The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • 14 years of elusive federalism

    14 years of elusive federalism

    When the founding fathers of Nigeria opted for a federal system of government in 1954, as opposed to a unitary system, it was a conscious decision designed to protect the diversities and identities of the federating units. The leaders agreed to establish a central government that unite them while at the same time the federating units retain their independence in order to preserve their respective diversities.

    Federalism is therefore, an arrangement whereby powers within a multi-national country are shared between a central authority and a number of regional governments in such a way that each unit, including the central authority, exists as a government separately and independently from the others. The fundamental and the distinguished characteristics of a federal system is that neither the central nor the regional governments are subordinate to each other, but rather the two are coordinate and independent. However, this autonomous entity is missing in Nigeria federalism which has continued to threaten the political stability of the country.

    Before the attainment of independence in 1960, the federating units –Northern Nigeria, Eastern Nigeria and Western Nigeria-were in all intents and purposes independent entities. The fact that the three federating units attained their independent at different times (Eastern and Western regions 1957 and Northern region in 1959) bore testimony to their respective sovereignty. The independent status of the regions was further entrenched in the 1963 Republican Constitution that clearly defined the jurisdictions of the federating units. Each of the regions had its own constitution, one of the major fundamentals of federalism.

    Despite the introduction of federalism by the colonial administrations, Nigeria political system has been characterised by series of instability simply because the nation is not upholding the federal principles. Thus, Nigeria operates federal system on paper. The reasons are obvious. The Federal government under the military always assume superiority over the state governments. As a result of long stay of military in power and the fact that military federalism was more common than the civilian federalism, this model made the federal government the master in relation to the dependent state governments.

    At independence, the autonomous regions possessed the residual powers and functioned almost independently. The regions had independent revenue bases, separate constitutions, and foreign missions. All these changed under the military rule. Attempts by the state governments to reassert their autonomy during the Second Republic were aborted by the return of military rule. Some state governments that were controlled by parties other than the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) took the NPN-controlled federal government to court on many occasions over matter of jurisdiction competence.

    This trend also reoccured in this dispensation when the former governor of Lagos State, Senator Bola Tinubu, dragged the Obasanjo-led federal government to court over the issue of local government creation in Lagos state. This act where the federal government sees itself as superior to the state governments is anti-thetical to the principles of federalism.

    Another major feature that makes federalism works is financial autonomy. This has never being achieved in Nigeria federalism. The high level intervention of the federal government through national financial policies, grants-in-aids among others, increases the power of the federal government and makes the federating units subordinate to the central government. The increased revenue from oil boom has made the federal government to be more financially powerful over the state governments than before. As a result of this excess liquidity, the federal government embarks on some projects which were meant to be in the state residual list. The Universal Basic Education project is an example. Similarly, the increased in revenue earning from oil enables the federal government to give financial support to the state governments. Any state that proves stubborn or a state not controlled by the party at the centre is not likely to get any form of financial support or assistance from the federal government.

    The issue of autonomy for local governments is also considered as a problem of federalism in Nigeria. Currently, the local governments are controlled by the state governments. But the federal government is making moves to severe relationship between states and local governments through direct funding of the third tier of government. The Federal Government intention may be borne out of entrenching the autonomy of local government as a tier of government. This move contradicts what obtains in countries where true federalism is practised.

    To the opposition, the federal government’s move is a political sleight-of-hand to weaken those state governments controlled by the opposition parties. According to Senator Tinubu, the plan is an attempt to pull the rug from under the opposition state governments by allowing the ruling party in Abuja to gain financial remote control of the local structures that underline state institutions. He said: “The federal plot would make local governments beholden to Abuja for its survival. Coordination of economic development activities between states and local governments will be overridden by the federal insertions. Local government will take direction to Abuja, meaning they will begin to act in cross purposes with their state governments.”

    Another issue is resource control which is threatening the peaceful co-existence of the federating units in the country. Nigeria has witnessed and is likely to witness more inter-ethnic group crises if states are not granted the right to rule and control their resources. Pre-1966 coup, regional governments control the resources generated within their domain. For instance, the Western regional government was responsible for the production and exportation of cocoa, the major cash crop in the region, to foreign countries. It only pays taxes to the federal government as stipulated in the constitution. Similarly, the Northern Nigeria government and its Eastern counterpart handled the exportation of groundnut and rubber produced in commercial quantity in their territory.

  • Tragedy of temple of justice

    Tragedy of temple of justice

    How has the judiciary fared since 1999? JOSEPH JIBUEZE examines its role in sustaining democracy.

    The effectiveness of the judiciary depends to a large extent on the public’s confidence in the ability of judges to fairly and impartially do justice.

    Since 1999, Nigeria has had to grapple with one form of judicial corruption or the other, which has devalued and debased society’s most fundamental mechanism for conflict resolution.

    Former Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Dahiru Musdapher never hid his disdain for the rot in the judiciary. Even the incumbent, Justice Aloma Mariam Mukhtar at her inauguration and in other fora, has vowed reposition the judiciary.

    A professor of Law, Okechukwu Oko, summed up the state of the judiciary in Nigeria when he said: “That so many judges are willing to ignore their oath of office and distort the legal process for personal and monetary gain remains one of the most pernicious impediments to a fair trial in Nigeria.”

    When democracy returned to Nigeria in 1999, Justice Uwais was the Chief Justice of Nigeria, having been appointed in 1995 by the military government. In 2006, Justice Salihu Moddibo Alfa Belgore succeeded him and served for one year. Justice Idris Legbo Kutigi served from 2007 to 2009 and handed over to Justice Aloysius Iyorgyer Katsina-Alu in 2011. Justice Musdapher was CJN between August 29, 2011 and July 16, 2012, before the incumbent, Justice Mukhtar assumed office as first female CJN. But how has the judiciary fared under them?

     

    Correcting electoral/

    impeachment injustices

     

    The judiciary played a crucial role in restoring stolen mandates, especially in the 2003 and 2007 elections. For instance, after the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) had declared Dr Chris Ngige as winner of the governorship election, the Anambra State Election Petition Tribunal, on August 12, 2005, held that the Peter Obi won the election, a decision which the Court of Appeal later upheld.

    The Court of Appeal, Ibadan, on November 1, 2006 nullified the impeachment of Oyo State Governor Rasheed Ladoja after he was impeached following a power struggle. The court held that the impeachment process was faulty, illegal and therefore unconstitutional.

    Also restored to power after an unjust impeachment was former Plateau State governor Joshua Dariye, in which the court held that his impeachment did not strictly follow constitutional procedure.

    The court would further role in stregthening democracy after the 2007 elections. Notable among those whose mandates were restored are Ekiti State Governor Kayode Fayemi (who retrieved his stolen mandate from Engr Segun Oni of the PDP); Oluesegun Mimiko of Ondo State, who floored Olesugun Agagu in court; Adams Oshiomhole of Edo State, who used legal means to retrieve his stolen mandate from Prof Oserheimen Osunbor of the PDP and Rauf Aregbesola of Osun State, who the court declared winner of the governorship election, while sacking Olagusoye Oyinlola.

    The judiciary also removed Celestine Omehia as Rivers State governor and replaced him with Rotimi Amaechi. The latter had gone to court to challenge his substitution with Omehia as PDP’s candidate after a primary election he (Amaechi) won.

     

    A history of executive control

     

    With the scramble and eventual demarcation of Africa at the Berlin Conference, the English legal system was imported into the territory known as Nigeria as a potent instrument of consolidating and legitimising colonial rule. Then, the judiciary was not separate from the executive but was in fact a department of and controlled by the executive branch of government.

    The exercise of its jurisdiction was also controlled by the supervisory courts outside the country as appeals from Nigeria went to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council which was the court of last resort.

    The judiciary began to have a chequered history in 1966 (with the first military coup), enduring eight military interventions out of 52 years of post-Independence.

    The typical behaviour of the military juntas was, namely, the suspension of the constitution, proliferation of ouster clauses, fusion of the executive and the legislature – thereby undermining the independence of the judiciary; and the flagrant disobedience of court orders by the executive in what became known as “executive lawlessness.”

    To emasculate the judiciary further, the military enacted decrees with ouster clauses that sought to deprive the court from looking into acts which were considered as contrary to the tenets of democracy, against the rule of law and offensive to acceptable standards of modern society.

    Faced with these challenges, the judiciary was heavily constrained. Some judges, who were apologists to the military government bowed to the pressure. However, courageous judges went out of their way to preserve the observance of the rule of law.

    The practice of undue executive and disregard for rule of law was carried over to the Olusegun Obasanjo administration, which for instance, refused to release Lagos State Local Government funds despite a Supreme Court judgment to that effect, as well as subjected court judgments to further executive interpretations.

     

    Questionable judgments

     

    The judiciary has received severe criticism due to questionable judgments. One of the most notable is the James Ibori case. In 2007, the Metropolitan Police raided the London offices of lawyer Bhadresh Gohil. Hidden in a wall behind a fireplace, they found computer hard drives containing details of a myriad of off-shore companies, run for Ibori by Gohil, fiduciary agent Daniel Benedict McCann, and corporate financier Lambertus De Boer. All of these men were later jailed for a total of 30 years.

    As a result of these corruption allegations, the United Kingdom courts froze Ibori’s assets valued at about £17 million ($35 million), in early August 2007. His wife, Nkoyo, was arrested at Heathrow Airport in London on 1 November 2007, in connection with the probe of the assets of her husband, particularly in the United Kingdom.

    She was released after being questioned. In an exclusive interview with CNN, Ibori denied allegations against him claiming they were politically motivated. He accused then Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) chairman Nuhu Ribadu and the UK Courts of playing politics.

    On December 12, 2007, EFCC arrested Ibori at the Kwara State Lodge in Asokoro, Abuja. Ribadu additionally alleged that Ibori attempted to bribe him to drop the charges with a cash gift of $15 million, which Ribadu immediately lodged in the Central Bank of Nigeria CBN.

    On December 17, 2009, A Federal High Court sitting in Asaba, Delta State, presided over by Justice Marcel Awokulehin discharged and acquitted Ibori of all 170 charges of corruption brought against him by EFCC.

    In April 2010, Ibori’s case file was reopened. A new allegation that he embezzled N40 billion ($266 million) was pressed against him. Attempts to arrest him were unsuccessful.

    On April 17, last year, Ibori was sentenced to 13 years by Southwark Crown Court for his crimes. Among possessions confiscated were: A house in Hampstead, north London, for £2.2m; a property in Shaftesbury, Dorset, for £311,000; a £3.2m mansion in Sandton, near Johannesburg, South Africa; a fleet of armoured Range Rovers valued at £600,000; a £120,000 Bentley Continental GT and a Mercedes-Benz Maybach 62 bought for €407,000 cash, that was shipped direct to his mansion in South Africa

    Another ruling which has been severely criticised involved former Rivers State Governor Peter Odili. Short after the expiration of his tenure in 2007, he obtained a perpetual injunction against arrest or prosecution by EFCC for corruption. The injunction has remained in force. Why EFCC has not got the perpetual injunction vacated remains unknown.

    Also criticised was the sentence handed former Managing Director of defunct Oceanic Bank Mrs. Cecilia Ibru, who faced on a 25-count charge of fraud. Ibru pleaded guilty to three of 25 counts.

    On October 9, 2010, she was sentenced to six months in prison and ordered to return over $1.2billion in cash and assets in a plea bargain reached with the prosecutors.

    Ibru’s six months sentence on the three count charge ran concurrently, but the banker did not even see the prison walls as she ended up spending the jail term in a private hospital.

    EFCC arraigned former Edo State Governor Chief Lucky Igbinedion, before the Federal High Court, Enugu on a 191-count charge of corruption, money laundering and embezzlement of N2.9b in 2008.

    In a plea bargain arrangement, the EFCC reduced the 191-count charge to one-count. In line with the plea bargain, on 18 December 2008, the court convicted Igbinedion on the one-count charge and ordered him to refund N500million, forfeit three houses and sentenced him to six months imprisonment or the option of paying N3.6m fine.

    The former Governor paid the fine and walked. EFCC later said the option of fine was not part of the plea bargain arrangement, but its effort to bring fresh charges failed, as a judge of the Federal High Court, Benin dismissed the case, arguing that Igbinedion cannot be tried twice over the same allegations!

    The most recent is that involving now suspended Justice Abubakar Talba of the Federal Capital Territory High Court. He sentenced police pension fund thief, John Yakubu Yusuf to two year imprisonment but with an option of N750, 000 fine after the accused pleaded guilty to stealing N32.8 billion from the Police Pension Office.

    The NJC also recommended to the president the sack of Justices Charles Archibong and Thomas Naron for acts unbecoming of judges. Justice Archibong was recommended for compulsory retirement over his handling of the case involving Erastus Akingbola, CEO of the defunct Intercontinental Bank.

    Justice Archibong was also indicted for issuing a bench warrant on some officials of PDP for contempt even when the counsel who was directed by the court to serve them an affidavit had not been able to serve the contempt application.

    He was accused of making unfounded and caustic remarks on professional competence of some Senior Advocates of Nigeria. NJC also said there were glaring procedural irregularities which showed that Archibong did not have a full grasp of the law and procedure of the court in the manner he granted the leave sought in the originating summons that had no written address of the parties and without hearing both parties in the originating summons after he had earlier overruled the preliminary objection.

    For Justice Naron, NJC said there were constant and regular voice calls and exchange of mms and sms (text) messages between the judge and Kunle Kalejaye, (SAN), the lead counsels to former Governor Olagunsoye Oyinlola during the hearing of Osun State 2007 gubernatorial petition.

     

    Salami-gate

     

    Analysts see the Justice Ayo Salami case as casting a blight on the judiciary. The President of the Court of Appeal (PCA) was recommended for suspension by the NJC in August 2011, for allegedly failing to apologise to Justice Katsina-Alu whom Salami claimed strongly intervened in the Sokoto election petition in a manner that suggested he had more than a passing interest in the matter.

    For observers, judicial authorities played into the hands of the politicians in the executive arm by referring the case to the president. The president’s party, the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, was the beneficiary of the alleged involvement of Justice Katsina-Alu in the case.

    Therefore, referring the fate of Justice Salami to him (the president) was an indication that the NJC at the time was willing to sacrifice the integrity of the judiciary and invest in the president a power he clearly lacks.

    Legal experts have argued that nowhere in the 1999 Constitution is the president empowered to discipline a President of the Court of Appeal.

  • ‘There is need for power shift in 2015’

    ‘There is need for power shift in 2015’

    Second Republic Secretary to Lagos State Government Asiwaju Olorunfunmi Basorun spoke with WALE AJETUNMOBI on the politcal situation in the country.

     

    Do you think the All Progressives Congress (APC), when finally registered,would be a threat to the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)?

    It certainly will pose a threat to the PDP because the party being conceived by the leaders, will come to the Southwest as a mass movement and sweep away those who are anti-people.

    In what ways do you think the APC will be different from the PDP?

    APC’s primary objective to bring Nigerians together and run a government that will have the greatest interest of Nigerians at heart. A manifesto has not been launched. So, nobody can say these are the details. But, if there is anything in the mind of those who are promoting the APC, it is to take charge of the country and the government in Nigeria; to run a government that will be in the interest of the majority of Nigerians. There is an urgent need for power to shift in 2015.

    Considering the United States report on corruption in Nigeria, is there any hope for the country?

    Well, I don’t know the details of the US report. Did they mention those who are corrupt? According to you, the report says there is monumental corruption being perpetrated in high places in Nigeria. The high places here means the Federal Government being administered by the PDP. The ACN is not there. By the way, the President’s statement against the civil servants, who he said are corrupt on Workers’ Day, is unfortunate. I expect the civil servants to organise themselves and reply him. I don’t know why he accused the civil servants, except they are all corrupt together. Take the case of the oil subsidy, we know the people who benefited from the fraud. None of them is a civil servant. Unless the President is telling us that it was the civil servants who misadvised them to give money to those who are not going to import oil and they embezzled all the money. It is corruption in itself for the President to promise us that, when he removed the subsidy, Nigerians would see what he would do with the money. But we are now seeing what he is doing with SURE-P programme headed by Dr Christoper Kolade. The programme has now been politicised. SURE is not sure for all Nigerians. The President is using the scheme to look after the members of his party across the states. Is that how to alleviate our suffering? SURE is sure for only those who can sing the praises of the President.

    The House of Representatives recently concluded a process to review the constitution…

    I have wondered, if the review is different from the amendment. Whatever they claimed they did was a sham. Members of the House of Representatives are trying to fool Nigerians by coming out to say Nigerians have spoken; that some constituencies have met and voted and agreed that there should be no state police. I say they are talking rubbish. This is a country where we have more than 160 million people and less than 9,000 policemen. If I take the average, out of about 250 people that attended the one in Ikorodu in November, half of them were market women with aso ebi (uniform). I attended and I took permission to speak first. I told them to set up different committees in all constituencies in Ikorodu axis, so that more people would be heard. They didn’t want to consider it. Later, I asked them: how can we be saying yes or no on these vexed issues? I told them that, if that is what you want, tell the House this is not going to solve our problems. There are questions we have to ask. But you have given us the template for 43 questions to go and fill and returned. I filled my own, but I added a rejoinder. I appealed to them to note that what they are doing is just a preamble to the real work. I advised them to get more Nigerians involved.

    It is necessary to invite organisations such as Nigerian Medical Association (NMA), Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ), Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Women Council of Nigeria, Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) and the important civil society bodies. Let them constitute a body to look at the 43 subjects and debate them. We did not vote in my constituency. How could we have voted; what would those uneducated women have voted for? Do they know what is called state police? I did not end there because I know the implication. I know we cannot get a perfect constitution, but let us get something that is closer to it. So, I was surprised when I read in the newspaper that 324 constituencies voted that Houses of Assembly should be granted financial autonomy. That is not important because many of the states already have it. Lagos State has it. Why should they be voting for that one?

    What is your view on the local government autonomy?

    I am concerned about that. The preponderant view is that local government should be subjected to the state so that they can use Section 7, sub-section 1, of the current constitution, which has not been amended, to create local governments. So, when it comes to funding, use the indices to allocate money to that state. The present constitution does not even ask the Federal Government to give local government funds directly to the states. Then, in Section 162, the money is there for the state for sharing among the local governments in accordance with a law made by the state House of Assembly. And then, they talk of states’ Independent Electoral Commission being prevented from holding elections. What type of federalism are we running? If we want to conduct a local government election, an almighty Jega will come and conduct it. It means that INEC will not rest all its life, if it has to conduct local government elections in the 36 states, which are not held at the same period. They say INEC should conduct all the elections at the same time and they are saying yes. What does the market woman understand about scrapping states’ electoral commissions and leaving the national electoral commission to hold all elections? Even, some elite said the state governors would misuse power. Is the federal government not misusing power? Anenih, last month, said, we know how to win in 2015. The statement is pregnant with a lot of meaning. So, the House of Reps just left serious matters and went into issues such as immunity clause. It does not make much sense to me because the conference we held in 2005 had decided that the criminal aspect be removed. Nobody should be in this country and commit crime because he or she is in a position of authority and get away with it. No.

    Should a six-year single tenure be allowed?

    I heard the President’s spokesman saying that Jonathan has said he would not contest in the 2015, provided that we have a six-year single term. My view is that many of these people do not understand. It is a pity Obasanjo jettisoned the last constitutional conference. Each time I look through the list of the participants; we had Anyaoku, we had Olusola Saraki, Ango Abdullahi and Muritala Nyako. I was there and Prof Adebayo Adedeji, the Olowo of Owo, who was my teacher in the Law School, was there. I don’t know how we will succeed to arrange such people, unless each constituency brings out its best people to work out a new constitution. So, we need a collection to discuss on these 43 items and they should not make the material their final decision. They should still subject it to argument such as what are the implications of state police? Argument that the state government will abuse it, or use to harass its opponent is trite. What is the President doing with the security lever he controls? Presently, he is using it, as he wants. When he did not want the opponents of Dickson to be governor in Bayelsa State, they used security against them. When Ladoja was to be impeached, the process was done in a hotel guarded by security agencies. The same thing with Dariye. So, who cannot misuse the security apparatus? We only need to strengthen the law to caution whoever is going to be in charge.

    Don’t you think the country is jinxed when it comes to making a new constitution?

    I don’t believe in such a notion. But what I think is that those who are there now feel that making a new constitution or amendment would take the power away from them. That is why I said they should be part of the process. If people want another constitution, I don’t think this present government can do that. It is not only lazy, it is a sleeping government. They are just spending our money on unproductive retreats. They will take allowance and all sorts of money. But having spent such money, nothing else happens. We still have two years to go into another election. Let us do this review properly and get something. In 2015, when we get a better government, we will overhaul everything. This is not the kind of government that can give us a good constitution. Whenever they hear that people are calling for constitutional review, they will think that we want to send them packing. They want to entrench themselves, which is what the decision they have taken in the just-concluded review process.

     

  • My father’s murder was political, says Aregbesola’s aide

    My father’s murder was political, says Aregbesola’s aide

    For eight years Kareem Fola Olajoku, Senior Special Assistant to Osun State Governor Rauf Aregbesola on General Matters, has remained in agony. Reason: the murder of his beloved father, Alhaji Sulaimon Hassan-Olajoku, a major supporter of Aregbesola’s governorship ambition on May 15, 2005.

    The slain Hassan-Olajoku, whom the governor once described as “a major financier of my campaign and left no one in doubt as to his support for and loyalty to our cause,” was gruesomely assassinated at Gbongan Junction in the presence of his teenage daughters and wife. It was a day after he organised a ceremony in Ifon-Osun to market the governor the people.

    “But eight years should be long enough to forget such an experience,” this reporter said. Kareem’s voice quaked in emotion in response: “How can I forget someone who was more that a father to me and our entire family? He was a man we could count on for anything. He was taken away from us at a period my siblings and I needed him most because we were very young at that time. He was a perfect gentle man; a strong grassroots politician, tax consultant, and a loving father. Words cannot explain how I feel. Sometimes, I wished it was just a dream that would soon fade away. Who on earth would shoot a man 24 times or more? That was pure assassination! They wanted him dead.”

    The governor’s aide seethed with indignation when he wondered why the police were yet to give his family any clue about those who killed his father and their motive, but was profuse in praises for Aregbesola who remained a dependable pillar of support for the bereaved family. “I appreciate our governor’s efforts to ensure that my siblings and I do not suffer as a result of this horrible experience. He has been our pillar of support; we can’t thank him enough. I also commend him for immortalising my father by building a mega park, named Hassan Olajoku Park, at the Gbongan Junction, where my father was brutally murdered. Ogbeni Aregbesola is a great and humane man who is rare to find on this earth. He has been there for us,” Olajoku said.

    He declared that his father was murdered by the anti-progressive elements in the state, adding: “We all know the truth. My father was killed when the political scene in Osun State was tense; and we all know it was a political killing. Some people’s thirst for power shows they are myopic. But in the end, the same power which they thought was their birth right was taken away from them by God and the judiciary. Where are they today? They didn’t want the then opposition party to redeem the mandate they stole.”

    When reminded that Osun State would soon hold local council elections he replied: “ACN in Osun State has shown the world that we are working. Have you not heard of the Opon-Imo, Ipad look-alike tablets that are being distributed to secondary school pupils in the state and which contain all their syllabuses and subjects? The computer system is even solar- powered. Osun State is moving and I can tell you that in any election, our great party will win all the available seats. The forthcoming council election will be another litmus test for us as a government, but we are fully prepared to win all the seats as we had done in past elections. This is because the governor has touched the lives of all Osun people positively, and they are happy for it.”

    He spoke further: “Aregbesola’s government is the best administration Osun State had had since its creation in 1996. Before the coming on board of the administration in 2010, flood destroyed lives and property in the state so much that people lost their means of livelihood and their loved ones, but now, the story is different. Before now, roads in the state were in dilapidated conditions, but now, the governor has been roundly commended for his good works, so much that he has even been nick-named “Oba baba ona”, meaning, “king of the roads repairs.” Is it the Oyes (Osun Youth Empowerment Scheme), which employed over 20,000 youths, thereby drastically reducing unemployment in the state? Or, is it the agricultural sector he revitalised by providing arable lands and funds to farmers to ease their age-long burden of lack of government’s support? The governor has redefined governance in the state.”

     

  • Ajimobi: Endorsement for ‘son of soil’

    Ajimobi: Endorsement for ‘son of soil’

    Oyo State Governor Abiola Ajimobi and his wife, Florence, were recently installed as the Aare Atunluse and Yeye Aare Atunluse of Ibadanland by the Olubadan, Oba Samuel Odulana, shortly after the endorsement of the governor for a second term by the stakeholders. BISI OLADELE examines the political significance of the historic ceremony.

     

    It was a carnival-like ceremony in the ancient city of Ibadan, the Oyo State capital. Governor Abiola Ajimobi and his wife, Florence, were the cynosure of all eyes. They were conferred with the Aare Atunluse and Yeye Aare Atunluse of Ibadanland by the paramount ruler, Oba Samuel Odulana. The implication of the conferement was not lost on the politicians and political observers.

    Like most governors, Ajimobi had promised on May 29, 2011 that he would restore the glory of the Pace Setter State. However, not many took him seriously as the citizens had grown weary of many of such unfulfilled promises.

    But two years on, the governor has proved to all and sundry that he meant what he said at the Obafemi Awolowo Stadium, where a large crowd witnessed his inauguration as the governor.

    Dignitaries at the ceremony included the Are Musulumi of Yoruba land, Alhaji Azeez Arisekola-Alao, Chief Niyi Akintola (SAN), Chief Kola Daisi, members of the Central Council of Ibadan Indigenes (CCII), traditional rulers and leaders of thought in the state. Also at the ceremony were Governors Babatunde Raji Fashola (Lagos State), Adams Oshiomhole (Edo), Rauf Aregbesola (Osun). The Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) leaders, including the national chairman, Chief Bisi Akande, and ChiefOlusegun Osoba also witnessed the occasion.

    Ajimobi is a proud son of Ibadanland. To many people, the ceremony marked the endorsement of the governor for a second term by the Ibadan indigenes by his kinsmen.

    The governor said that he accepted the honour because Oba Odulana is not given to frivolous conferrment of titles on undeserving individuals. He said the honour was based on the monarch’s objective assessment of his performance as the governor in the last two years.

    “We are all very proud of the Olubadan of Ibadan land,’’ the governor said, adding that he had been offered several chieftaincy titles, which he had turned down.

    “But I have no choice than to accept this honour, coming from the highly revered royal father, the Olubadan. I know that he doesn’t just dole out chieftaincy titles anyhow. He is a man of no mean achievement and he is highly principled. He has done us, the sons and daughters of Ibadanland, proud. I am, therefore, very pleased with the titles,’’ he said.

    Ajimobi said that he was also pleased to be recognised by his kinsmen for his outstanding achievements, since he became the governor two years ago.

    “Ibadan people are very tough. They are not given to frivolities. If they deem it fit to honour you, you should know that you are really worth it,’’ he added, thanking the Central Council for Ibadan Indigenes (CCII) and the Ibadan Elders’ Forum for their usual support.

    The governor pledged that the honour would further spur him into performing more than before in his quest for the socio-economic development.

    All the Ibadan traditional high chiefs who were present at the occasion, took turns to eulogise the governor, who they said, had done Ibadan proud through his outstanding performance.

    Though a traditional honour, the development has far-reaching implications for 2015.

    The popular cry during the tenure of former Governor Adebayo Alao-Akala was for an Ibadan indigene to return to the Agodi Government House. When Ajimobi was elected, Ibadan elders and people voted for him. He garnered the highest votes, from the city. Thus, their expectations was met. The governor has largely worked hard to justify the confidence reposed on him. The political implication of this is that Ajimobi and the ACN can count on their traditional support. By the feat accomplished so far, the governor has also won many more people to his side as the towns and cities are looking far better than he met them in 2011.

    Oba Odulana is a highly principled monarch, who has been speaking the truth to power and, in mild terms, has not been generous in giving titles to people, particularly, undeserving individuals. Therefore, that the honour came from him largely implies that Ajimobi’s achievements are recognised in high places as real and outstanding. This reduces the chances of other politicians and parties to warm themselves into the hearts of the people, particularly, in Ibadan and other major towns.

    The major opposition figure in the state, Senator Rashidi Ladoja, is a member of the Olubadan-in-Council. That this title of Atunluse (Agent of change) came from the palace means that he (Ladoja) may have a weak following in the highest traditional council in Ibadanland.

    The honour came only two years into the four-year term, meaning that Ajimobi still has more than ample time to warm himself and his party into the heart of the people.

     

    Some of his feats

     

    When he was sworn in as the governor on May 29, 2011, Governor Ajimobi clearly spelt out his vision to transform the state. He marshaled his transformation, restoration and reformation agenda with gusto. But many did not see the agenda as anything unique because of previous disappointment.

    Though many rejoiced at a new regime that was expected to end the reign of thuggery, brigandage and lack-lustre performance, the hope of a true transformation was low among residents as the state had long earned for itself a negative image that almost made Nigerians believe that it does not have talented leaders to rebuild the state, which was almost in ruins.

    For the first three months, Ajimobi and his team did not come up with any major project other than the ban the violent commercial drivers’ union as well as the weekly environmental sanitation aimed at reducing filt and dirts. The situation -led to the the characterisation of Ibadan as the most violent and the dirtiest city in Nigeria.

    But from September to December, 2011, Ajimobi changed the fortune of several commercial motorcyclists by offering them tricycles. He also facilitated the establishment of an assembly plant for tricycle manufacturing in Ibadan, to serve the needs of the state and other Southwest states.

    This was followed by the construction of a flyover at Mokola Roundabout, a notorious traffic gridlock spot at the gateway to the Ibadan Central Business District. The bridge, which is due for commissioning this month, has opened up the business district to all the stakeholders, adding more value to the worth of properties in the area and the beauty of Mokola and its environs.

    He introduced a novel healthcare system dubbed: “Oyo Free Health Mission” towards the end of the year, which saw over 60,000 residents across the state treated free by foreign and local medics. In 2012 over 130,000 patients benefitted from the programme.

    That was in addition to the distribution of free exercise books to public school pupils across the state and the reduction of school fees by 50 per cent in state-owned tertiary institutions.

    Ajimobi employed of 20,000 youths into the Youths Empowerment Scheme of Oyo State dubbed: “YES-O.” From the 33 local governments that make up the state, beneficiaries, who are largely graduates, thronged the Obafemi Awolowo Stadium (formerly Liberty Stadium), for community service in the environment, transport, education, health and other sectors of the economy.

    Several roads and bridges, washed away by the fatal August 26, 2011 flood, were either rebuilt or renovated.

    The civil servants for the first time, received a full 13th month salary for Christmas.

    In 2012 Ajimobi and his team started made impact in traffic control, road maintenance, improvement on physical infrastructures in schools, and beautification of cities.

    The first quarter of the year looked dull with no major projects. Then, criticisms trailed the administration. It became a popular saying that Ajimobi was slow. The seeming lull created a gap between the high expectation of residents from an initial “Active Governor” and the reality of the need for proper planning.

    But the second quarter ushered in a new regime of beautification. The governor gave teeth to his long dream of changing the landscape of Ibadan and other towns. To achieve this, many shops with unapproved plans and those standing on water channels and roads had to go.

    With bulldozers pulling down illegal structures, many residents embarked on a campaign of calmuny to discourage the governor from accomplishing his aim. Ajimobi did not bulge. He remained resolute, explaining to all who cared to listen that things must change for a true city to emerge.

    Within one year of landscaping, installation of modern facilities and strict observance to urban planning regulations, the outlook of Ibadan and other towns have changed.

    In the health sector, the administration is currently renovating the hitherto derelict State Hospital, Adeo yo, Ring Road with over N800 million. This is aimed at bringing it up to international standards. He launched the ambulances earlier in the year, thereby improving access of residents in remote communities to healthcare. It equally offered prompt response to road accident victims in Ibadan. The ambulance services are being expanded to all the 33 local governments.

    In the education sector, the Ajimobi Administration has renovated many blocks of classrooms, resuscitated running grants, approved the promotion to the highest cadre in the civil service for teachers and offered free extra-mural classes to final year pupils. This led to improved performance of students in the WAEC and NECO examinatiins last year. Recently, the administration presented a N100 million scholarship to students who are indigenes of the state in tertiary institutions. The gesture is coming 28 years after scholarships were last awarded in the state.

    The Ajimobi Administration now has many 32-seater buses conveying workers to and from the secretariat free of charge. Other commuters within Ibadan are also been enjoying free ride in many routes.

    The era of labouring in vain for Certificate of Occupancy (Cof O) and other land documents is over. The C of O is now processed transparently within 60 days of application and land resource is offered to investors with generous discounts.

    In agriculture, the administration has resuscitated the school agriculture project, increased seedling supply, registered the farmers for effective distribution of facilities and improved on the management of agricultural practices.

    But the housing, physical planning and urban renewal projects seem to have made the most visible impact. In Ibadan, three massive neighbourhood markets would be commissioned this month. A modern motor park along the new Ife Road was commissioned earlier in the year to move commercial vehicles from Iwo Road intervhange.

    The establishments of two new GRAs in Akinyele and NIHORT has also received applause.

    Two major marks of these projects are their high quality and taste. Being an urbane person, Ajimobi has proved, within two years, that a new Oyo State is not only desirable, but possible with the right leader. He has also proved that the problem of Nigeria is that of leadership and that when leaders have the right vision, the political will and the determination to attain their laudable goals, Nigerians will suddenly become law-abiding and good followers.

     

  • Thorny road to 2015

    Thorny road to 2015

    Two years to the next general elections, opposition figures are sharpening their arrows. But the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is preparing for the 2015 challenge. Assistant Editor AUGUSTINE AVWODE writes on the issues and personalities that would shape the contest.

     

    Apart from ensuring that the normal democratic institutions continue to be relevant, analysts say the roles of some personalities in the polity are crucial to the sustenance of democracy in the country. These individuals include President Goodluck Jonathan; former Head of State and three times presidential candidate, General Muhammadu Buhari, National Leader of the Action Congress of Nigeria(ACN) Asiwaju Bola Tinubu; the chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof Attahiru Jega.

     

    President Goodluck Jonathan

     

    President Goodluck Jonathan has a major challenge. This is ensuring that a level playing field is provided for all and sundry by the democratic institutions in the country. He is the man on whose table the buck ends. Apart from being the President, with a very high probability of seeking a second term, he is in charge of almost everything that has to do with the sustenance and deepening of the nation’s democracy. Balancing his personal ambition with national interest could be very tasking, especially, in the face of his party’s determination to continue to rule.

    In 2011, when he was campaigning for the Presidency on the platform of the PDP, he declared that his ambition is not worth the blood of any Nigerian. He also declared that nobody should rig election for him. Whether those declarations will be repeated, if he chooses to run in 2015, is yet to be known. Already, his party national chairman, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur has said that the 2015 electoral contest is ‘a big war’. Besides, analysts are beginning to express reservation over the readiness of the President to repeat his stance of 2011. Two instances readily come to mind. The emergence of Tukur as the chairman of the PDP and the emergence of the chairman of the Board of Trustee (BoT) of the party, Chief Tony Annenih are often used as the yardstick of measuring how unyielding the President could be whenever he wants anything.

     

    Muhhamadu Buhari

     

    The former Head of State leads the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC). The Daura, Katsina State-born retired Army General has demonstrated his strongly held views about the need to ‘salvage’ the country for good by contesting the position of Nigeria President for three consecutive times. Described by many as an unrepentant apostle of anti-corruption, Buhari enjoys the largest followership in Northern Nigeria. He has carved a niche for himself as a highly disciplined person. His anti-corruption stance is glaring to everybody to see in a society that is reeling under the yoke of corrupt practices. For a man that has held many ‘juicy’ appointments, as they say here, it is gratifying to see him parade a clean and stainless score-card while in office.

    In year 2003, Buhari contested the Presidential election under the platform of All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and lost to Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) a result he challenged in Court but also lost. Not deterred, he re-contested the 2007 Presidential election also under the platform of same Party but against his kinsman, the late Alhaji Umar Musa Yar’adua. Buhari lost again and challenged the result in the Court, as the case was still been heard, the leadership of his party went into accord with the ruling party, PDP, to form a Government of National Unity, he opted out of this marriage of convenience and pursued his case, but also lost again.In another attempt to rule through the ballots, Buhari went into the race for the third time but under the platform of another newly formed party, Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), but also lost.

    He is at present one of the arrow heads of a merger of three major opposition parties to form the All Progressives Congress (APC). The planned APC, when it is registered, will also have groups or factions from the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) and the Democratic Peoples Party (DPP).

    With Buhari as one of the leaders of the planned APC, analysts believe that the electoral contest in 2015 will be keenly contested and that the pendulum could swing either way between the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the burgeoning APC.

     

    Bola Tinubu

     

    Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu has established himself as a deft and rare political strategist. In the last two and a half decades, he has built a political bloc that is by far more cohesive, progressive and popular and forward looking than any contemporary Nigerian politician. Tinubu has established himself as a political colossus in the Southwest. He enjoys a large army of followership. Tinubu has re-drawn the political map of the Southwest region in a manner that for the first time, the dominant party in the region now has its tentacles all over the country.

    His journey into politics started when he joined others to found the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP). In 1992, he was elected as Senator of the Federal Republic Nigeria to represent Lagos West Senatorial District. At the National Assembly, he distinguished himself as the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Banking, Finance, Appropriation and Currency.

    When the June 12, 1993 Presidential Election was annulled, and a new round of military rule stared the country in the face, Tinubu and others founded the famous pro-democracy group called the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO). The group spearheaded the bitter struggle for the restoration of democracy. He fled the country for safety reasons and teamed up with the group abroad. In 1998, Tinubu returned to Nigeria and in 1999 was elected governor of Lagos State. He won re-election in 2003. It is on record that he was the only governor in the region who survived the massive incursion of the ruling PDP to the Southwest in 2003. He is credited with the restoration of his party’s rebound in the region today.

    To his credit, he is the only visible governor in Nigeria since 1999 who was able to produce a successor, Mr. Babatunde Raji Fashola (SAN), whose performance and style remain a reference point.

    As one of the arrow heads of the merger of the three leading opposition parties in the country, there is no doubting the fact that he would be one of the politicians who will play a significant role in the political developments in the country in the coming years.

     

    Attahiru Jega

     

    All eyes are on the chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), and that is saying the least. Nigerians are yet to forget the electoral heist of 2007, in which funny and non-existent character in Nigeria, allegedly voted using the names of famous foreigners like the late Michael Jackson and legendary boxer, Mike Tyson. The new battle cry in electoral circle is one man, one vote.

    The former university don promised in March that the INEC would conduct freer, fairer and more credible elections come 2015. To the average Nigerian, whose subconscious is totally taken over by cynicism when it comes to conducting free and fair election, this may just be sweet, political talk or mere grandstanding.

    Jega gave the assurance in Abuja during the first quarterly meeting of the commission with representatives of registered political parties. The INEC chairman also added that the regular meeting would also make both the commission and the representatives of the political parties “to share information, exchange ideas, discuss mutual concerns and evolve partnership, as well as strengthen the good relationship which exists, in addressing challenges in the electoral process.”

    Jega is seen as an ideologically focused intellectual who leans towards the left. To many, he comes across as a radical. When on April 19, 2010, he was guest lecturer for the NLC May Day 2010 celebration, he harpoed extensively on electoral reforms. According to him, “no doubt, the popular aspirations for credible, free, fair and popularly acceptable elections, which are a fundamental requirement for sustainable democratic development, would remain elusive unless and until we pay serious attention to electoral reforms”.

    Yet, it is held that the electoral body under him, would not be able to play the unbiased umpire. In fact, not long ago, Buhari called for his sack and other top officials of the commission, saying the electoral body, as presently constituted, cannot be trusted to deliver on credible elections. He spoke in London at the 4th British-African Diaspora conference held at the British House of Parliament on the theme “Stable Democracy and Nigeria’s Economy,”. To Buhari, sacking Jega would be a good starting point for fixing Nigeria’s broken electoral system.

    In his words: “All the present indications are that INEC, as it is presently constituted, will not be able to deliver any meaningful elections in 2015”.

  • What future for democracy?

    What future for democracy?

    Civil rule was restored in Nigeria on May 29, 1999, after many years of military rule. But 14 years after, the country is still far from democracy, reports Group Political Editor, EMMANUEL OLADESU.

     

     

    wasted expectation

    Fourteen years after, there is little to cheer. The economy is on its knee. The standard of living is declining. Social infrastructure is comatose. Unemployment, especially among the graduates, is soaring. Corruption in high places is alarming. Security is at a low ebb. The sanctity of the ballot box is not fully guaranteed. The ship of state, analysts warn, may hit the rock, if drastic measures to avert the catastrophe is not properly applied by the rulers.

    It is a story of wasted hope. Nigeria achieved civil rule, but it appears that democracy is still illusory. According to observers, the bane is poor leadership.

    Expectations were high in 1999, when the military bowed out, following a long and tedious pro-democracy struggle. It was evident that the military rule was old-fashioned because the soldier failed woefully in their self-imposed duty of running the affairs of the country without the people’s mandate. This pervading feeling contrasted sharply with the endorsement of the army rule in 1966, following the tension that enveloped the beleaguered country because of bad governance by the first crop of civilian rulers. But military rule also wreck worse havoc. Up to now, some critics have continued to attribute the slow journey to recovery to the prolonged military rule and its far-reaching negative effects national life.

     

    Faulty foundation

    Many have also argued that the journey to the difficult future had its root in the mistake of 1914 and the crisis of nation-building it has unleashed. Putting this into perspective, a political scientist, Prof. John Rourke, pointed out that, in Europe and America, while nations generally came together first and only coalesced into states, it is different in Africa and Asia. It is an understatement. For example, Nigeria evolved from the earlier boundaries drawn by the colonial power and does not contain a single, cohesive nation. As Rourke argues, the people of this former colonial state are of different tribal and ethnic backgrounds and find little to bind them once independence was achieved and the common enemy, the colonial power, has left. “This lack of cohesion often results in civil discord and causes regime instability and the resulting internal discord often invites outside intervention and thus, becomes a source of international conflict”, he added.

    Instructively, the colonial edifice erected on the porous foundation has been shaking because the builders never subscribed to the building project on any agreed term. When independence day broke on October 1, 1960, the political leaders turned up for the lowering of the British flag as ethnic barons without emotional attachment to the evolving nation-state. Nigeria, which, right from the onset, was an amalgam of the incompatible social formations, produced tribal leaders from the distraught regions in hot competition for federal power and resources. Ethnic parties; the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC), Action Group (AG) and National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC); maintained their holds on the antagonistic regions, the North, West and East, thereby frustrating the development of national outlook germane to nation-building, cohesion and harmony.

     

    Motivation for power

    Greed, avarice and the perception of the corridor of power as an avenue for private accumulation may have motivated many people to enter politics. This may be a simplistic and generalised view. In resolving the puzzle: ‘What motivated the members of the political elite to go into politics’, especially in the decolonising period, renowned historian, Dr. Nna Mba, posited that “some fought for the control of political power in order to have access to government funds, commercial opportunities and jobs from which they had been denied by the colonial government and firms. Although she acknowledged that some were also motivated by nationalism, power and prestige of potential government, inducement of the office as a career and ideological convictions, historical evidences suggest that they were in the minority.

    Mba, in the bibliography, ‘Ayo Rosiji: Man with vision’, also pointed out that, although corruption, which maniffested in the abuse of political and government office, preceded independence, Balewa Government, which took over from the British, failed to check the practice. But what became the waterloo of the first indigenous government its mishandling of the electoral process and partisan involvement in the Western Regional crisis. Although the First Republic marked the era of true federalism, which permitted the four regions; West, North, East and Midwest; to run their affairs in an atmosphere of healthy competition, political instability and tension still engulfed the polity because of the recurrent conflicts between the ceremonial President and Head of Government, the lopsided balance of federal/regional power, ethnic rivalry, the crisis in the wild wild West which was fueled by the crisis of legitimacy and soaring corruption.

     

    Crisis of legitimacy

     

    When the military came into power on January 15, 1966, the first casualty of the Unifying Decree 34, 1966, which aptly effected radical, but strange federal/regional relations and unified the civil service, was true federalism. After the death, of the first military, Head of State, Gen Moses Auguiyi Ironsi, General Yakubu Gowon who succeeded him he reneged on his administration’s promise to hand over to the civilians. He described 1973 as unrealistic, proposing to exit from power in 1976. The civilians were disillusioned. Gowon Government has also been chided for corruption and lack of clear direction. On July 29, 1975, he was toppled in a military putsch led by his cousin, Col. Joe Garba. His successor, Murtala announced a transition programme, which his successor, General Olusegun Obasanjo, implemented with tactical, strategic and partisan military guidance. This feat was described by the political scientist, Prof. Bayo Adekanye, as the liquidation of a self-acquired power. But the evidence of residual partisan interest by the departing soldiers was twofold. After the Constituent Assembly submitted its report, the military injected some clauses into it without consultation with the representatives of the people the 1979 Constitution was meant to serve. Also, the Head of State declared that the best presidential material may not get to the Presidency.

    Thirteen years after the first military intervention, President Sheu Shagari assumed the reins on October 1, 1979. The country had jettisoned the parliamentary system for multi-party presidential democracy. But the Second Republic was also short-lived. The Federal Government was weak and it failed to embraced the challenges of socio-economic and political development. Many politicians who featured in the earlier dispensation resumed their corrupt activities. The critical sectors were down. Leaders only swarmed in opulence to the detriment of the ordinary people. Alarmed at the economic upheavals, one of the opposition leaders, the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, warned that the ship of the state would soon hit the rock. Shagari was overthrowned on December 31, 1983. After him came four Heads of State; Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (1984-85), Gen. Ibrahim Babangida (1985-93), Chief ernest Shonekan (1993), Gen. Sani Abacha (1993-98) and Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar (1998-99).

    Between 1985 and 1999, the country was in tumoil. Crisis had escalated in the aborted Third Republic when the historic June 12, 1993 presidential election won by the late Chief Moshood Abiola was annulled by Gen. Babangida.

    Following Abacha’s demise, Gen. Abubakar hurriedly implemented a transition programme. But the new civilian administration had to work with a constitution that lied against itself. With the flawed 1999 Constitution as the compass, the Fourth Republic took off on a wrong note.

     

    Tales of three Presidents

     

    The Fourth Republic started on May 29, 1999. In the last 14 years, Nigeria has produced three Presidents-Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo (May 29, 1999-May 29, 2007), the late President Umaru Yar’Adua (May 29, 2007-May 6, 2010), and President Goodluck Jonathan (May 6, 2010 toll date).

    The military was a factor in 1999. The retired soldiers collaborated with the PDP leaders in the search for a presidential flag bearer. But for the new President, the necessary adjustment from dictatorship to popular participation was difficult. Gen. Obasanjo, has experience. But many have argued that he was ill-prepared for the challenges of civil rule and transformation required after a long years of military rule. It is debatable. On the assumption of power, he took measures to stabilise the polity. The ovation was laud. But when he was leaving office after a two term of eight years, he had mocked his antecedent as a leader who voluntarily handed over power and statesman in the post-1979 period.

    Under Obasanjo, the Presidency became a national burden. Assessed against the criteria of the resolution of the national question, anti-corruption war, electoral reforms, respect for the rule of law, and general democratic credential, observers would score the administration low.

    Early in the life of the administration, a constitution review committee was set up. Some political leaders drawn from the different political parties were members. Their opinion was that the lopsided federal structure should be redesigned. They also called for the decentralisation of power. The committee’s work did not see the light of the day. As laudable as the setting up of the ICPC and EFCC were at their inception, the two agencies became tools of repression and oppression during Obasanjo’s second term. They were used to hunt the perceived foes, ahead of the 2007 elections.

    The hand of the Federal Government was also heavy on the states. For example, the creation of additional local councils by the Lagos State government was met with stiff federal opposition. For 14 months, the allocations to the Lagos local governments were seized by the President. Although the Supreme Court acknowledged the constitutional powers of the state to create councils, it noted that the new councils were incohate, until they were listed in the constitution. When the Federal Government hesitated to obey court rulings, when Odi was wiped out by soldiers and the President thundered that 2007 was a do or die affair, civilian dictatorship was let loose.

    Following repeated calls by the ethnic nationalities for a national conference, Obasanjo agreed to set up the Abuja Political reforms Conference in 2005. But he identified some no-go areas. For a year, the delegates were busy fashioning out a new constitution for the country. At the end of the day, it was clear that the motivation for the conference was the alleged third term gamble. When it was introduced, the conference collapsed. The laudable efforts of many patriotic delegates were in vain.

    Between 2000 and 2007, it can be said that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) operated in the President’s bedroom. The 2003 electoral fraud submerged the Southwest geo-political zone. In 2007, the same scenario was repeated under the leadership of the INEC Chairman, Prof. Maurice Iwu. The electoral contest shifted to the court where the stolen mandates were later restored to the winners of the polls.

    When the late Yar’Adua assumed the reins, he acknowledged the rot in the electoral process. He observed that the election that brought him onto power was flawed. He proposed electoral reforms. The deceased President promised to abide by the rule of law and pursue the principles of good governance. In furtherance of his commitment, he set up the Electoral Reforms Committee led by Justice Muhammadu Uwais to make recommendations. The President released the outstanding Lagos council allocations. He also set examples by obeying court judgments. Yar’Adua unfolded a seven-point agenda to revive the ailing sectors. However, he was slowed down by prolonged illness. He passed on in 2010.

    President Jonathan, who was Yar’Adua’s deputy, was immediately sworn in as the President. He inherited many challenges, especially insecurity and comatose economy. To reposition the country, he proposed a Transformation Agenda, which encompasses the infrastructure battle, provision of electricity, and protection of life and property.

    Dr. Jonathan was elected the President in 2011. Three years after he became the leader, there has been no significant improvement. Corruption is striving in the national life. The security of life has not been guaranteed. Foreign investors are skeptical because of the un-conducive environment. Roads are death traps. Unemployment has persisted. What seems to preoccupy the leaders are the 2015 elections.

    As it was 14 years ago, the challenge is the same-lopsided federalism, insecurity, corruption, poor economy, battered judiciary, electoral challenges, Norh/South dichotomy, rotational Presidency, militancy, lack of internal democracy in the parties, and undemocratic structures in many local governments. Although Nigeria may not have become a failed state, it is already a fragile federation.

     

     

  • 1999 Constitution: A wrong compass

    1999 Constitution: A wrong compass

    As the country marks yet another Democracy Day, the chances of radical changes to the 1999 Constitution to allow for independent candidacy, state police and true federalism come to the fore, once again, writes Olukorede Yishau.

     

    From Lagos to Sokoto, state governors are considered the chief security officers of their states. But by law, the commissioners of police in each of the 36 states do not take instructions from the governors. They take orders from the Force Headquarters at Louis Edet House, Abuja, where Inspector-General of Police Mohammed Dikko is the lord. Dikko takes his orders from the Presidency, which many have interpreted to mean that President Goodluck Jonathan is the chief security officer of both the federal and state governments.

    This development has overtime made governors complain that they are just puppets when it comes to having control over the police in their states. Some have cited the situation in Rivers State, where Commissioner of Police Mbu Joseph Mbu and Governor Rotimi Amaechi operate on parallel lines. Situations where governors become helpless over the police in their states have fuelled calls for state police to be included in the amendments to the 1999 Constitution, which the country has been unable to successfully amend since it was bequeathed to it by the military regime of Gen. AbdulSalami Abubakar (rtd).

    The fourth and fifth National Assembly tried it. Nothing meaningful came out of the efforts. The sixth National Assembly made some progress. Now, the seventh National Assembly has started again and has promised that this time around, the 1999 Constitution will be reviewed to correct some of the anomalies in it. But apart from the anomalies, many Nigerians also look forward to some radical changes, in areas other than state police. These areas include: independent candidacy, local government autonomy, state creation and rotational presidency.

    The country’s constitution does not recognise the right of an individual to seek election without belonging to a political party. Unlike the practice in advanced democracies, where an individual can run for elective offices without being a member of any of the registered political parties, the 1999 Constitution makes it mandatory for a candidate to belong to a political. It also gives no room to states to have their own police. It also makes the local governments appendages of their state governments.

    The proponents of independent candidacy cite several reasons to back their clamour. One of the reasons is the fact that godfatherism determines who gets what in the existing political parties. Aside this, they also said the party structure makes electioneering too expensive, citing huge cost of nomination forms and other expenses the parties heap of aspirants.

    Analysts believe that with independent candidacy an individual, with reasons not to identify with any of the political parties, can run for office and still win.

    In 2009, the late President Umar Yar’Adua sent a Bill to the National Assembly seeking the inclusion of “independent candidates” in the constitution.

    The Bill, which was dumped by the 6th Assembly was entitled: “A Bill for an Act to alter the provisions of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 2009 and for other matters connected therewith”.

    The late Yar’Adua said: “I forward herewith, for your kind consideration and passage into law, the attached draft Bill for an Act to Alter the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Amendment III). Pursuant to the above, therefore, and in line with the powers vested in the National Assembly, I hereby present the said Bill for the kind consideration of the Honourable Members…’’

    The late Yar’Adua’s move was informed by the Muhammed Uwais Report on Electoral Reforms.

    Until 1963, when the country became a republic, independent candidacy was allowed. Prominent Nigerians who had run as independent candidates are: Chief Richard Akinjide (Ibadan South-West) and the late Yoruba leader, Chief Abraham Adesanya, who stood for election to represent Ijebu as independent candidate in the parliament but lost to the candidate of the defunct Action Group (AG). The late Sir. Louis Mbanefo won as an independent in Onitsha in the then Eastern Region.

    But it is unlikely that independent candidacy, state police and so on will see the light of the day in this era. They seem out of the agenda of the drivers of the current efforts at reforming the constitution. The Senate Committee headed by Deputy Senate President Ike Ekweremadu’s areas of concentration include: devolution of powers; recognition of the six geo-political zones in the Constitution; Local Government autonomy, especially the abolition of the Joint State Local Government Account; fiscal federalism; and the amendment of provisions relating to the amendment of the Constitution, State Creation, and Boundary Adjustment in order to remove ambiguities and make them less cumbersome.

    Others are: the immunity clause, Nigerian Police (reforms and decentralisation), the Judiciary, the Executive (whether or not to revisit the term element of our executive offices, the system of government, rotation of offices), gender and special group interests, mayoral status for the Federal Capital Territory, residency and Indigene provisions.

    Even local government autonomy, which is on the card, has formidable enemies. The Nigeria Governors Forum (NGF) is against autonomy for local government. With a powerful body like this against this clamour, it is unlikely that this will see the light of the day. The Houses of Assembly have also kicked against the idea.

    Perhaps, with a hindsight that clamours such as local government autonomy, state police and others may not get the nod, Speaker of the House of Representatives Aminu Waziri Tambuwal has said the review of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) may not satisfy the yearnings of Nigerians.

    “We cannot promise that after this exercise, all Nigerians will be fully satisfied with the result or that all agitations will stop. As you have all seen from the analysis of the public hearings conducted in the constituencies, there is not a single subject matter on which we have a 100 percent agreement.

    “However, we can promise that it will be transparent, it will be fair and it will reflect the true desires of our people. We can also promise that the Constitution we will finally present to Nigerians will be better than what we have presently.”

    The House of Representatives has conducted a Peoples Public Sessions, whose outcome show Nigerians sentiment for these radical changes.

    The Deputy Speaker and Chairman of the House Ad-hoc Committee on Constitution Review, Emeka Ihedioha, said: “The results of the Peoples Public Sessions as unveiled by the House would be subjected to proper legislative action as required by the Standing Orders of the House and by the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as amended.

    “There are no short-cut. This retreat will give members of the committee acting on behalf of the entire House the opportunity to brainstorm on the language of the amendments where consensus has been reached.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

  • Conference gets more support

    Conference gets more support

    The organisers of the Conference of All Nigeria Progressives Merger Group in the United Kingdom have expressed joy over the number of people participating in the forthcoming conference.

    The event is in the response to Nigeria’s changing political landscape emanating from the progressive parties’ merger. It is designed to examine the complex realities of contemporary Nigeria as a nation at the crossroads; a nation in search of strategic direction to sustainable nation building in the face of poor governance and the democratic paradox imposed on the Nigerian State by the ruling People Democratic Party (PDP) government.

    The conference is scheduled for Thursday, 20 June 2013 at the Hilton Docklands, UK is fast gathering momentum as a global event.

    Some of the topical issues to be delivered and discussed at the conference by eminent global players in politics, intellectual communities and business leaders include: transforming Nigeria: challenges, prospects and realisation road map growing out of poverty: emerging agricultural markets for developing countries moving the nation forward: the dividing lines, tragedies and possibilities mobilising, re-orienting and re-energising the masses: a way of national emancipation

    “The opposition in Nigeria has its work cut out for it. The imperative before APC is to provide Nigerians with an alternative political platform capable of providing efficient and effective services built on internal democracy.

    “We believe that one way of ensuring that the emergent All Progressives Congress (APC) develops into the political party of our dream is for the international community to engage the leaders of the emerging APC at every possible opportunity. This will be very beneficial for the party, the international community and Nigeria,” the group said in a statement.

  • NGF: Divided they stand

    NGF: Divided they stand

    The Nigerian Governors Forum (NGF) election has come and gone. But the ripples it has generated will take a long time to settle, writes Assistant Editor AUGUSTINE AVWODE.

     

    THINGS have fallen apart in the Nigerian Gover- nor’s Forum, the most elitist political group in the country.

    Less than 48 hours to the election that has generated much tension, an aide to one of the governors from the Southsouth told The Nation, that it would end an anti-climax. He dismissed what he called “all the hype and exaggerated build-up to the election.” The source maintained that nothing spectacular would happen.

    However, the outcome of the election and the developments that have followed it have pointed to only one fact – it is not “case closed” yet. If anything, it has exposed the Forum to a bitter feud and internal wrangling. It has dwindled the ability of the Forum to speak with one voice.

     

    Bone of contention

     

    The bone of contention was whether Rivers State Governor Rotimi Amaechi should seek re-election or not. The Constitution of the Forum clearly gives the incumbent the opportunity to seek another two- years in office, if he so desires. But, among the governors, there has been opposition to the ambition of Amaechi to seek re-election. Expectedly, this led to the polarisation of the Forum into two – those for the re-election and those that are against it. The factions have spent valuable time plotting and strategising. The intrigues have been palpable. In one instance, a new body comprising of only the governors of the Peoples Democratic (PDP-GF) was formed and Akwa Ibom State Governor Goodswill Akpabio emerged as its chairman.

    At the weekend, Amaechi was re-elected. But his victory was quickly rejected by the group, which has been opposed to his return as the NGF chair.

     

    Amaechi’s offence

     

    Amaechi’s offence, it was learnt, was that he turned the Forum into a “trade union”. He was said to be critical of the President and his pro-grammes. Besides, it was said that his alleged ambition to run for vice-president in 2015 would jeopardise the chances of President Jonathan.

    According to the poll results, Amaechi secured 19 votes to Governor Jonah Jang’s 16. Since then, things have never been the same for the Forum. Jang’s supporters have discredited the election. They are: Akpabio, Jang, Idris Wada of Kogi, Gabriel Suswam of Benue, Sullivan Chime of Enugu, Martin Elechi of Ebonyi, Theodore Orji of Abia, Peter Obi of Anambra and Isa Yuguda of Bauchi. Others are: Olusegun Mimiko of Ondo, Ibrahim Shema of Katsina, Mukhtar Yero of Kaduna, Garba Umar of Taraba, Ahmed Abdulfatah of Kwara, Emmanuel Uduaghan of Delta, Liyel Imoke of Cross River, Seriake Dickson of Bayelsa and Gombe State Deputy Governor, Thaanod Rubainu. The rest, mostly from the opposition parties, are on the side of Amaechi.

     

    Stable past

     

    The NGF has been relatively stable, since it was founded in 1999.Though it is not recognised by the 1999 Constitution, the Forum has grown to wield enormous powers and influence. Its existence has largely been justified by the provision in Section 40 of the Constitution for individuals to enjoy the right of association

    From inception till now, the NGF has been led by five individuals. It started with former Governor of Nasarawa State Alhaji Abdullahi Adamu from inception in 1999 to 2004. He was succeeded by former Akwa Ibom State Governor Obong Victor Attah who led it from 2004 to 2006. Next to chair the Forum was former Edo State Governor Chief Lucky Igbinedion. He led it from 2006 to 2007. Thereafter, former Kwara State Governor Senator Bukola Saraki took over the mantle of leadership of the Forum. He was there for the four years his second term lasted from 2007 till 2011. Amaechi took over in 2011.

    The last time a similar leadership crisis rocked the Forum was in 2011. Then, former Ogun State Governor Gbenga Daniel, who had been named as the new leader, was removed in a dramatic fashion. But the Forum was not polarised. This is the first time since its formation, that the group will split into two. Already, the campled by Jang has set up a parallel secretariat from where it hopes to operate.

     

    Implications

     

    The implications for the Forum could be far reaching. First, the Presidency is now at liberty to recognise and deal with the faction it endorses. Second, the masses would bear the brunt in one way or another. Any position canvassed by a governor that is not among the recognised group may not get the attention it deserves.

    Besides, it may mark be the beginning of a major realignment of forces in the build- up to the 2015 general election. But will the NGF be the same again? The answer is a resounding no.