hues and cries of underfunding, which has militated against the quantum of work they probably would have done. But it is our hope that, with time, things will improve.

    What is the solution to the insecurity in this country?

    Security is a very major concern. I think the way to address it is sincerity by our leadership. I remember that, when we are growing up in this Lagos, you walked the length and breadth of Lagos from 8p.m to 5a.m without having the fear of any attack by armed robbers.

     

     

     

     

     

  • ‘Rivers crisis ‘ll be resolved by rule of law’

    ‘Rivers crisis ‘ll be resolved by rule of law’

    Former General Secretary of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) Ibrahim Eddy Mark spoke with JOHN AUSTIN UNACHUKWU on the Rivers State crises and other partisan issues.

     

    WHAT is your reaction to the resolution by the House of Representatives that the National Assembly should take over the functions of the Rivers State House of Assembly ?

    They showed their hands too early. It is like a premeditated action to retain somebody as the governor in their belief that it was a prelude to impeaching the Governor.  That resolution is not only insensitive, but very insulting to the good people of Rivers State. Unfortunately, they maintained undignified silence on the brutalisation of a member in the hallowed chambers of the Assembly.

    They can imagine President Jonathan coming into their chambers with his security aides to be part of an on-going fracas and beating a member to a state of coma. Anyway, Section 11(5) has not happened because after the fracas the House sat and passed an amended budget.

    Again, the House must search its conscience to see if the drum beater is not outside the House. I must not fail to commend the Senate for their maturity in going to talk to the Rivers people and also visiting the real injured person in  the clinic before taking their decision.

    As a stakeholder in Rivers State, how do you feel about the political crisis?

    I will call it a political disagreement, but the violent  dimension brought to it is highly condemnable. It is normal to disagree in politics,  but it should not degenerate to violence where cudgels and other dangerous weapons are used. It is therefore, important that we play by the rules at all times and remember that posterity will judge us.

    What do you consider to be the real cause of the crisis?

    It is the refusal to preach,  adhere to and follow the rule of law. On April 15 , an Abuja High Court gave judgment declaring  Felix Obuah as the duly-elected chairman of PDP in Rivers State. The erstwhile Chairman did appeal to Court of Appeal, the Governor Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi and his side of the divide failed and refused to accept the verdict of the court and has been pouring invectives on the judiciary.

    The governor, in collaboration with the House of Assembly, went and suspended duly elected local government officials , including the 17 councilors, and set up a caretaker committee, contrary to the provisions of the Nigerian Constitution and Local Government Law of Rivers State.

    The allegation was against the Chairman, but the councilors were joined in the allegation.

    What is the provision of the Rivers State Local Government Law in this respect?

    The Local Government Law of Rivers State provides that where the council is suspended,  the Director of Personnel will hold brief and not a caretaker committee. Section 7 of the constitution has outlawed the phenomenon called caretaker committee.

    The members referred to as Group 5 had their constituency project allowances seized. Somebody has decided to play “god” and lord of the manor. No respect for constituted authority, no respect for elders, no respect for dissenting views. Somebody wants to close the political space.

    When the current PDP chairman, Felix Obuah, went to court to reclaim his mandate, the governor went after him by compulsorily acquiring his hotel in the village of Omoku for a primary school. This is a village that has land in surplus. The chairman had to go to court to halt the intended acquisition. In democracy, all these will be resisted. That is what is termed crisis.

    But there are speculations that the crisis is externally induced…

    No. But certain persons outside are trying to exacerbate the problem. The chairman, Felix Obuah, went to court to reclaim his mandate, the opposition lawmakers are in Port Harcourt. So, no external motivation,  except as I did say that some external persons’ utterances tend to make the matter grow in size. All the gladiators are Rivers sons and daughters and ordinarily resident in Rivers State.

    The external influence in the matter are the four PDP governors that went ons a so called solidarity visit, namely Babangida Aliyu, Rabiu Kwankwaso, Murtala Nyako and Sule Lamido.

    What is their business in Rivers State, if not to escalate the crisis, especially, in their rage and hatred for President Jonathan. In the coming days, we shall see how their visit has helped their host. The North has been a very good ally of Rivers people, but now,  they have started sowing the seed of discord for their selfish interest. Our people still appreciate  our northern brothers and sisters and will not like the malfeasance of a minute crowd of four to come in between us.

    It is widely speculated that the Presidency has a hand in the crises…

    I am not competent to answer for the President. They have made press statement in respect of the criss. They are in a better position to do justice to this question. So let them answer for themselves

    The Minister of State for Education, Chief Ezenwo Nyesom Wike, has been accused of being behind the Rivers crisis. Are you aware?

    It is a false accusation. In fact, he is being marked for political extermination and emasculation. The local government chairman and councilors that were  suspended are fromhis Obio-Akpor Local Government, the House of Assembly member, M. O. Chinda, that was beaten, is his representative in the House. All these attacks were visited on his supposed supporters to cow and bring him down. They are afraid of his popularity and multitude of followership  in the state.

    How can we resolve the crises?

    The problem can be resolved, if we abide by the rule of law and not play “god”. An Okro tree cannot grow bigger than the planter. And those whose palm kernel has been cracked for them  by a benevolent spirit must not forget to remain humble.

    It is only God that can determine the fate of any individual, no matter what, our destiny is in God’s hands.

    Wike has been haunted variously by the power that be in Rivers State since 2007 and he has always come out unscathed.

    The whole fury is that Wike now has the support of the state party apparatus on his side and that is due to his good deft political acumen. Should this be termed as an offence? No, please. The whole crisis is local and no amount of propaganda will elevate it to something else. Nobody is a fool.

    Rivers State governor has consistently called for the redployment of the State Police Commissioner. What is your reaction?

    The Commissioner has stated his side of the story and the Inspector General of Police has said that he readthe goveror’s complaints in the newspapers, there is no written complaint  addressed to the Police Service Commission.

    The allegations that the MOPOL has compromised security must be proved to show the compromise. The allegation that he holds meetings with the politicians must be proven and the things discussed that is anti-service or against the laws of the land. A commissioner of police is not under the operational control of any governor,  but the Inspector General of Police. A Commissioner of Police has more cognate experience in security matters than a governor, who has no military background or police background.

    We watched on the television network the brutalisation of a law maker  in the Rivers State House of Assembly. What is your take on the matter?

    I was totally ashamed that a sitting governor can go into the hallowed chambers of the Rivers State House of Assembly and unleash his security aides on a helpless lawmaker and the whole world saw what happened. People who call themselves responsible and opinion leaders will not condemn it, but are more interested in somebody retaining the office of the governor. It is the governor’s Aide-de-camp and chief detail officer that aided in brutalizing the lawmaker. They broke his head, his jaw, dismembered his teeth with gaping hole near his nose. In all these, the governor who claims to be father of all never bothered to visit the injured legislator in the hospital but was quick to habour the assailant  in Government House clinic under a dubious claim of being injured.

    In this country, four governors feigned ignorance of this brutality ably supervised by one of their own  and shamelessly embarked on a solidarity visit of dubious origin.

    It is not uncommon to have disagreement in the legislature with the attendant fracas. We have examples in Philipines, Greece, Ukraine and Russia. It happened here in Nigeria in the House of Representatives, more than three occasions,  but they have an inbuilt mechanism of  resolving same and not a brigandage interference.

     

     

  • What are parliamentary resolutions worth?

    What are parliamentary resolutions worth?

    Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN takes a look at the numerous resolutions passed by the Senate and House of Representatives, which have been ignored by the Presidency, and its implications for democracy.

     

     

    Apart from making laws, the legislature can pass resolutions on matters of public interest. But the executive may feel that such resolutions are not binding, thereby frustrating the legislative initiatives. The failure of the executive to honour the National Assembly’s resolutions has on serve occasions led to frictions between the two arms of the government.

     

    Critical resolutions

     

    One of the resolutions passed by both the Senate and the House of Representatives, which have been ignored by the executive, include the Senate’s resolution that the Director-General of the Security Exchange Commission (SEC), Ms Aruma Oteh, be fired for not being qualified to hold her position. To underscore the imperative of the resolution, the National Assembly refused to appropriate funds for the SEC in the 2013 budget. It promised to approve the budget for the commission on the condition that the executive implements its resolution by removing her from office. Ms Oteh is still in office and SEC is still operating, despite the zero budget for the commission.

    Similarly, the Senate adopted a motion demanding the immediate sack of the Chairman of the Pension Reforms Task Team, Abdulrasheed Maina, for gross misconduct. Maina refused to honour the Senate invitation over the controversial N195 billion pension scam. Before the resolution was passed, many legislators accused the Federal Government of collaborating with Maina to perpetrate the crime against Nigerians. The Senate also asked the Inspector General of Police, Muhammed Abubakar, to appear before it to explain why the police failed to act on the warrant of arrest issued on Maina for repeatedly refusing to honour a Senate invitation over the pension scam. Maina never appeared before the Senate.

    The House of Representatives on June 19, 2012, following a resolution, invited President Goodluck Jonathan to brief its members on what steps his administration was taking to curb insecurity. The summon was issued few days after a crisis broke out in some northern states, following the bomb attacks at three churches in Kaduna. The resolution followed a motion of urgent national importance sponsored by Hon Yakubu Barde (PDP/Kaduna Constituency). The President neither appeared before the House nor sent any of his aides to represent him. The position of the executive was that the House could not summon the President.

    The Lower Chamber of the National Assembly in July, 2012 passed a resolution, asking President Jonathan to withdraw the national honours given to former bank Managing Directors who had been convicted for their roles in the collapse of their banks in 2009. Had the President implemented this resolution, Chief Olabode George, former chairman of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), Mr Tafa Balogun, a former Inspector General of Police and Mrs Cecilia Ibru, former Managing Director of the defunct Oceanic Bank, would have been stripped of their national honours. George was convicted by a Lagos High Court in 2009 for impropriety committed as the chairman of NPA. Balogun was found guilty of money laundering charges in 2005 by Justice Binta Murtala-Nyako.

    The House of Representatives, before proceeding on a two-month recess in July 2012, condemned the poor implementation of the 2012 budget and resolved that the executive must achieve 100 per cent implementation before September. The lawmakers threatened to begin impeachment proceedings against President Jonathan. The Minority Leader of the House, Femi Gbajabiamila of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), warned that “if by September 18, 2012, the budget performance has not improved to 100 per cent, we shall begin to invoke and draw up articles of impeachment against Mr President.” In December, the budget performance was about 50 per cent. The President is still in office.

    During the Obasanjo era, the House of Representatives adopted a motion that the National Stadium, Abuja, be named after the late Chief MKO Abiola for two reasons. The Assembly noted that Abiola’s contribution to the development of sports not only in Nigeria, but in Africa was unparalleled, such that he was referred to as “Pillar of Sports in Africa.” The lawmakers said without the sacrifice made by Abiola, democracy would not have returned to Nigeria in 1999. He was described as a matyr of democracy. For eight years, Obasanjo kept mute over the resolution.

     

    Are National Assembly resolutions binding on the executive?

     

    Legal scholars are unanimous in their views that the resolutions passed by the legislators are not binding on the President or the governors.

    A Constitutional Law expert, Prof. Itse Sagay (SAN), told The Nation that the resolutions are not mandatory on the executive. Resolutions, he said, are not laws and do not carry any sanctions, if the executive ignores them.

    Sagay said: “Resolutions are mere expressions from a strong body like parliament. The executive may honour them or ignore them. The legislators are constitutionally empowered to make laws, which must be enforced by the executive arm of government. Such laws are binding on the President and every Nigerians.”

    Another lawyer, Yusuf Ali (SAN), said resolutions are just pieces of advice. They are not binding on the executive. But the executive cannot ignore a bill, which has been passed into law by the legislature, he added.

    Ali said that the resolutions crafted in high persuasive language may likely compel the executive to honour it. “For example, if there was a disaster involving lives and property, and the National Assembly passed a resolution that the executive should send relief materials to the people affected or to declare a state of emergency in the affected area, no serious person will ignore that.

    “But a resolution that the executive should remove someone from office is not; it is a piece of advice. People may be emotive in passing resolutions on issues, but the President is not compelled to honour them.”

    Chief Niyi Akintola (SAN) concurred. According to him, resolutions are not mandatory on the President or the governors. Resolutions are not laws; so they are not binding on the executive. Resolutions are mere expressions of personal feelings of lawmakers, he said.

    However, Akintola said the executive should respect the legislators’ views, if the two arms of government are working in the same direction.

    Ali also said that if the President is not willing to honour the resolutions passed by the legislators, he should let them know. The executive should not just ignore resolutions and keep quiet. There should be a way of communicating between the two arms to avoid the breakdown of communication and schism.

     

    Can the National Assembly enforce the resolutions?

     

    Akintola affirmed that the Assembly is empowered by the 1999 Constitution to summon any Nigerian, including the President, in the discharge of their constitutional mandate. He explained that Section 89 (d) gave an unfettered power to the National Assembly to summon anyone, especially, if the person is a public official.

    He explained that where the President cannot appear in person before the Assembly, he can send any of his aides who is capable of providing information or answering questions put to him by the lawmakers.

    But Sagey disagreed. He said, the National Assembly can’t summon the President. “They can invite people who are working with him that are competent or are in the position to answer questions on issues at stake”, he emphasised.

    Ali said it is part of the oversight functions of the National Assembly to summon the President to provide information on issues that the lawmakers feel are necessary. “Special Adviser to the President on National Assembly Matters Senator Joy Emordi said that, they can’t summon the President. She said the House of Representatives erred when it insisted that he should appear, before them in person. She observed that by using the term ‘summon’, the House created the impression that it could issue a warrant of arrest on the President, should he fail to abide by the resolution.

    But another lawyer, Mr Illiya Idris explained that, whereas the House actually has the powers to ask anyone to appear before it on any issue, the summon must be backed by a bill. “My position has always being that unless the National Assembly is trying to make laws or amend laws and also expose corruption, they cannot just be inviting anybody indiscriminately.

    Idris said the powers of the House of Representatives or the Senate to investigate any person are not at large. He said that it is limited by Section 88 of the Constitution.

    A lawyer, Festus Keyamo, said the House cannot compel Mr President to appear before it.

    “ Section 308(1) & (3) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria provides as follows: ‘Notwithstanding anything to the contrary in this Constitution, but subject to subsection (2) of this section; no civil or criminal proceedings shall be instituted or continued against a person to whom this section applied during his period of office; no process of any court requiring or compelling the appearance of a person to whom this section applies, shall be applied for or issued.’

    What has upset Emordi was the choice of words by the parliament. She said: “The only concern is their choice of word and the impression they created. I would have preferred the word ‘invite’ rather than ‘summon’ because you use summon when it involves somebody on whom you can issue a warrant of arrest if he does not respond to your summon. Assuming the President fails to attend, what are they going to do?

    “Mr President is covered by immunity and there is no law that compels him to appear before them in person if his schedule does not permit him to do so. You don’t make a law that is not backed by sanctions”, Emordi said.

    Keyamo, pointed out that while the National Assembly can summon the President, it cannot enforce the summons. However, the action of the President in refusing to honour the summons may amount to ‘gross misconduct,’ which can trigger impeachment proceeding against the President by the National Assembly, he said.