The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • My father’s murder was political, says Aregbesola’s aide

    My father’s murder was political, says Aregbesola’s aide

    For eight years Kareem Fola Olajoku, Senior Special Assistant to Osun State Governor Rauf Aregbesola on General Matters, has remained in agony. Reason: the murder of his beloved father, Alhaji Sulaimon Hassan-Olajoku, a major supporter of Aregbesola’s governorship ambition on May 15, 2005.

    The slain Hassan-Olajoku, whom the governor once described as “a major financier of my campaign and left no one in doubt as to his support for and loyalty to our cause,” was gruesomely assassinated at Gbongan Junction in the presence of his teenage daughters and wife. It was a day after he organised a ceremony in Ifon-Osun to market the governor the people.

    “But eight years should be long enough to forget such an experience,” this reporter said. Kareem’s voice quaked in emotion in response: “How can I forget someone who was more that a father to me and our entire family? He was a man we could count on for anything. He was taken away from us at a period my siblings and I needed him most because we were very young at that time. He was a perfect gentle man; a strong grassroots politician, tax consultant, and a loving father. Words cannot explain how I feel. Sometimes, I wished it was just a dream that would soon fade away. Who on earth would shoot a man 24 times or more? That was pure assassination! They wanted him dead.”

    The governor’s aide seethed with indignation when he wondered why the police were yet to give his family any clue about those who killed his father and their motive, but was profuse in praises for Aregbesola who remained a dependable pillar of support for the bereaved family. “I appreciate our governor’s efforts to ensure that my siblings and I do not suffer as a result of this horrible experience. He has been our pillar of support; we can’t thank him enough. I also commend him for immortalising my father by building a mega park, named Hassan Olajoku Park, at the Gbongan Junction, where my father was brutally murdered. Ogbeni Aregbesola is a great and humane man who is rare to find on this earth. He has been there for us,” Olajoku said.

    He declared that his father was murdered by the anti-progressive elements in the state, adding: “We all know the truth. My father was killed when the political scene in Osun State was tense; and we all know it was a political killing. Some people’s thirst for power shows they are myopic. But in the end, the same power which they thought was their birth right was taken away from them by God and the judiciary. Where are they today? They didn’t want the then opposition party to redeem the mandate they stole.”

    When reminded that Osun State would soon hold local council elections he replied: “ACN in Osun State has shown the world that we are working. Have you not heard of the Opon-Imo, Ipad look-alike tablets that are being distributed to secondary school pupils in the state and which contain all their syllabuses and subjects? The computer system is even solar- powered. Osun State is moving and I can tell you that in any election, our great party will win all the available seats. The forthcoming council election will be another litmus test for us as a government, but we are fully prepared to win all the seats as we had done in past elections. This is because the governor has touched the lives of all Osun people positively, and they are happy for it.”

    He spoke further: “Aregbesola’s government is the best administration Osun State had had since its creation in 1996. Before the coming on board of the administration in 2010, flood destroyed lives and property in the state so much that people lost their means of livelihood and their loved ones, but now, the story is different. Before now, roads in the state were in dilapidated conditions, but now, the governor has been roundly commended for his good works, so much that he has even been nick-named “Oba baba ona”, meaning, “king of the roads repairs.” Is it the Oyes (Osun Youth Empowerment Scheme), which employed over 20,000 youths, thereby drastically reducing unemployment in the state? Or, is it the agricultural sector he revitalised by providing arable lands and funds to farmers to ease their age-long burden of lack of government’s support? The governor has redefined governance in the state.”

  • ‘There is need for power shift in 2015’

    ‘There is need for power shift in 2015’

    Second Republic Secretary to Lagos State Government Asiwaju Olorunfunmi Basorun spoke with WALE AJETUNMOBI on the politcal situation in the country.

    Do you think the All Progressives Congress (APC), when finally registered, would be a threat to the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)?

    It certainly will pose a threat to the PDP because the party being conceived by the leaders, will come to the Southwest as a mass movement and sweep away those who are anti-people.

    In what ways do you think the APC will be different from the PDP?

    APC’s primary objective to bring Nigerians together and run a government that will have the greatest interest of Nigerians at heart. A manifesto has not been launched. So, nobody can say these are the details. But, if there is anything in the mind of those who are promoting the APC, it is to take charge of the country and the government in Nigeria; to run a government that will be in the interest of the majority of Nigerians. There is an urgent need for power to shift in 2015.

    Considering the United States report on corruption in Nigeria, is there any hope for the country?

    Well, I don’t know the details of the US report. Did they mention those who are corrupt? According to you, the report says there is monumental corruption being perpetrated in high places in Nigeria. The high places here means the Federal Government being administered by the PDP. The ACN is not there. By the way, the President’s statement against the civil servants, who he said are corrupt on Workers’ Day, is unfortunate. I expect the civil servants to organise themselves and reply him. I don’t know why he accused the civil servants, except they are all corrupt together. Take the case of the oil subsidy, we know the people who benefited from the fraud. None of them is a civil servant. Unless the President is telling us that it was the civil servants who misadvised them to give money to those who are not going to import oil and they embezzled all the money. It is corruption in itself for the President to promise us that, when he removed the subsidy, Nigerians would see what he would do with the money. But we are now seeing what he is doing with SURE-P programme headed by Dr Christoper Kolade. The programme has now been politicised. SURE is not sure for all Nigerians. The President is using the scheme to look after the members of his party across the states. Is that how to alleviate our suffering? SURE is sure for only those who can sing the praises of the President.

    The House of Representatives recently concluded a process to review the constitution…

    I have wondered, if the review is different from the amendment. Whatever they claimed they did was a sham. Members of the House of Representatives are trying to fool Nigerians by coming out to say Nigerians have spoken; that some constituencies have met and voted and agreed that there should be no state police. I say they are talking rubbish. This is a country where we have more than 160 million people and less than 9,000 policemen. If I take the average, out of about 250 people that attended the one in Ikorodu in November, half of them were market women with aso ebi (uniform). I attended and I took permission to speak first. I told them to set up different committees in all constituencies in Ikorodu axis, so that more people would be heard. They didn’t want to consider it. Later, I asked them: how can we be saying yes or no on these vexed issues? I told them that, if that is what you want, tell the House this is not going to solve our problems. There are questions we have to ask. But you have given us the template for 43 questions to go and fill and returned. I filled my own, but I added a rejoinder. I appealed to them to note that what they are doing is just a preamble to the real work. I advised them to get more Nigerians involved.

    It is necessary to invite organisations such as Nigerian Medical Association (NMA), Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ), Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Women Council of Nigeria, Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) and the important civil society bodies. Let them constitute a body to look at the 43 subjects and debate them. We did not vote in my constituency. How could we have voted; what would those uneducated women have voted for? Do they know what is called state police? I did not end there because I know the implication. I know we cannot get a perfect constitution, but let us get something that is closer to it. So, I was surprised when I read in the newspaper that 324 constituencies voted that Houses of Assembly should be granted financial autonomy. That is not important because many of the states already have it. Lagos State has it. Why should they be voting for that one?

    What is your view on the local government autonomy?

    I am concerned about that. The preponderant view is that local government should be subjected to the state so that they can use Section 7, sub-section 1, of the current constitution, which has not been amended, to create local governments. So, when it comes to funding, use the indices to allocate money to that state. The present constitution does not even ask the Federal Government to give local government funds directly to the states. Then, in Section 162, the money is there for the state for sharing among the local governments in accordance with a law made by the state House of Assembly. And then, they talk of states’ Independent Electoral Commission being prevented from holding elections. What type of federalism are we running? If we want to conduct a local government election, an almighty Jega will come and conduct it. It means that INEC will not rest all its life, if it has to conduct local government elections in the 36 states, which are not held at the same period. They say INEC should conduct all the elections at the same time and they are saying yes. What does the market woman understand about scrapping states’ electoral commissions and leaving the national electoral commission to hold all elections? Even, some elite said the state governors would misuse power. Is the federal government not misusing power? Anenih, last month, said, we know how to win in 2015. The statement is pregnant with a lot of meaning. So, the House of Reps just left serious matters and went into issues such as immunity clause. It does not make much sense to me because the conference we held in 2005 had decided that the criminal aspect be removed. Nobody should be in this country and commit crime because he or she is in a position of authority and get away with it. No.

    Should a six-year single tenure be allowed?

    I heard the President’s spokesman saying that Jonathan has said he would not contest in the 2015, provided that we have a six-year single term. My view is that many of these people do not understand. It is a pity Obasanjo jettisoned the last constitutional conference. Each time I look through the list of the participants; we had Anyaoku, we had Olusola Saraki, Ango Abdullahi and Muritala Nyako. I was there and Prof Adebayo Adedeji, the Olowo of Owo, who was my teacher in the Law School, was there. I don’t know how we will succeed to arrange such people, unless each constituency brings out its best people to work out a new constitution. So, we need a collection to discuss on these 43 items and they should not make the material their final decision. They should still subject it to argument such as what are the implications of state police? Argument that the state government will abuse it, or use to harass its opponent is trite. What is the President doing with the security lever he controls? Presently, he is using it, as he wants. When he did not want the opponents of Dickson to be governor in Bayelsa State, they used security against them. When Ladoja was to be impeached, the process was done in a hotel guarded by security agencies. The same thing with Dariye. So, who cannot misuse the security apparatus? We only need to strengthen the law to caution whoever is going to be in charge.

    Don’t you think the country is jinxed when it comes to making a new constitution?

    I don’t believe in such a notion. But what I think is that those who are there now feel that making a new constitution or amendment would take the power away from them. That is why I said they should be part of the process. If people want another constitution, I don’t think this present government can do that. It is not only lazy, it is a sleeping government. They are just spending our money on unproductive retreats. They will take allowance and all sorts of money. But having spent such money, nothing else happens. We still have two years to go into another election. Let us do this review properly and get something. In 2015, when we get a better government, we will overhaul everything. This is not the kind of government that can give us a good constitution. Whenever they hear that people are calling for constitutional review, they will think that we want to send them packing. They want to entrench themselves, which is what the decision they have taken in the just-concluded review process.

  • ‘How did Abiola die?’

    ‘How did Abiola die?’

    Former Aviation Minister Mr. Femi Fani-Kayode writes on the controversy surrounding the death of the winner of the June 12, 1993 presidential election, Chief Moshood Abiola, shortly after an American delegation met with him in detention.

    Ambassador Susan Rice was, until recently, the American Ambassador to the United Nations. Her long-standing aspiration of becoming the Secretary of State for her country was dashed when the Republicans in the Senate started sharpening their knives in anticipation of her formal nomination for that position by President Barack Obama.

    Sensing that her nomination would not scale through the Senate and that she would not be confirmed as the Secretary of State, due to the role she played in the alleged cover up of the Benghazi affair in which the American Ambassador to Libya, Christopher Stevens, and three other American citizens were murdered by a group of Islamist terrorists, her nomination was withdrawn.

    Instead of Secretary of State, President Obama has now nominated her for the position of National Security Advisor, which is a job that does not require Senate approval or confirmation. I wish Susan Rice well in her new assignment. But I am constrained to ask the following questions. What did she put in the tea that she served to Chief MKO Abiola on July 8, 1998 just before he died? She was one of the last people that saw him alive, she served him some tea, he coughed violently and one hour later, he dropped dead. What was in the tea? Was it Abuja ‘’green tea’’, Darjeeling, Earl Grey, Liptons or some other more exotic brand?

    Can someone please ask Susan Rice what her role was in the death of MKO Abiola? Who sent her to do the job and who was she working for? At that time, she was Assistant Secretary of State for America in President Bill Clinton’s government. Was she acting on his direct instructions or simply on the instructions of her boss and controller in Langley?

    Chief MKO Abiola was the winner of Nigeria’s freest and fairest elections. That election took place on June 12, 1993. The following day, it was annuled by General Ibrahim Babangida. Shortly after that, as a consequence of the sheer outrage that was generated by the annulement, Babangida was compelled to ‘’step aside’’ and hand over power to Chief Ernest Shonekan. In what was clearly a strategic manouver, he left General Sani Abacha (his own Chief of Army Staff) behind to be the Minister of Defence for the incoming administration.

    A few months later, Abacha toppled the Interim National Government of Chief Ernest Shonekan, which he had served and seized power for himself. Abiola was arrested and detained. He was never granted his freedom again. Four years later, Abacha himself was murdered by forces that are yet to be identified and General Abdulsalami Abubakar took power. Exactly 30 days after Abacha was killed, those same forces that killed him murdered Abiola as well in an attempt to ‘’balance the equation’’.

    These are the facts and sequence of events. One thing is self-evident and cannot be denied, no matter which side of the divide one may have been on in the June 12 saga- certain questions must be answered. And some of those questions are as follows. Who killed MKO Abiola? Who killed Sani Abacha? What role, if any, did officials of the Abubakar administration play in the murder of both Abacha and Abiola? What role did the CIA play and exactly what transpired in the room when Assistant Secretary of State Susan Rice (as she then was), Ambassador Thomas Pickering and two other faceless and nameless officials from the American Embassy met with Abiola on the very day that he was meant to have been released. Sadly, instead of being released on that day, he dropped dead in what can only be described as mysterious and questionable circumstances.

    This is all the more so because Abiola’s security officer and the man that was charged with looking after him and protecting him throughout the time that he was incarcerated (an honest, upstanding and courageous police officer by the name of ASP Zadok) told the Oputa panel in 2002 that Abiola was ‘’hale and hearty’’ and in ‘’very high spirits,’’ just before going into the meeting with the Americans. He went further by telling the panel that as he was about to enter Aguda House (the premises where the meeting was scheduled to be held) with Abiola when he was asked to leave his principal, to step out of the premises and to go and pick up another car from somewhere else by one of General Abdul-salami’s security officers. He promptly obeyed the order, but half an hour later when he came back he found Abiola in a terrible condition, coughing violently, writhing all over the floor in pain and breathing his last breath. Thirty minutes later he gave up the ghost.

    Another question that needs to be answered is the one that the veteran journalist and respected columnist Mr. Gbolabo Ogunsanwo has dubbed as ‘’the question of the missing one hour’’. Permit me to explain. According to the testimony that was given to the Oputa Panel by Major Hamza Al- Mustapha, who was General Abacha’s Chief Security Officer, from the first day that Abiola was arrested right up until the day that he was murdered he (Al-Mustapha) was in charge of his (Abiola’s) security. Each time Abiola was moved from one safe house to another he had to sign for it. Each time Abiola ate his food or drank anything, his men tasted and drank it before-hand. He went as far as to say that each time Abiola went to the toilet he was made aware of it and that nothing happened around Abiola or to him without his direct permission and the involvement of his most loyal men. After Abacha was murdered and Abdulsalami Abubakar became Head of State, Al Mustapha was still in charge of Abiola’s security and he still maintained direct responsibility for his life, his well-being and his welfare right up until the minute that he was murdered.

    When Al-Mustapha appeared before the Oputa Panel, he exposed the fact, that in the entire period of four years that he and his team watched over Abiola, it was only in the one hour that he was killed that they had no knowledge or control of what was happening to or around him. According to him, Abiola was removed from the guest house that he had been staying without his (Al Mustapha’s) signature or knowledge and without anyone seeking his permission. Simply, put, he was kept in the dark about the whole thing. Secret orders were given to keep him out of the loop, to take Abiola to a destination, which he knew nothing about and to ensure that none of the usual trusted food tasters and minders were with him. The only person that accompanied Abiola from the old guard of those that had watched over him for the previous four years was ASP Zadok and when they arrived at Aguda House (the venue of the meeting), he was conveniently sent on a meaningless errand by General Abdulsalami Abubakar’s Chief Security Officer and told to leave. Hence, for the first time in four years, Abiola was left completely on his own and he was surrounded by a coterie of strange faces who had no genuine affection or empathy for him. He was with them for one hour and during that hour, not one of those that had watched over him, that had secured his safety and that he had grown familiar with him over the entire four year period of his incarceration was with him. It was during that ‘’missing hour’’, when he was all alone and very vulnerable, that he was poisoned.

    Sadly, by the time Zadok, who was undoubtedly loyal to him, returned to the scene, Abiola was already dying. The question. Is who gave the order for Abiola to be brought to that meeting? Why did they keep Al Mustapha in the dark about it? Why was Zadok sent to bring another vehicle that was obviously not needed? That one hour, and what transpired during it’s course, holds the key to everything. It appears that Abiola was lured into a trap by a group of smiling strangers who did not wish him well and who had sinister plans for him. It was like leading a lamb to the slaughter.

    Given these circumstances I have no doubt that this was a case of premeditated murder but the question is whose call was it and why did it have to happen? What was the motive? Was it done just to ‘’balance the equation’’ as some said at the time or was it done in an attempt to pave the way for an Obasanjo Presidency one year later? Could General Olusegun Obasanjo have been released from jail and elected President, if Abiola had lived and if he had insisted on claiming his mandate? The Nigerian people have a right to know the truth and it is about time that those that have wielded power in this country for the last few decades told them. The powers that be must appreciate the fact that they cannot sweep things under the carpet forever and that one day, no matter how long it takes, they will be held accountable by God and the Nigerian people for the morbid, secret and oftentimes homicidal choices and decisions that they made.

    Yet, the truth is that the military operates like a cult and we may never get an honest answer from any of them about what really happened. This is because there are very few Col. Abubakar Dangiwa Umar’s in the Nigerian military. Very few of them are prepared to break ranks with the leadership and break the ‘’omerta’’ code of silence like Abubakar Umar did over the June 12 election. Very few of them are prepared to call a spade a spade, speak the truth, expose the lie and damn the consequences. Most of them continue to spin the yarn and tell the dirty lie that Abacha and Abiola’s deaths were both from natural causes and that it was just a coincidence that one dropped dead on July 8 1998, just four days before the fifth anniversary of June 12, and the other droped dead exactly one month later on July 8 1998. As they say, ‘’the secrets are embedded in the sequence of events and the dates’’ and, in this case, the sequence of events and the dates really do tell an interesting and revealing story.

    Yet, no matter how hard they try to cover her up and silence her, truth is stubborn and she cannot be drowned. She is like a pack of straws that are held together and pinned down by an all-powerful hand at the bottom of a river. As long as she is held at the bottom of that river, she cannot be seen or heard. Yet one day, in the fullness of time, that all-powerful hand that seeks to supress her forever will get tired and let go and at that point Lady Truth will happily float to the top of the water where she will be seen and heard by all. It is in the same way that one day, in the fullness of time, the pernicious and perfidious verdict of “death by natural causes” or “act of God” that the powers that be have claimed are the causes of Abiola and Abacha’s deaths respectively will be exposed for what they are.

    Those that continue to spin that lie and continue to conspire to hide the truth will pay a heavy price for their murderous deceit either in this world or in the next. The most filthy and despicable creature under God’s sun is the unrepentant and compulsive liar and he or she that bears false witness, that sheds innocent blood and that seeks to kill, jail, maim, defame and destroy the innocent in the name of the state. Their evil knows no bounds and they will surely burn in hell. Those that continue to perpetuate the lie, to hide the truth and to spin the tale that there was nothing untoward or mischevous about the death of Chief MKO Abiola, whose only crime was to win a free and fair election and refuse to renounce it, shall fare no better.

    The fact of the matter is that, until these questions are answered and justice is done, Nigeria will not know lasting peace and cannot possibly achieve her fulll potentials. It is a spiritual thing. Abiola gave his life that we may have a better tomorrow, yet we refuse to acknowledge it or to bring his killers to justice. We are repaying his good with evil and the consequences of that are set out in the Word of God. Whatever anyone may have thought of him as a person, the fact remains that, had it not been for Abiola’s sheer resilience, courage, steadfastness, sacrifice and gallant refusal to bow before the Nigerian military and give up his 1993 presidential mandate, we would not have democracy in Nigeria today. He was faithful to his cause to the very last. In return for that the least we could do is to ask the relevant questions, demand the appropiate answers and expose the bitter truth. We owe MKO Abiola, his wife Kudirat (who was also murdered), and all the other June 12 and NADECO footsoldiers and martyrs that much.

  • June 12 and illusion of hope

    June 12 and illusion of hope

    The June 12, 1993 presidential election was free and fair. But it was annulled by the former military President, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida (rtd). Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU revisits the dark moment in national history and the adversarial roles of the key players who aborted the envisaged journey to the new order.

     

    Twenty years after, the pains linger. The memory of horror has not fizzled out. The wasted hope, the betrayal by the backsliding actors, the use of brute force by the soldiers of fortune, the restoration of partial civil rule and the breach of popular rule by the military apologetics in power have prolonged the political bereavement.

    On June 23, 1993, when the historic presidential election won by the Social Democratic Party (SDP) candidate, Chief Moshood Abiola, was annulled by the military President, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, the country was enveloped in gloom and anxiety. Instantly, the journey to democracy was crippled. The voters were enraged. A cloud of uncertainty hanged over the polity. Although the electorate issued a red card to the military, it was defiled by soldiers who resisted changed and subdued them with guns. The symbol of the struggle was caged as the victor became the villain. He never returned alive. The rest is history.

     

    The great betrayal

     

    Historians agree that the acts of treachery will be narrated from generation to generation. The criminal annulment jolted the people out of their delusion that its covetous and over-politicised military could voluntarily return power to legitimate authorities without a popular uprising.

    When Babangida shoved aside his predecessor, Major Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (rtd) in August 1985, Nigerians hailed the architect of the palace coup. He warmed himself to Nigerians by unfolding a transition agenda, which, as subsequent events showed, was programmed to fail, in spite of the heavy electoral expenditure and repeated assurance that the military was prepared to transfer power. To that extent, the General stood against national progress by elevating personal survival over and above the national interest.

    In justifying the annulment, which aborted the dream of his friend, Abiola, to succeed him, Babangida alluded to the conflict between loyalty to friendship and ‘love’ for the nation. “My commitment to the cherished values of friendship has been confronted with the demands of statecraft”, said the military leader, who explained that, when that confrontation emerged, he decided to abandon friendship for the need to for national service. “I love my friends, but I also love my country. It is the height of patriotism that whenever the love for one’s country is in conflict with any other love, the love for one’s country takes precedence”, he added.”

    Pro-democracy activist Comrade Joe Igbokwe, who has been consistent in opposing IBB’s presidential ambition in the post-June 12 period, declared that the retired General took the confused nation for a ride. “As we mark the June 12 anniversary, we cannot but remember the role of the enemies of democracy, whose activities also laid the foundation for this current dispensation, particularly at the centre. We regret that, 20 years after, we have not witnessed another free, fair, democratic and credible election like June 12. Babangida annulled the election and sadly, there is no way for him to rectify his mistake. History’s judgment will always be harsh on him”, he said.

     

    Dashed hope

     

    The late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who had peeped into the future, cautioned against the illusion of hope, when IBB announced his transition to civil rule programme. He was weary of the prevailing political situation. The sage had been invited to participate in the debate organised by the Political Bureau chaired by Dr. Cookey. The old doubted the sincerity of the transition drivers. Awo predicted that the country was embarking on a fruitless search, warning that when Nigerians imagine that the new order has arrived, they would be terribly disappointed. When he returned to Ikenne from Lagos, following his visit to Doddan Barracks, he urged his followers to learn to eat and win e with the devil with a long spoon.

    To observers, the military was not ready to abdicate power. The military President’s game of gambling was confounding, but it was initially ignored by the vocal activists and other stakeholders. The evidence was that the critical poll was shifted on two occasions when the transition timetable was reviewed. When the military government knew that it was impossible to shift it for the third time, it rescheduled the poll for June, the raining session.

    But nature was kind to the determined voters on long queues across the country. The weather was benevolent. The minor hitches associated with the electoral commission’s operations, including the late arrival of polling materials and electoral officers in isolated places, were endured by the excited voters. There was no anxiety. People embraced the historic festival of change and choice without any fear of intimidation and molestation.

    The mood in the army and police barracks was not different. Soldiers, their wives and children, displayed enthusiasm as they chose between SDP’s Abiola and his rival, Othman Bashir Tofa of the National Republican Convention (NRC). According to the National Electoral Commission (NECO) chaired by Prof. Humphrey Nwosu. 14 million participated in the voting. Thuggery, violence and other electoral malpractices were absent. It was a miracle. The contest showcased the potency of the Option A4, open ballot system and two party democracy. According to the poll results, Abiola scored 8,341, 309 votes, representing 58.36 percent of the total votes cast. Tofa, it was said, was ready to concede victory. In fact, the NRC National Publicity Secretary, Dr. Doyin Okupe, declared that the poll was devoid of rigging, affirming that Abiola won a popular mandate.

    But the military thought otherwise. The announcement of the result was stopped abruptly, based on the order from above. The NEC Director of Publicity, Dr. Tony Iredia, who was displaying the results as they trickled in, was asked to remove them from the notice board. Later, a terse statement putting the announcement on hold was released by the Presidency.

     

    Game of deception

     

    At that point in time, the presidential spokes

    man, Duro Onabule, was about taking the

    back seat. The Chief Press Secretary to the military Vice President, Admiral Augustus Aikhomu, Mr. Nduka Iraboh, released government’s directive to the anxious reporters in Abuja, the seat of power. The statement reads: ‘In view of the litigation pending in the various courts, the Federal Government is compelled to take appropriate steps to rescue the judiciary. These steps are taken to protect our legal system and the judiciary from being ridiculed and politicised, both nationally and internationally.

    “In an attempt to end this ridiculous charade, which may culminate in judicial anarchy, the Federal Military Government has decided to: stop forthwith all court proceedings pending or to be instituted and appeals thereon in respect of any matter touching, relating or concerning the presidential election held on June 12, 1993, the Transition to Civil Rule Political Programme (Amendment No 3, Decree No 52 of 1992 and the presidential election.

    “Basic Constitutional and Transitional Provision Decree No 13 of 1993 is hereby repealed. all acts or omissions done or purportedly to have been done, or to be done by any person, authority etc, under the above named decrees are hereby declared invalid. The National Electoral Commission is hereby suspended. All acts or omission done or purported to have been done by itself, its officers or agents under the repealed Decree No 13, 1993, are hereby nullified”.

    The embattled military leader also justified the cancellation in a nation-wide broadcast on June 26, 1993. It was clearly an after-thought. Babangida rationalised that the electoral commission did not carry all the voters along, following the court ruling of June 10, which had cancelled the poll. He imagined a hollow in the process of authentication and clearance of the presidential candidates, although the candidates passed through the rigorous nomination processes at the ward, local government, state and national levels. Nigerians wondered why the Federal Government did not point out this before the poll.

    The allegation that bribes were offered and accepted by the INEC officials was also disputed. Babangida could not substantiate it. Neither could be convince Nigerians that a conflict of interest existed between the government and the presidential candidates. Indeed, the nature of the conflict was kept to his chest. Babangida had indicated his preferred destination when he submitted that he knew those who would not succeed him and that he did not know those who would succeed him. When he finally boxed himself into a cul de sac, viewers saw a staggering military President boasting that the military knew who its successors are chosen and that ‘we are not only in government, we are in power.”

     

    Morbid hate for MKO

     

    The SDP candidate was very passionate about the masses. He believed that power could be used to to transform the society. He had fought many personal battles, but ‘june 12’ was the fiercest battle of his life. When IBB annuled his victory, he became a political warrior with a a battalion. Rejecting the annulment, he declared himself as the custodian of a sacred mandate. He said, having voted for him, the people of Nigerian expected him to assume the reins on August 27, 1993. “ I intend to keep that date with history”, Abiola said.

    IBB could not make the mistake of underrating the billionaire businessman-turned politician, who had become the champion of the masses. He knew the strength and weakness of his bosom friend. In a birthday message to him in 1992, Babangida described MKO as a man of courage, stressing that “ a major feature of your life, so far, is the diggedness and determination with which you pursue any venture embarked upon”.

    Abiola had divided the military. Majority insisted that, since he won the poll, he should not be robbed. But the minority appeared more powerful. When the heat was much, he had jetted out to seek international support. By the time he returned home, his party had split. He met a divided and rancorous party whose leaders started speaking from the two sides of the mouth. Also, the military decided to subject his business to torture. His business investment was ebbing away. The military dictator clamped down on his newspapers, Concord, and other media organisations sympathetic to the cause of popular rule. They also effectively deployed the government media, which became more hostile to him and his supporters. Former Information Minister Comrade Uche Chukwumerije, now a minister, mounted the hottest propaganda against the just cause. He said, by travelling abroad, MKO had gone down in history as the first Aare Ona Kankanfo of Yoruba to have deserted the battle field. As June 12 divided the polity, associates were changing allegiance. The Association for Better Nigeria (ABN) led by Senator Arthur Nzeribe, engaged in infamous deformation of the struggle, collating imaginary signatures of people against the election.

    Vice President Aikhomu doubted the fitness of Abiola for the Presidency, describing the President-elect as one of the rich persons who are not necessarily philosophical kings. The military accused him of leaving the country illegally to mount an illegal campaign abroad against his fatherland. Gradually, MKO was losing grip of the situation. There were conflicts of advice and suggestions by eminent Nigerians. None could influence the military rulers to retrace their steps.

    To the observers, history was merely repeating itself. A decade earlier, Abiola had sought to rule the country. He was edged out of the race in the ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN) in 1982. He apparently failed to see the handwriting on the wall. initially, he had made a bold attempt to contest with the more politically experienced Chief Adisa Akinloye for the party’s national chairmanship. The old political warhorse defeated him at the 1980 national convention. Indeed, on June 12, 1982, he struggled for the presidential ticket with President Shehu Shagari. He could not even obtain the nomination form as the gate of the party secretariat was shot against him. The former Transport Minister, Dr. Umaru Dikko, told Abiola that “the Presidency is not for the highest bidder”. It was said that, on the advice of his late wife, Simbiat, who had also lost a senatorial contest in Ogun State, MKO started losing interest in politics. What brought him back was the politics of ban imposed the cult of presidential aspirants in the two parties.

     

    The messiah as problem

     

    The main issue and obstacle to

    successful transition was the

    military President, who prided himself as the Maradona and Evil Genius. IBB had intended to be the greatest ruler Nigeria ever had. He had come with a disarming smile, courting the critical stakeholders, setting up a cabinet of talents, inviting the egg heads into his administration and venturing into socio-economic and political experimentation, which kept the polity busy. When coup plotters rose against him, he won sympathy because of the innovative social engineering. But to the surprise of experts, the economy continued to show signs of strains. As the military President, he assumed full executive powers, without the accompanying checks and balances. Deploying these sweeping powers, his administration started courting the Organisation of Islamic Unity (OIC). As the economy nosedived, his Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) became a failure. Hundreds of people died and sustained wounds in the massive anti-SAP riots across the country. To sustain the regime, the culture of settlement became a feature of national life.

    From the onset, the transition programme suffered reverses. When the critical groups, including the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) and the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) raised eyebrow, the government came up with repressive tactics. Many politicians of note were banned and unbanned. IBB foisted two parties on the country, shifted the hand-over dates at will, changed the rules guiding the transition programme and instigated chorus singers to demand for the elongation of his military Presidency. He may not have corrected read the mood of the people, who actively enlisted on the side of democracy. he last straw that broke the carmel’s back was the cancellation of the credible June 12 poll.

     

    Failed resistance

     

    On June 23, when the election was cancelled, the face-off kicked off. On the battle front were Abiola, his wife, Kudirat, the SDP leaders who were loyal to him, human rights groups, labour, students, and the members of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO). Abiola was ready to lay down his life, which he ultimately did. He decried the insult heaped on the voters by IBB, despite their cooperation with the military on the transition programme. In his famous Epe Declaration, the President-elect insisted on his mandate. “never before has there been such a cynical and contemptuous abrogation of solemn commitment and fixed programme”, he also said in response to the unsigned statement announcing the annulment. In Abiola’s view, not only did the voters shunned violence, rigging and other forms of malpractices, the domestic and foreign observers testified that the election was largely free and fair.

    The President explained that he, his rival, Tofa, and the two political parties never went to court to complain about the poll. He wondered why the Abuja High Court granted the unprecedented and curious injunction to the ABN leader, Nzeribe, who was not a candidate and who never voted during the election. He observed that these diabolical events were planned ahead to create confusion and discredit the successful poll. “from now on, the struggle in Nigeria is between the people and a small clique in the military determined to cling to power at all costs”, he stressed.

    When Abiola later declared himself President, IBB yelled like a power-drunk ruler. But the seat became hotter for him henceforth. There were sporadic protests in major cities. They insisted on his exit on August 27, 1993. He handed over to an unelected government.

     

    Interim contraption

     

    Three major forces were struggling for the soul of the country-the June 12 fighters, supporters of military tenure elongation and proponents of interim government. The motivation for tenure elongation was to save Babangida from shame or self-destruction. But rationalising the interim option, former military Head of State Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo said, although it was regrettable, it was understandable. Sources said that four six names were being considered for the ING chairman-Obasanjo, the late Dr. Pius Okigbo, the late Chief Anthony Enahoro, the late Dr. Mathew Mbu, Abiola himself and Chief Ernest Sonekan, the Chairman of the Transitional Council. Okigbo, sources said, declined, following the advice of the Igbo leaders. They felt that it would the Igbo of the Presidency in the future. Enahoro’s loyalty was doubted, since he participated in the anti-military protest. Sources also said that the mood did not support the emergence of any soldier as the head of the ING.

    When Babangida finally embraced his option, which offered him an escape route, he headed for the National Assembly headed by Senate president Iyorcha Ayu. There, he offered to step aside. “Following lengthy deliberations with my service chiefs, I offered as my own personal sacrifice to voluntarily step aside as the President and Commander-In-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria”, he told the parliamentarians. But he also added: “I shall be ready, at the end of the interim government to pass on my experience in defense and security matters and any information relevant to the state to the elected President. During the period of interim administration, I will place before Nigerias full account of our stewardship. His speech threw legislators into confusion. Some felt that he had bowed out. Others said that he intended to bounce back. Many requested to know the meaning of ‘step aside’ from the dictionary. Ayu said his interpretation of the speech was that IBB has decided to quit. His deputy, Senator Albert Legogie, concurred , saying that Babangida should be left to take a rest.

    Enumerating the elements of the Interim National Government headed by Sonekan, Babangida said it would only affect the structure of the Military Government at the federal level. The unelected government will work with elected parliament at the federal and state levels and with the elected governors. But the Minister of Defense, the late Gen. Sani abacha was left behind. Babangida was silent on the tenure of the ING. He only alluded to a “reasonable period”. The Chairman, Sonekan, had no deputy. Therefore, Abacha, the most senior military officer and minister, became his automatic deputy. Sonekan was not even immediately acknowledged as the Commander-In-Chief. he was merely referred to as the Head of Interim Government.

    The great boardroom politician, Sonekan, could not reenact the success that attended his career in business on the slippery political field. The senior military officers left behind by IBB, especially Abacha and gen. Joshua Dongoyaro, were locked in feud. The country was in deep pain. Protesters doubled their efforts on the streets. The crisis overwhelmed his the illegitimate government. The politically naive interloper was learning a bitter lesson of his short political life. On November 10, 1993, Justice Dolapo Akinsanya of the Lagos High Court dismantled the interim apparatus, saying that it was illegal, unconstitutional, null and void. She said that, by virtue of Section 1 of decree 58 of 1993, IBB was not competent to promulgate Decree 61 of 1993, which set up the ING. But the June 12 fighters did not seize that moment. Many felt that, at that stage, Abiola should have declared himself President as the custodian of a popular mandate. On November 18, 1993, Abacha sacked Sonekan and stepped in as the military head of State.

     

    Failed battle

     

    The pro-democracy crusaders

    were back to square one. Abacha

    abolished all democratic structures at the state and federal levels, disbanded the National Electoral Commission (NEC), banned the two political parties and set up the Provisional Ruling Council (PRC). Then, he dispatched his deputy, the Chief of General Staff, gen. Oladipo Diya, to cajole and persuade credible progressives leaders across the six geo-political zones to join his administration as ministers. In their naivety, Abiola and his associates agreed that Alhaji Lateef Jakande, Chief Ebenezer Babatope, Mrs. Mobolaji Osomo, Alhaji Abubakar Rimi, Alhaji Baba Gana Kingibe, Chief Solomon Lar and Dr. Ayu to become members of the Federal Executive Council (FEC). Abacha promised to hand over to Abiola, but he failed to keep the promise. The credible progressive leaders were trapped in the administration. When the battle for the restoration of the mandate intensified, they could not resign from the federal cabinet. However, after stabilising he government for a while, they were sent packing by Abacha. It was another dark period. The national lean years were extended. The military Head of State later initiated a self-succession plan, which collapsed when he mysteriously passed on.

     

    Death of symbol

     

    Abiola had been detained, following his arrest after he declared himself President. He was held incommunicado. The late Chief Lamidi Adedibu had claimed that a bail was arranged for him, but Abiola’s personal physician, Dr. Ore Falomo, recalled that the President-elect was not aware of the conditions. Few days after Abacha died, Abiola also died in detention in controversial circumstance.

     

  • ‘June 12 fighters have lost out’

    ‘June 12 fighters have lost out’

    Veteran labour leader Chief Frank Kokori played a major role in the struggle for the revalidation the June 12, 1993 presidential election result. He spoke with MUSA ODOSHIMOKHE on the pains of the lost battle.

    Today marks the 20th anniversary of ‘June 12’. Looking back, how would you describe the journey?

    I will say that it is quite a long period and everything is historical. We are happy that today, we are breathing the air of freedom in a democratic Nigeria; where people can now criticise openly in the newspapers. They can come out to demonstrate openly and say a lot of things about the President and the political leadership of this country. Every Nigeria is now free to speak out his mind, which is quite an achievement for the country. If we had not had dictatorship, military and civilian benevolent democracy, we will not appreciate what is freedom. Now, you could be arrested for any crime and be taken to court for trial. With the judiciary that is encumbered in democracy, you could be given a fair hearing and be granted bail. You could have representation of lawyers to defend you at courts. I think that is quite an achievement. But when you are under dictatorship which was that period we are now talking about, which is 20 years ago, in Nigeria there was nothing like democracy and freedom. In the military era, if you say anything that is against the President or those in power, you could be handled the way they like it and nobody heard about it. Today, we are very happy that we have reached a stage in Nigeria where freedom is no longer a luxury. But notwithstanding, that does not mean that our aspirations and most of the good things Nigerians were talking about when they went for the struggle have been achieved.

    Those who annulled June 12 have not told Nigerians the reason for that 20 years after…

    It is very unfortunate actually. But I think the fault is with Nigerians and you don’t have to blame the military people who were in power at that time and those who are still lucky to be alive, General Ibrahim Babangida (rtd), a coupist who caused the whole problem. This is because Nigerian themselves have not called him to order. Sorry to say that Nigeria’s situation has not helped even matters because those who struggle to get things done have not actually benefited from it. They have not actually found themselves in position to benefit from it. In other part of the world, freedom fighters end up being the real leaders of their countries. They set the milestone that guide their countries. A typical example is the Russian revolution, the American struggle. Coming back home we have South Africa where the African National Congress (ANC) took over the leadership of the country after the independence struggle. Uptill now they ANC governs the country and has made good laws guiding the country. They embark on genuine reconciliation, those guilty were told and the necessary atonement made. In Nigeria, the situation has not really been so, and nobody has been told they did one wrong or the other. Nigeria situation has always been that of opportunity. The people who struggle at the end of the day actually do not benefit from the power equation. Take Nigeria independence struggle for instance, the Southerners were more in the struggle. We have the likes of Herbert Macaulay, Nnamdi Azikiwe, Obafemi Awolowo and others they were the people who were in the forefront and in the north we have the likes of Ahamdu Bello and Tafawa Balewa. But it was like the was forcing the North to join the independence struggle. That was why it took much longer time before the independence came. Those in the South were proposing some date closer to 1954, 1956 and 1957, but because of the North, independence had to be delayed. And when independence actually came, the party that came to power was the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC). This, I will say, Nigeria got on a platter of gold without the shooting of guns. It was achieved based on dialogue and negotiation.

    But if you look at the process that brought Mozambique, Angola and other countries to independence, where the people died for the cause and particularly, what ANC actually passed through to get South Africa independence, one will understand that Nigeria got hers on a platter of gold. So, when you come to power on a platter of gold, you don’t seem to know how to manage it. Nigerians who were in their comfort zones are those ruling you today. The capitalist bourgeoisies took advantage of the freedom and lunched themselves to power. They could not come out to do things that we did. And unfortunately for us in this part of the world, when the political whistle was blown to start political activities they in their comfort zones who hobnobbed with the military to launch themselves to power. They had made corrupt and stupendous wealth; they now have the money to throw around because the people are so poor. The people were easily manipulated by them. The civil society that went into the struggle was not even as organised as people thought. They were not organised to take over the governance and when the whistle was blown they were in disarray. The bourgeoisies who were more organised took over governance. The civil group was not deep in ideological social philosophy. It was later they now started to regret but already those people have entrenched themselves. And being a corrupt system, you can’t uproot them because they will always use money.

    The agitation for power shift to the North is now rift. Is this justifiable?

    You cannot tell me that 14 years is not a long period. But to me, I believe that people should demand for power when they know they want to make a good use of the power and not for self aggrandisement. The north has always held power for self aggrandisement but they struggle for it through coups or other methods. The southerners got it on a platter of gold after June 12. The norths now said oh, let us pacify this people and they gave it to us on a platter of gold. It has never been like that before. They had to even allow the candidates that contested the elections to come from the South. Obviously, they just wanted power to be in the South for between four and eight years and now it is going to 14 years. Obviously, you can’t say they want it back. And honestly, they want it back because power in Nigeria has so much patronages. The country has been so mismanaged that there is no other business as lucrative as government business. So, the most lucrative business in Nigeria is government business. They want if for self aggrandisement which too often resides in the hands of few. And now, the power is in the hands of President Goodluck Jonathan and the governors who are now enjoying it. Who do you think will want to give it up? Nobody wants to give it up. That is the Nigerian system; first of all they stay there to accumulate corrupt wealth. Thereafter, they live forever with the wealth acquired in a corrupt manner. But when we now reach a stage where you will account for how you make your wealth, they will be afraid to seek power and steal public fund.

    The re-naming of the University of Lagos after Chief M.K.O Abiola protests. Does that mean the man is no longer popular?

    No, the man is still very relevant. It is just that the way the government went about it angered the people. The way the government sold it to the people was not unwelcome. Even the most ardent supporters of Abiola felt it was wrong. If it was done when Abiola just died it would have been better. Many people will just merely grumble and that will be the end. You see, this type of things are not tampered with easily. You can’t just go to Oxford University over night and change its name to Margaret Thatcher University. Even when you consider the ages of the students, most of them were not born when the incident happened. You now went to their university which they are very proud of its name and say Unilag the brand name is now ‘MAU’. To me, this is right but it was not done in the proper way and untimely. There are other things that could be name after the man. It was even painful that most of the Pro-Abiola people could not speak against it. They were just grumbling, they could not just come out and say oh it was bad at that time. But to me too, I sympathise with the country and the system. The way it was done was political; at that time Jonathan aim was to please the people of the Southwest and when he did it the situation boomeranged. There are other good things he can still do in Abuja and Lagos for M.K.O Abiola. Goverment can even name the National Assembly because Abiola was the symbol of that democracy or declare a public holiday in his honour.

    You were almost forgotten in prison for your role in June 12 when General Abacha held sway. What lesson should Nigerians learn from the dark period?

    You see, when you struggle for your country that does not mean you will come and demand for compensation or that you want to enjoy something. It is just a 50-50 situation. For instance, how many people will pray to pass through what Nelson Mandela passed through by spending 27 years in jail? They cannot even afford one year in jail, nobody wants that. Mandela was just lucky, a lot of his compatriots just died unsong. Mandala suffered and suffered and old before becoming the president. Again, the people were better organised because they have a freedom fighting machine that knew what they wanted. To them, if they survive it good. What is even killing in the Nigerian system is the tribal sentiments attached to what we do and has become a national problem. There are certain people who will appreciate you and there are some who will not. The Nigerian civil society could not have come out with anything better because it was disorganised. We never agreed that this is what we wanted, so we lost everything to the bourgeoisie class. There is no system in the world that people will patronise you for just championing a change without the clear cut focus of leadership that you want to provide. Even in the West, people never went as far as what we went through. If I had been a Yoruba man, they will just give me a governorship on a platter of gold. I know what happened to late Lam Adeshina, People like Bola Tinubu, Segun Osoba and Bisi Akande, they were all made governors without money but for the role they played in the struggle. But I am from a different part of the country and my own belief was different from theirs. To me, it was Just NUPENG, give this to NUPENG or give that to NUPENG. It was just about the union alone and not political. If I had gone to Delta State at that time I could have become a governor even though it is more difficult to achieve this there than the West. At that time, I was the number one hero of democracy in this country. Apart from Abiola who was the symbol himself. Who again? Then the human rights people like Gani Fawehinmi who was not a politician, he later realised. That was why I said, we the human rights people were disorganised. We never knew what we were looking for.

    But you later contested elections in Delta State…

    No, I just had somebody who I was more interest in him becoming the governor. And I was just fighting for him, since I was getting older than the age that will provide me the rigour to serve as governor. The Delta politics too was heavily monetised. If you don’t have money, you can’t even run since huge money way involved. In 1999, you don’t need much money to contest elections. If it was monetised then, people like Lam Adeshina, Akande could not have become governors. People you even say were rich at that like Tinubu and Osoba were modestly rich.

    For those who don’t have money and want to serve the country, how do they go about it?

    They have to go their gods. It is so bad that people are being discouraged. In the South-south I think it only Cross River State that is only modest in terms of money you pay to become a councillor. Delta, Bayelsa, Rivers and Akwa Ibom are on the high side. In the SDP days, you did not need much money to become a councillor but now a young boy there would need at least N2 – N3 million to become councillor. For local government chairman, you need up to N20 million that is the minimum. Who among the activists or student activists can afford such money? If you are talking of becoming a governor then you should be coughing out money running into billion of naira.

     

  • Can Ajimobi break one term jinx?

    Can Ajimobi break one term jinx?

    In the history of Oyo State, no governor has been re-elected for a second term. Can Governor Abiola Ajimobi become an exception? Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU examines the governor’s push for continuity and the impediments on the way.

    Since the Second Republic, no governor has been re-elected in Oyo State. Although the governors tried their luck, certain forces aborted their dream. Will Governor Abiola Ajimobi, who has been endorsed by his party and other stakeholders for a second term, make a difference in 2015?

    Oyo State is a politically conscious and sophisticated state. Its capital, Ibadan, which doubles as the political headquarter of the Southwest, is also a politically volatile city. The political actors there are not associated with long-term politics of affection. That apparently explains why no governor has been elected twice in the Pace setter State.

    The first civilian governor, the late Chief Bola Ige, was elected on the platform of the banned Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN). That was in 1979. However, his second term ambition crumbled in 1983, following the split in the ruling party and the defection of key associates, including his deputy, the late Chief Sunday Afolabi, and the late Chief Busari Adelakun, to the National Party of Nigeria (NPN), which fielded Dr. Omololu Olunloyo, to challenge him. Olunloyo, who hails from Ibadan, was declared the winner in a controversial circumstance by the proscribed Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO).

    However, the NPN stalwart spent barely three months in the office. On December 31, 1063, he was sacked by the soldiers during the fifth military coup. The displacement of the legitimate authorities did not permit Olunloyo to nurse a second term ambition.

    In the aborted Third Republic, the late Chief Kolapo Ishola was elected as the governor under the banned Social Democratic Party (SDP). It was a turbulent period when the former military President, Ibrahim Babangida, foisted diarchy on the country. When he annulled the historic presidential election won by the late Chief Moshood Abiola, tension enveloped the polity. Babangida bowed out, following the setting up of the interim contraption headed by Chief Ernest Sonekan. In November 1993, Gen. Sani Abacha toppled the transitional government and declared himself as the Head of State. The Isola’s tenure ended on that note.

    In this dispensation, Oyo State has produced three governors before Ajimobi assumed the reins. Although they were interested in the second term, their ambitions were dashed. Former Governor Lamidi Adesina, who was elected on the platform of the Alliance for Democracy (AD) in 1999 failed at the poll in 2003. In that election, which result was disputed, the Independent Nigeria Electoral Commission (INEC) declared Senator Rashidi Ladoja of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) the winner. Thus, Adesina’s second term dream was aborted. But Ladoja later faced the same predicament. He initially lost power for 11 months, following his impeachment, in error, by the legislators instigated by his benefactor-turned foe, the late Chief Lamidi Adedibu.

    When he regained his lost seat, after a protracted legal battle, he was hopeful. In fact, he went to Akure, Ondo State capital, where the flags were presented to the Southwest PDP governorship candidates by former President Olusegun Obasanjo. To Ladoja’s consternation, the Oyo State ticket was given to his estranged deputy, Adebayo Alao-Akala. Thus, his second term hope was dashed.

    Alao-Akala, who ruled the state between 2007 and 2011, was basking in the euphoria of incumbency. But that incumbency power collapsed on poll day in 2011 when voters dumped him and elected Ajimobi as the governor.

    Before the mantle of leadership fell on him, Ajimobi was a long distance runner. In 2003 and 2007, he had vied for the position, but without success. But since he took the oath of office, his camp has been gazing at the future. The political development in the neighbouring state of Ondo, where Governor Segun Mimiko, seemed to have broken the one term jinx, may have energised them.

    The Oyo State governor is conscious of the volatile situation in his state, especially during electioneering. He is aware that his native Ibadan holds the ace. Many also agree that, if Ibadan decides to back a candidate, victory is sure.

    However, the city and state have been in pains in the past eight years. Before Ajimobi became the governor, Ibadan was living on its old glory- first stadium, first television in Africa, first sky scrapper (Cocoa House), and first university in Nigeria. The governor inherited a metropolis in ruins; with collapsed infrastructure, filth and violent thugs.

    Ajimobi rose to the occasion. Today, his insurance against future electoral loss is his performance. His first assignment was to stop the sharing of money in the State House. Gone were the acts of profligacy, theft and graft and misuse of public funds. Although detractors who could not adjust to the shift from the ‘amala politics’ to the politics of transformation and development fuelled the sentiment that government’s impact has not been felt.

    The deputy governor, Pa Alake Adeyemo, who listed the achievements of the governor, gave the administrationna pass mark. He explained that, since 2011, peace had returned to Oyo State. The clash of rival road transport union leaders has been nipped in the bud, thereby liberating the city from tension.

    Ajimobi may have also compared notes with Lagos State. Now, more than 100 buses have been acquired to replace the old rickety intra- and inter-city buses. There are free buses for workers in the civil service. Recently, the government commenced the state’s version of the Lagos BRT. Also, tricycles, popularly known as ‘Keke Ajumose,’ have been distributed to thousands of people. Hailing the government, a stakeholder, Moroof Adegbile, said it was a right step in the right direction. He advised the governor to spread the dividends of democracy to other parts of the state. “I think the government is kicking off on a good note in the area of providing befitting means of transportation for the populace, but more needs to be done so that this can reach the nooks and crannies of the state. Don’t forget that this is a very big state with huge population in the hinterlands who needs to also feel the impact of this government in the area of public transportation”, Adegbile added.

    Ajimobi has also been applauded for his urban renewal. The administration has rehabilitated over 199 roads and bridges across the state. It has also constructed the new billion flyover at Mokola, worth N2.1 billion. It is a novel project, which previous administrations have avoided. Other steps taken by Ajomobi included the clearing of over 120 blocked drains in Ibadan metropolis, dredging of 43 rivers and streams across the state, the on-going beautification of ‘Trunk A’ roads, and the institutionalisation of weekly environmental sanitation.

    Reviewing the activities of his government, Ajimobi said: “In the last two years, we have provided infrastructural facilities that are unprecedented in the history of our state. We have constructed/rehabilitated over 260 roads and several bridges across the state. Right now, we are dualizing the major roads in the capital city of Ibadan, Ogbomoso, Iseyin and Oyo”.

    His distant predecessor, Dr. Omololu Olunloyo, has commended him for the feats. The former governor said: “Rebuilding or even mere renovation often involves demolition of existing structures, be they standard buildings, shanties or slums; once they stand in the way of a new vision of what the place should look like. The work of the governor is therefore, necessary, valuable, and commendable repair of the facade of Ibadan.”

    During his visit to the state, the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) chieftain, Senator Solomon Ewuga, applauded the governor. He said: “I want to use this opportunity to commend you on the work you are doing on infrastructure. We have gone round and we have seen the work you are doing; you need to be commended and please, don’t give up, that is the spirit of change that the new party, APC, is going to bring to Nigeria.”

    In the education sector, Ajimobi is not relenting in his efforts. Apart from building new classroom blocks and prompt payment of teachers’ salaries, efforts are also been made to provide adequate learning facilities. This may have led to the improvement recorded in the students’ results.

    The governor is also committed to the new Technical University project. The goal is to produce self-dependent youths who will not be running after the few jobs in the civil service. Other achievements include the constant training of teachers, the re-introduction of Science and Home Economics in secondary schools and the successful accreditation of courses at the Polytechnic, Ibadan, and College of Agriculture, Igboora.

    Another stakeholder, Kole Ajidahun, however, said: “The government will need to do more, if it is serious in bringing back the good, old days of the Action Group government in the West.” Also a social critic, Abel Makinde, urged the governor to promote the culture of prudence. He said only a governor who can erect lasting legacies would be remembered by the future generations.

    One of the factors that will shape the nomination process in 2015 is the performance of the governor. An acclaimed opposition leader in Oyo State, Ladoja, has described Ajimobi’s feats as cosmetic achievements. “It is window dressing”, he said, dismissing the urban renewal project as retrogresive. To the former governor, the programme lacks human face, adding that many people have been displaced and deprived of their means of livelihood.

    Ladoja has a motive. Since crisis broke out between him and the governor, he has been attracting to himself the governor’s political foes, with the aim of stopping his second term ambition. Recently, Ajimobi sacked Ladoja’s men in the administration. The Oyo State government has also written to President Goodluck Jonathan, alleging that Ladoja was creating security problems in the state.

    Today, the marriage between the ACN and Accord Party (AP) has been dissolved. Ladoja is involved in a new alliance with Alao-Akala, who supplanted him during the protracted crisis between him and the late Adedibu.

    The leadership of ACN in the state has described the new romance as the return of the gladiator to his vomit. But analysts said that it is in the nature of politics; there is no permanent friend, but permanent interest.

    The PDP is also plotting Ajimobi’s downfall. Sources said that pressures are being mounted on Ladoja to return to the PDP, where he is being promised the position of the National Secretary. “The calculation is that, if PDP and AP team together and they raise an Ibadan man as governor in 2015, they will shake Ajimobi”, said the source. However, a section of the AP is suspicious of Alao-Akala, judging by the role he played in the impeachment plot against Ladoja in the past. “Those who were dropped in Ajimobi’s cabinet are not all that happy with Ladoja. They feel that it is better to have dealings with Ajimobi than Alao-Akala and the PDP. They doubt the PDP’s sincerrity”, added the source.

  • Hurdles before Anioma’s quest for governorship

    As the 2015 Delta State gubernatorial elections inches closer, so is the increase in subterranean activities by political gladiators eyeing the top job, which becomes vacant in 2015.

    Judging from the utterances of the leading lights of the party and its principle of zoning offices, it is speculated that the ruling PDP may have zoned the gubernatorial slot to Delta North which comprises of the nine Ibo-speaking areas.

    But who among the Anioma politicians stands the best chance of clinching the governorship ticket?

    Will the Aniomas rally round a figure to realise its group interest? Will infighting amongst the large number of eminently qualified candidates of Anioma extraction not truncate their ambitions?

    But Chairman, Anioma Agenda (AA), Mr. Alex Onwuadiamu, denies that political actors in Delta North are disunited and are uncoordinated in their approach to clinching power in 2015.

    He said the Anioma people will ensure that the PDP abides by the principle of zoning and rotation of public offices, claiming that these were enshrined in the Nigeria Constitution and the Constitution of the ruling PDP.

    His words, “ What we are saying is that the principle of zoning and rotation of public offices as enshrined in the Constitution of Nigeria and the Constitution of the PDP be adhered to. The governorship of Delta State has gone to Central Senatorial Zone, it is now in the South Senatorial zone and by that principle come 2015, and it will be the turn of Anioma people to produce the governor for Delta State. That is all we are asking for.”

    Onwuadiamu disagrees with the perception of complacency and perceived disunity among politicians of Anioma stock, stressing that the Anioma people will soon begin the process of sensitising the populace.

    Despite the above sentiments, agitations by some sections amongst the Anioma people have continued.

    Recently, a socio-political pressure group, Ndokwa Unite, argued that ethnicity rather than zoning should be used in apportioning public offices.

    Dr Bonnyface Opia, Barr. Greg Ikoko and Mr Mathew Emeni, who are members of Ndokwa Unite Board of Trustees, urged other senatorial districts to support an Ndokwa governorship candidate.

    His words: “Delta Central did eight years in Government House, Delta South will complete theirs in 2015, as such, it is imperative that Delta North produces the governor in 2015, not only because of the zoning formula of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) but to ensure fairness and equity.”

    The group advocates that the gubernatorial seat should go to Ndokwa ethnic nationality.

    “Ndokwa is the only ethnic nationality that has cultural affinity with the Ijaws, Itsekiris, Isokos, Urhobos, Ikas, Aniochas and the Oshimilis,” the group noted, adding, “an Ndokwa man as governor of Delta State will not be biased and will work for the overall interest of Deltans. Ndokwa is the stabilising factor for 2015.”

    Furthermore, the party remains deeply polarised despite the highly published rapprochement between camps sympathetic to Governor Uduaghan and Chief E.K Clark.

    Gov Uduaghan, undoubtedly, will be interested in who succeeds him. And this may invariably set both politicians on a collision course.

    To make an already difficult matter worse, the opposition Democratic Peoples Party, (DPP) headed by an Anioma son, Chief Tony Ezeagwu, is up in arms against such an arrangement..

    He says his party will support any Deltan that emerges through a democratic process, stressing that DPP will not turn its back on any aspirant on the basis of ethnic consideration.

    Another big obstacle to the realisation of the Anioma dream is the considerably large number of wealthy and influential potential contestants within the PDP who may refuse to step down for each other, thus leading to bitterness and rancour within the party.

    This may force many to seek their political fortunes elsewhere with the resultant effect of a dilution of Anioma block vote.

    Despite assurances of rapprochement between the Uduaghan and Chief Clark’s faction, political analysts are of the opinion that the 2015 Delta gubernatorial election is a struggle for political power between these two factions in Delta State than simply a struggle by the Anioma ethnic group for power.

  • No external interference in Rivers PDP crisis-Nwuche

    No external interference in Rivers PDP crisis-Nwuche

    Former Deputy Speaker of the Representatives, Hon. Chibudom Nwuche, recently spoke to Assistant Editor, Onyedi Ojiabor in Abuja on the crisis rocking the PDP in Rivers State and the alleged second term ambition of President Goodluck Jonathan.

    The crisis in the Rivers State PDP seems far from being over. How did the party get itself enmeshed in an intractable crisis?

    People who are not familiar with the state are misreading the situation. Some insinuate that the problems are from outside the state, others ascribe it to different parties. But the crisis has a logical build up. It was as a consequence of injustices meted to party bigwigs and members. From the time of party primaries through the elections to now, no governor no matter how popular can win a state overwhelmingly without the support of stakeholders. In Rivers State, the governor had all the stakeholders on board for his election and the stakeholders spoke to the masses to support the governor. He won with a landslide in the state. After his victory, he became inaccessible to all the stakeholders and excluded them from the policy-making process and governance. These are the issues.

    When you said that the governor became inaccessible, what exactly do you mean?

    What I meant is that stakeholders could no longer have access to the governor. You cannot govern a state by yourself. You cannot govern a state alone, you cannot do that.

    First of all, it is not right, because you didn’t get there alone. People gave you the support to govern them, to get to where you are. And you must consult widely the interest groups in the state.

    The crisis has also linked to the alleged vice presidential ambition of Governor Amaechi. What is your take on this?

    That is neither here nor there. Every person is free to aspire to any position. But for the people of South-South that have been marginalised for so many years, we have reached a consensus that we would appeal to Nigerians to see the fact that we have produced the country’s wealth for the past 51 years. We haven’t had the chance to rule the country. And for the first time, our son Goodluck Jonathan is the president of the country, that we should allow him to complete his two terms in office. It is an appeal to the country. It is not by blackmail; it is not by stampede. The South-South’s interest today is to have Goodluck Jonathan run his full tenure and to seek the support of other regions to help us.

    Are you aware of any plot to impeach the governor as some people are alleging?

    No, no. The PDP in Rivers State before the new executive came into being, for eight years called no meeting of the party. How do you have a party in which for eight years, you don’t have a meeting? After election, no meeting was called. None was called to say we have won now, how do we govern the state? What are your inputs, what idea do you have? Should we do road, water, light and others. You hold a mandate for people on their behalf. It is because Nigerians are not aware. If they are aware, you are supposed to consult those whom you are governing constantly. If you consult the people, they will follow you and have a stake. But when you sit down to rule the state alone, the people will not buy into the policies of the state. They will not have a stake in it. Imagine that this new PDP Executive in the state in just under two months have called many meetings talking to people.

    Some say what is playing out in the state has much to do with 2015 elections. Do you share this view?

    I don’t see the relevance of this to the crisis. People have the right to aspire. But I won’t aspire to a national office when the South-South has the president. I will look at the mood. What we want now, we want the president; we don’t want the vice president. We want all our governors to stand behind Goodluck Jonathan.

    But you said that the governor has the right to aspire to any political office.

    Yes! But you see, you must base that aspiration on the sentiments of people, because they are the ones who gave you the mandate to go there to represent them. When the time comes, we will appeal to other zones; we will speak to them. Those people that have been left out for too long should be allowed their time

    Some people say the president is uncomfortable with Governor Amaechi’s position as Chairman of Nigeria Governors Forum (NGF) and wielded his weight at the last NGF election. What are your views?

    I am not a governor, but if you ask people in the South-South what are their problems, if you ask them between poverty, unemployment, lack of health care, development, and the Governors Forum, which one they will choose, I’m sure Governors Forum will be the last thing in their considerations. For us as a people, it is irrelevant who is chairman of Governors Forum. If you ask us in the South-South our problems, we want development. We want a transparent application of 13 per cent derivation to take care of education or infrastructure development. So, I don’t understand how this forum has become so important. And besides, we have the president of the country from the South-South zone, so the chairman of the forum should come from another zone. I don’t know what happened in the forum but if you ask me, the chairman should go to another zone.

    So, how will the crisis be resolved?

    Well, I know that the PDP has an internal mechanism for conflict resolution and adjudication. I’m sure that at the right party levels, they are consulting and I’m sure that at the end of the day, the matter will be settled amicably. People are ascribing it to external forces when the matter is internal. I can tell you that the president has no interest in the PDP matters in Rivers State because he is busy.

    May be because the President considers River State to vital to be left to someone he does not trust.

    No, no. the truth that is coming out is what I have told you. The problem is entirely internal. Look at those who have spoken for the new party structure in the state; people like Lee Meaba, people like Austin Okpara, people like Sergeant Awuse. Will you count them as nobody in Nigeria?

  • What is Maku up to?

    What is Maku up to?

    When information minister Mr. Labaran Maku voluntarily elected to lead a group of journalists and civil society activists on an elaborate tour of the federation for the ostensible reason of showcasing the performance of the state governments, he ran into a hail of criticisms. It evoked memories of the jamboree organized by Professor Jerry Gana who, as Information Minister similarly moved a crowd round the country ostensibly for the purpose of assessing performance of the state governors and propagating the gains of democracy.

    No longer did the earlier scheme take off than it was discovered to be a fraud. State governments were made to pay the entourage and were scored based on their “performance”’

    The first person to cry and opt out of the Maku scheme was Edo State Governor Adams Oshiomhole. It is obvious that both men are well known to each other, yet Oshiomhole deprecated the moves. He said he was willing to receive the party if it came to the state and was willing to pay a courtesy visit, but should not be expected to pick the large bills being incurred.

    That was enough to tell the story. Maku turned to his counterpart in the Federal Works Ministry who gladly hosted the men and women to a lavish champaigne party and took them round the very few federal projects in the state. The chapter was closed there.

    But, Oshiomhole was not the only person who found the idea repugnant and distatesful. Mr. Raji Fashola of lagos, too, could not fathom the rationale and wasted no time in telling the whole world. Fashola is too busy performing the task of giving Lagos a facelift. He was not elected to host parties for visiting journalists led by an idle minister.

    Fashola is enjoying sufficient mention in the media and did not require a Maku to assist him in mobilizing his people to see what he has been doing in the past six years. Anybody familiar with Lagos would know the challenges facing the governor. The population is one and infrastructure needs a tune up to meet the 21st century standard. No doubt, Lagos is not yet there, but the governor is doing a lot.

    It is thus distressing that a minister would leave his watch and choose to comment on what is not really his business. Maku is not from Lagos and the government does not need his endorsement for anything. He is from Nasarawa State where he served the Abdullahi Adamu government for eight years, first as a commissioner, and then as deputy governor. Few people from Nasarawa State that I have met have commendations for that government. Today, Adamu may be a Senator, but he is also facing charges by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

    As minister, how well has Maku performed in revamping the Parastatals under his watch? How well has his principal performed? There is no doubt that the welfare and security of the citizens, the primary responsibilities of the federal government have suffered greatly under the Jonathan administration.

    It is difficult to see the Labaran Maku I used to know in the current minister. The one I used to know was a firebrand who shared the concern for ordinary citizens with other patriots and revolutionaries. The Labaran of the 80s would not play Goebel to anyone. He would not suffer fools gladly. Then, I could vouch for his selflessness. Then, he saw a lot wrong with private accumulation of wealth and appropriation of the commonwealth by a few. Then, I would have said Maku would only function in a government that would sincerely tackle corruption and give the bloody nose to those playing monkey with the national wealth.

    But, what do we have today? A different man bearing the same name. Was Maku briefed before he made those statements? Was he told about the BRT? Does he know about the Lagos-Badagry road? Is he acquainted with the new Ikorodu road under construction? Is he aware of the Fashola miracle in getting the private sector to contribute to a Security Trust Fund? He should ask the Lagos State Polic Command what the state government is doing in funding federal security agencies in the state.

    Maku could also turn to the brand new “chairman” of the Nigerian Governors Forum, the embattled Air Commodore David Jang. He was once in Lagos to seek tutorials on how to run a state.

    My friend, Mr. Maku should be reminded that in a democracy, it is the electorate who have the final say in assessing a governor. The people of Lagos State spoke during the 2011 election by handing their governor a resounding victory at the poll.

    One task that Maku can perform is get the federal government to pay up what he owes the satte and leave the people of Lagos to decide their future.

  • Trouble brews in Taraba over Tukur’s committee

    Trouble brews in Taraba over Tukur’s committee

    The decision by the National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, to set up a committee to ascertain the true health status of acting Taraba State Governor, Danbaba Suntai, is ruffling feathers, reports Assistant Editor, Dare Odufowokan.

    Trouble is brewing in the northeastern State of Taraba again over the necessity or otherwise of a committee recently set up by the national leadership of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    The committee, which was inaugurated last week by the National Chairman of the PDP, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, is to investigate an alleged political tension generated by the long absence of Governor Danbaba Suntai of Taraba State because of the injuries he sustained in an air crash last year.

    Sources within the ruling party told The Nation that the coming of the committee to the state may have scuttled the relative peace witnessed in Taraba since the unfortunate air mishap of October last year that incapacitated Governor Suntai and led to the emergence of his deputy, Alhaji Garba Umar as acting governor.

    Inaugurating the seven-member panel headed by Senator Hope Uzodinma, Tukur said the party’s National Working Committee set up the team because of happenings in the state.

    He listed the committee’s terms of reference to include finding out and reporting the extent of political harmony or otherwise among the stakeholders in the party in the state, interacting and establishing the most effective approach to resolving contending issues among them.

    The team, he also said, should fast track the process of constitutional adherence as “it affects the status of the office of the governor of the state”.

    “The committee must ensure that in all practical implications, the PDP Taraba emerges stronger and more united in responding to all the partisan challenges arising thereafter in the state.”

    “Consider and report any other matter that is in the opinion of the committee, relevant in the resolution of the political condition of the state,” he added.

    Other members of the committee are Ahmed Gulak, Shittu Mohammed (former chairman of de-registered Republican Party of Nigeria), Bala Buhari, Prof. Richard King, Mrs. Bolajoko Doherty and Senator Abubakar Garda (secretary). The committee was given two weeks to submit its reports to the national secretary of the PDP.

    But the move appears to have polarised the PDP in the state into two groups of those in support of the committee and those opposed to the entire idea. These two groups are now at each other’s throat even before the arrival of the committee in the state.

    Chieftains of the party opposed to the committee’s work are accusing Tukur and other supporters of the committee of planning to destabilise the state.

    They argued that the inauguration of the panel by Tukur, if not immediately checkmated, is capable of galvanising the entire state into a frenzy of confusion as well as divide the citizens along religious and tribal lines.

    But the camp of those supporting the committee says there is no reason for anybody to be agitated over what it described as ‘a move by the leadership of the party to strengthen the PDP in Taraba State ahead of the forthcoming 2015 general elections.’

    According to a chieftain of the party, Cephas Kunini, the current opposition to the inauguration of the committee smacks of bad politics and disloyalty to the party on the part of those agitating against the move to reposition the party.

    “There is no reason why we should have members of the PDP or even citizens of our dear state opposing such a good move. It is only those who are benefiting from the present leadership crisis in our state that would say the National Chairman has done something bad by inaugurating this committee,” the former lawmaker said.

    Sources said the two camps have already intensified efforts to ensure they have their way in what political observers called a battle over the job of ailing Governor Danbaba Suntai’s job.

    While those opposed to the committee say Tukur and others are out to permanently remove Suntai from office on account of his absence from the state, promoters of the committee’s work say those complaining are benefiting from an alleged leadership crisis created by the absence of the governor.

    “The PDP in Taraba State as it is now is divided. While Suntai’s supporters and allies are opposed to the idea of the committee, his opponents and critics are in support. Even the government is polarised along the line of those supporting Suntai and those supporting Umar.

    “The whole issue is about whether Umar should be confirmed as substantive governor or he should simply continue as acting governor. There are those who feel the present arrangement is okay for the state but there are also those agitating for a permanent arrangement on the premise that Suntai is permanently incapacitated and cannot return to his seat as governor.

    The national leadership acted on the several petitions they received from the state over the issue. But as it turned out, the action has generated more confusion within and outside the ruling party than expected. The committee is even yet to start sitting,” a party source said.

    But a chieftain of the party, Abubakar Bawa Ibi, accused Tukur of acting without any complaint from the state. While urging President Goodluck Jonathan to reverse the National chairman’s action in the interest of peace, Ibi said Tukur is out to kill the PDP in Taraba State.

    “This move is capable of savagely puncturing the umbrella of our great party in Taraba State in the manner it was done in Adamawa State. The said committee is to wade into a very simple matter which both the State Assembly and the nation’s constitution have already taken care of. This is curious and suspicious. Nobody in Taraba petitioned him.

    “He asked the committee to fast-track the process of constitutional adherence as it affects the current status of the office of the governor of Taraba State. This is a very inflammatory statement. Our legislators have ensured adherence already. These people want to create crisis where there should be none.

    “The move to alter the current arrangement that has kept the state at peace since last October is capable of galvanising the entire state into a frenzy of confusion as well as divide the citizens along religious and tribal lines,” Ibi said.

    In his own submission, Stephen Terlumun, another chieftain of the PDP, said there is no reason for the inauguration of the committee since the deputy Governor has already been confirmed as acting, Governor by the Assembly.

    “The current status of the Governor of our state is very clear and one wonders what our leader meant when he inaugurated this committee. The arrangement we have here is strictly in adherence to the constitution of our country and the people are satisfied with it.

    We have an acting governor who has all the powers of the governor of the state. This was done 21days after the governor’s accident, as dictated by the constitution. It is a very clear unambiguous thing.

    The constitution did not provide a time lapse for when he would act as governor. This matter is simple and not rocket science. This move by Tukur is, therefore, strange and unconstitutional,” he alleged.

    Checks by our correspondent revealed that a recent report alleging that the Suntai had suffered significant brain damage that rendered him incapable of recognizing visitors, including members of his family, is at the root of the new move to permanently replace him.

    “There is a new and genuine report on the health of the governor that says he has suffered significant brain damage that rendered him incapable of recognizing visitors, including members of his family. The acting governor and the party leadership discussed this new development and it was agreed that something should be done.

    This is why this committee is being set up. As politicians, we cannot continue to deceive the people. We must brace up to tell the people the true state of things sooner or later. This is a step in that direction,” a lawmaker in the state told The Nation on condition of anonymity.

    Meanwhile, The Nation gathered that politicians from the southern part of the state have vowed to oppose the alleged plot to make Umar a substantive governor since such a move may truncate the zone’s struggle to produce the next governor of the state in 2015.

    “The whole idea is to deny southern Taraba our turn to produce the governor. Governor Danbaba Suntai already gave us his support so we are not going to agree with any arrangement that will rob us of the chance.

    “The northern part of the state ruled for eight years through Jolly Nyame. The central part is about completing eight years through Suntai. The south should be allowed to produce the next governor. Umar is from the north and should not be positioned to seek another term in 2015.

    “For us in southern Taraba, we will not accept anything less. That is why we want to warn those behind the ongoing move to desist from doing anything that can polarise the state along tribal lines,” Ishiaku Adi, leader of the Southern Taraba Mandate Group (SOTAMAG) said.