The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • Saraki at 80: Legacies of a godfather

    Saraki at 80: Legacies of a godfather

    Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU recalls the life and times of the late Warizi of Ilorin, Dr. Olusola Saraki, who would have clocked 80 today.

    Old age connotes proximity to the grave.

    Yet, when the colourful politician, Dr Abubakar Olusola Saraki, passed on in November, last year at 79, many Nigerians expressed shock. Traditional rulers, statesmen, politicians, clerics, associates and relations were in mourning mood. Eminent Nigerians thronged Ilorin, his birthplace, to commiserate with his family and bid him farewell. Observers were locked in sober reflection. It was the end of an era.

    Had he not succumbed to the cold hand of death, he would have been 80 today. Saraki’s death was mourned beyond Kwara State. Political leaders across the divides paid tribute to the departed political megastar, who left behind worthy legacies in politics, medical profession, philanthropy and religion.

    Few politicians have had the rare honour of bestriding the Kwara political firmament like the multi-millionaire Second Republic Senate Leader and Leader of Northern Union. To many people, Saraki was an extraordinary political mentor, quintessential role model and acclaimed godfather in Kwara, where politics is often shaped by poverty, ethnicity and religion. Perfectly, he understood the language of urban and local politics. His foes could only ignore him to their peril. For over 50 years of active political involvement and community service, he was second to none in the Kwara and Kogi axis in the Northcentral geo-political zone. Admirers perceived him as a colourful, charismatic, pragmatic and politically resourceful leader of the people held in high esteem. Thus, his death has created a vacuum.

    Seraki was not an ideologue. From the beginning, he made no pretext about his political leaning. Yet, right from the beginning, he was destined to become the future political leader of Kwara. Unlike the late Chief Sunday Olawoyin from Offa, he had cultivated the aristocrats who looked up to the Sardauna of Sokoto and leader of the Northern Peoples Congress, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello. He did not associate with the defunct Action Group (AG) led by the late Obafemi Awolowo and the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) led by Dr. Nnamidi Azikiwe, although he had much respect for these legends.

    Instead, Saraki actively embraced the NPC, which lacked a national outlook. To the conservative party, enlisting any marginal support from the South was not a priority. Even, when few youths, who attempted to adorn the caps of radicalism, canvassed the change of name to Nigerian Peoples Congress (NPC) to convey the vague impression of ‘Nigerianess’, the suggestion was shot down. yet, throughout the First Republic, the northern party was the party to beat.

    Saraki’s initial political investment did not yield any dividend. But he was not discouraged by his failed bid for parliamentary power. He was a promising political devotee from the Middle Belt who lost his deposit in his first bid for a seat in the House of Representatives. However, despite the fact that he was defeated by his opponent, he retained his fame as a determined politician who could not be underrated. Having put his hand on the political plough in 1964, he never looked back. His failed ambition was his first baptism of fire in politics. It was also a tonic. The ebullient, budding politician was downcast. He returned to Lagos to continue his medical practice and lucrative business. But henceforth, he would return to Ilorin every Friday to strengthen his political machinery.

    Today, his legacies in philanthropy and community work have endured. The relics of the water tanks at Ilorin and its environs remind the residents of the provision of water for the grassroots when the government failed to provide the social amenity. The late Saraki sponsored many people for the holy pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina, gave scholarship to indigent students, cared for widows and offered employment to many youths.

    The late Saraki was catapulted to the enviable league of elite which wielded much influence in the Ilorin enclave. Thus, when the Westcentral State was created in 1967, Governor David Bamgboye requested him to serve as commissioner. He declined and nominated his protégé into the cabinet. But throughout the military era, he was a factor in the politics of Ilorin, Kwara and Nigeria.

    It was certain that the late Saraki would play a dominant role in the national politics in the Second Republic. In 1978, he was elected into the Constituent Assembly set up to work on the draft constitution prepared by the Constitutional Drafting Committee (CDC) set up by the Murtala/ Obasanjo Administration. In the assembly, he was not a bench warmer. There, he became a founding member of Club 19, which laid the foundation for the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). He sought to fly its presidential flag, but the entrenched forces in the North preferred a core Fulani candidate. That may have lent credence to the gulf between the core North and the Middle-Belt in the so-called monolithic North and plight of Yoruba-northerners inhabiting Kwara/Kogi axis. The same fate also befell the late Chief Sunday Awoniyi, the Aro of Mopa and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) aspirant. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo objected to the ambition, saying Yoruba could not be President and national chairman of the ruling party at the same time.

    The late Saraki emerged as one of the frontline NPN leaders and party financiers during its formative stage. This however, did not give him an edge ahead of the primaries. When his presidential ambition crumbled, he was advised to vie for governorship. But he thought that the emerging senate would be like that of the powerful United States Senate. He opted for the Upper Chamber, after sponsoring the Ebira prince, Alhaji Adamu Attah, for the governorship. Since the party’s zoning formula was also not in his favour, the late Saraki’s ambition to become the Senate President was frustrated. Then, the party favoured the youthful Dr. Joseph Wayas for the number three position. But he emerged as the Senate Majority Leader, a position which also secured an eminent seat for him in the powerful and influential NPN Caucus presided over by the party chairman, the late Chief Adisa Akinloye.

    The Turaki Ilorin was the alpha and omega of Kwara politics. He singlehandedly frustrated Attah’s second term bid, following a frosty relationship. When the party insisted on fielding him in 1983, he supported the governor’s rival and Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) candidate, Senator Cornelius Adebayo, who displaced Attah during the election.

    The crisis-ridden Kwara NPN family was embarrassed by that action. A former minister, the late Chief Akanbi Oniyangi, warned at a rally in Ilorin that, should Attah fail at the poll, the late Saraki would lose his honour. It was an empty threat. Attah lost and the party could not expel him for anti-party activity. The late Saraki was re-elected Senator in 1983 because his popularity did not diminish in Kwara.

    In the Third Republic, the Kwara kingpin bounced back. He recruited more loyalists into his enlarged camp. He installed Alhaji Shaba Lafiagi as the governor. He also renewed his battle for the Presidency. He had the wealth of experience, connection and resources to prosecute a nationwide campaign. But it was a wrong time; the political climate was cloudy. The ambition was stopped by the Head of State, the late Gen. Sani Abacha, who mooted the idea of transmuting to a civilian President. At the constitutional conference set up by Abacha, the late politician was a towering figure. However, he moderated his utterances in utter sensitivity to sentiments of the power that be.

    The late Saraki never contemplated retirement from politics. In 1999, he emerged as the father of the All Peoples Party (APP) in Kwara State. He revived his presidential bid. But there were many political hurdles on his way. He could not make it because the party agreed to the APP/AD joint ticket, which favoured Chief Oluyemisi Falae. The chief had made a surrogate, Salman, the senatorial flag bearer in his Central District, with the hope of coming back to retrieve the ticket from him, should he fail to get presidential nomination. When he returned to Ilorin, Salman was said to have deliberately gone abroad and did not return until the close of nominations. He served as senator on the APP platform for four years. Since then, nothing has been heard about him politically. The late Saraki later became the APP Board of Trustees (BOT) chairman.

    The reality dawned on the old political war horse that he would never taste the presidency. He could not abdicate his political throne either. Unlike the earlier dispensations, when political gerontology was the watchword, he had to endure the crazy post-1999 era when the new breed of Third Republic who had grown wings, started to play politics outside the rules. Many of them were in a strategic alliance to heat up the polity and frustrate the political veterans of the First and Second Republics. The late Saraki often complained that party supremacy, party loyalty and party discipline were all gone.

    In 1999, the late Saraki played a leading role in the installation of the former military governor of Ogun State, Rear Admiral Mohammed Lawal, as the governor of Kwara State. Barely two years into the democratic dispensation, his political empire was shaking. The late Saraki was having a running battle with the governor he installed. ANPP, under his leadership, was polarised. Ethnic tension was also played up to convey the impression that the descendants of Afonja, the anti-Alaafin warrior and first surrogate ruler of Ilorin, were again at loggerheads politically with the descendants of Alimi, the illustrious Muslim scholar from Sokoto. Saraki’s foresight did not desert him. When he gazed at the future, he perceived the looming danger. He instantly discovered that the future of his group was bleak in the ANPP. A wise and experienced politician, he strategically struck a deal with the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). He also changed his political gear. For the first time, the rich politician who had been sponsoring other people was advised to put forth his son’s and daughter’s names for elections. His son, Bukola, became the governorship candidate and his daughter, Gbemisola, who was in the House of Representatives, became the senatorial flag bearer.

    The young rode to the State House on the massive goodwill and formidable machinery of his illustrious father in 2003. He was re-elected in 2007 for a second term. Before he became governor, he was a Senior Special Assistant to the President on Agriculture. But, consistent with the pattern of Ilorin politics and bickering between political benefactors and beneficiaries, Dr Saraki later disagreed with his father on succession. To analysts, the son issued a red card to his father.The Leader of Northern Union also declared war against his biological son when he insisted that his sister, Senator Gbemisola Saraki-Fowora, should succeed him as governor on May 29, 2011. Bukola, had worked in the spate of eight years to garner much influence as the governor. He mustered the strength to kick against his father’s wish. The son has become the new rallying point, kingmaker and godfather. The former governor raised Abdulfatai Ahmed as the PDP governorship candidate in opposition to his father’s choice.

    Dr Olusola Saraki was apparently caught unawares. He neither anticipated nor prepared for the last battle in advance. But his fighting spirit was intact. He pulled his divided supporters out of the PDP. Political tension engulfed the Saraki nucleus family. Gbemisola was also infuriated. She struggled to realise her ambition on the platform of ACPN, a relatively unknown and weak platform. In his old age, Senator Olusola Saraki was traversing the nooks and crannies of the state to canvass support for her daughter in a state where two issues-poverty and religion-have shaped politics for decades.

    The handwriting appeared on the wall for the old politician as the results trickled in. Dr Bukola Satraki scored a goal against his father during the National Assembly elections. When PDP won the three senatorial seats in Kwara, the strongman received the news with a heavy heart. He still waited patiently for the governorship battle, which, based on experience, he now knew her daughter would lose. The political rift was later settled, but the discord it generated in the family lingered till the post-election period.

    With the demise of the political tutor, his son, Senator Bukola, who had been the heir apparent to the political dynasty, fully assumed the political leadership.

  • How Nigeria can survive, by Southern Assembly

    The Southern Nigeria Peoples Assembly(SNPA) has said that Nigeria can only survive, if urgent solutions are found to the prevailing contentious national issues germane to its peaceful co-existence.

    Among the challenges requiring urgent attention, in the group’s view, are the flawed 1999 Constitution, rising insecurity and Boko Haram insurgency, corruption and restructuring of the polity.

    The SNPA, which is hosting its delegate conference in Lagos on Monday at the Eko Hotels, Victoria Island, will consider the national question through brainstorming sessions anchored by its arrowheads, including former Vice President Alex Ekweme, Chief Edwin Clark and Bishop Bolanle Gbonigi, who is expected to lead the Southwest delegates to the conference.

    A statement by one of its conveners, Senator Tony Adefuye, said that highlights of the Lagos conference would include the debate on the on-going constitution review by the national Assembly, amnesty for Boko Haram, corruption and national development, the national centenary dialogue and re-negotiation as the basis for national unity and emergency preparation for the prompt arrest of the anticipated flood disaster this year.

    At the group’s brainstorming session in Uyo, Akwa ibom state capital, tagged: ‘Building a united and cohesive Nigeria’, the delegates advised President Goodluck Jonathan to rid his government and the nation’s security forces of all persons of dubious loyalty and treat the activities of the Boko Haram sect as treason.

    SNPA also suggested that, until the security situation in the North improves, none of the Southern youths should be posted to the troubled areas for the post-tertiary compulsory one year national service. Gbonigi said: “The security situation has continued to deteriorate. Kidnapping for ransom has become a rapidly blooming business as our cities and villages swarm with armies of unemployed youths. People are no longer shocked when dozens of their citizens are gunned down and bombed out by the Boko Haram sect. The massacres have become routine”.

    On corruption, the association said: “President Goodluck Jonathan and all the organs of government, especially the judiciary, should demonstrably and firmly prosecute the war against corruption without fear or favour, with no sacred cow spared, to serve as deterrent to others. On fact, government should fast tract the prosecution of all those identified culprits in the probe reports according to the law. In repositioning the country for the attainment of the Vision 20-20-20, the leadership must sanitise the economy”.

    The assembly also called for the convocation of a national dialogue to produce a truly peoples’ federal constitution to guarantee a unified and stable nation. It urged the Northern leaders to take more proactive responsibility by managing their restive youths, with a view to bringing the Boko Haram insurgency to an end. The group also advised that the six geo-political zone structure should be formalised and reflected in the constitution as the federating units.

    Gbonigi said that, if the government accepts to dialogue with tnhe Boko Haram sect, it should also muster the courage to dialogue with all Nigerians to formally air their grievances.

    On the constitution review, the assembly observed that, while the National Assembly has the power to amend the existing constitution, it cannot guarantee a peoples’ constitution for the country.

    The SNPA also called on the government to improve electricity supply and fight the infrastructure battle across the sectors.

  • ‘Which additional deficit has Aketi incurred?’

    ‘Which additional deficit has Aketi incurred?’

    In this piece, lawyer and social critic Dr. Doyin Odebowale justifies the decision of the Ondo State Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) governorship candidate, Mr. Rotimi Akeredolu (SAN), to appeal the judgment of the Election Petitions Tribunal, which affirmed the victory of Governor Olusegun Mimiko in the October 20, 2012 election.

     

    A very good friend of mine and colleague in the University of Ibadan drew my attention to the article titled: Aketi and Oke incurr additional deficits, written by one Niyi Akinnaso, published on the back page of the May 7 edition of The Punch Newspaper. The piece is anything but intelligent, truthful and professional. The Special Assistant of the Ondo State Governor could not have done a better job of this hack writing. That such a heavily jaundiced and simple opinion could be given such prominence should be a cause for grave concern among all lovers of truth. Granted that this person has the right to comment on any issues as a columnist, even those beyond his knowledge and competence, truth must always be treated as sacred. Nobody should be allowed to get away with blatant lies for whatever reasons.

    I shall leave the issues concerning this man’s grouse against “ Tinubu, Aketi, ACN and the PDP and others associated with them”. Only he can explain why a columnist would bother himself about “negative propaganda” from those whose interest was in “capturing” power either for its own sake or for self-aggrandisement. It appears not only ludicrous but also dishonest for anyone, who pretends to be an impartial commentator, and not a politician or a commercial analyst, to express that “my grouse was with the tactics used by the ACN, particularly the location of the planning and the logistics of the Ondo election in Lagos and Osogbo and the massive negative propaganda which defied decorum and truth”. He failed to mention how this affected him more than any other genuinely disinterested analyst.

    One does not need to read the article far before reaching the conclusion that this man was paid to abuse Aketi while presenting Dr OlusegunMimiko as the victim of unwarranted attacks from Tinubu, Aketi, ACN and, as an after-thought, the PDP, to achieve a dubious balancing. He combined half- truths with outright concoctions to deceive unsuspecting members of the reading public. His attempt at sophistry was so amateurish that it takes even a barely literate person to see him as a willing tool in the hands of Mimiko. There are quite a few of his type around.

    The very first lie written by this funny analyst concerns the “role” of Aketi when “he “… participated in the universally condemned arrest of Pa AdekunleAjasin, his townsman and the first civilian Governor of Ondo State, for his leadership role in NADECO.” A journalist, or anyone who has the rare privilege of having a generous space, such as the type grossly abused by this hack writer,NiyiAkinnaso, must always ensure that only the truth is disseminated to the public, however unpleasant.

    Aketi was NOT the Attorney_General and Commissioner for Justice when the late sage, Pa AdekunleAjasin, was molested in his house by the Military Administrator, Late Navy Captain Anthony Onyearegbulem. Pa Ajasin was visited by the brash Milad in his home at Owo. He was not arrested. Not a few people believed that the choice of Aketi was meant to douse tension at that time because of his relationship with the Ajasin family. Mama Ajasin was Aketi’s godmother. This fact was revealed by no other person than Mama herself when the Administrator led an entourage on a condolence visit to the house after the demise of Pa Ajasin.

    A serious commentator ought to have enquired before writing. The fact that this writer conveniently ignored the ignoble role of Mimiko and people of his ilk before and during the same period betrays hypocrisy of the worst kind. How could he have forgotten that this same man queued behind Akin Omoboriowo against the same Pa Michael AdekunleAjasin as a budding chameleon in the Second Republic? Mimiko served under BamideleOlumilua as the Commissioner for Health during the period of Babangida’s grand deceit called transition programme. Chief Michael Adefarati, the former governor of Ondo State, tasted of the treacherous broth dutifully prepared and served by Mimiko. He had served him as Commissioner for Health before he began the campaign of “one governor, one term”. He simply sold him to the PDP hawks. Aketi was Adefarati’s lawyer against Mimiko in spite of their being friends since their student days at the University of Ife, now ObafemiAwolowo University.

    Tinubu will not be the first person who attempted to “capture” Ondo State for pecuniary or other benefits, assuming the charge is correct. Obasanjo did just that successfully with the active connivance of the unscrupulous politicians, prominent among whom, was Mimiko. The rigging machine of the ruling party was oiled and constantly serviced by these scumbags. The whole of the south west was overrun by the sheer force of the invading marauders. Politics of “do-or-die” soon replaced the tenuous strive at engagement at the level of ideas. Outright assassination, arson and all unimaginable acts of brigandage took the centre stage in the region. This belated beatification of Mimiko can only be sold to our children who are taken in by the effective media propaganda of the Ondo State government because they were either not born at the time under reference or were too young to appreciate the nature of the narcissistic politics at that time. It is the duty of public analysts, whose main interest lies in the analysis of issues as they affect the society and are not enamoured with the colour or type of the currencies constantly doled out, to bring these notorious facts to their knowledge.

    He soon settled in his natural habitat, PDP, after Adefarati had been ousted. The prize for treachery was the office of the SSG, Ondo State. Dr OlusegunAgagu soon became a victim of this serial traitor. The first step was to ensure that the chord tying him and General OlusegunObasanjo was severed in his bid to become the new reference point in the state. He was handsomely rewarded with the ministerial portfolio. He soon declared his gubernatorial intention, the main reason why everyone who came his way was made unhappy. The PDP was about to be paid in his coin. General Obasanjo revealed during a political campaign in Akure that he came to solicit his support against Agagu, the incumbent governor of the state at that time. He said he advised this overtly ambitious fellow to allow him finish his second term. Mimiko refused and threatened to leave the PDP. Obasanjo then enquired if he had been cursed by his mother’s rivals. Let this writer go back into the archive and check if this did not happen.

    This crude reference to his mother was the basis of public sympathy for him. He was rigged out as it has been the habit of his trainers. All the noise makers, including expiring and spent individuals who mounted the soap box in his support lately, were conspicuously absent during the struggle to retrieve the mandate secured through subterfuge. All the civil servants, members of staff in higher institutions and market women, who are now specimens of experiment in his political laboratory, supported him openly. Official secrets were leaked to him routinely. The PDP was in government through coercion. The people looked up to him as the de jure leader waiting to claim his mandate. The Court of Appeal declared him as the winner and the rest, as it is said, is history.

    The other attempt at confusing people concerns the writer’s comment on the recent judgement delivered by the Ondo State Election Petition Tribunal sitting in Akure. This “carpenter” wrote about “overwhelming evidence” in Mimiko’s favour. What evidence, if one may ask? As a lawyer, I do know that when a matter is still a subject of litigation, there is a permissible limit beyond which no one is expected to comment until the case is disposed of. I am also aware that once a judgement is delivered it becomes a public document and anybody can apply for a Certified True Copy of same. It is after then that comments will be based on knowledge. I can assert, confidently, that I have read that judgement and anxiously await the pronouncement of the appellate court on it for my own continuing education. I also have the written addresses of parties in my possession. I doubt, very strongly, if this man has read a page of the 85-page document before writing that mediocre piece, ostensibly on the promptings of Mimiko’s camp. He only depended on excerpts from the notes of journalists or agents of government to do his hatchet job.

    This hack writer opines thus in his article; “In a unanimous ruling, the Tribunal concluded that the petitioners failed to prove that their complaints substantially affected the outcome of the election. It added that the petitioners also failed to show that they would have won the election the election or that Mimiko would not have won it. A careful reading of the judgment shows that the Kaak’an-led Tribunal further enhances the credibility of the court as a desirable arbiter of electoral disputes”.What logic!

    What careful reading will ignore the salient points raised in the petition and draw a general conclusion after a facile reference to “beyond reasonable doubt”? If there was an allegation of illegal injection of voters to the tune of 164, 000 and INEC admitted that it “ADDED” over 100,000 when there was no review of voters’ register, which party has the burden of proof to discharge? What does the Electoral Act, 2010 (As Amended) provide with regard to the display of the register? If a matter is said to be a pre-election matter, what is the meaning in law? Can a judge assume jurisdiction on the same matter after such pronouncement?

    With respect, I submit that all other matters are ancillary to these posers. If the voters’ register is heavily compromised through curious and conscious injection of unascertainable individuals contrary to the provision of the law, the onus rests squarely on the shoulders of INEC. It does not matter whether Aketi scored 0. It is true that the Act places almost an impossible burden on the petitioner who asserts that there are irregularities during the conduct of an election. To hide under a seemingly impregnable fortress of the required standard of proof in criminal matters to justify the voluminous injection of new voters, shortly before an election, smacks of fraud on the part of INEC. No vote cast under such sloppy arrangement should be considered valid.

    The suggestion by the writer that once election results have been announced and a winner declared losers should not challenge the outcome is not only fraudulent but idiotic and hypocritical. From Amaechi through Aregbesola to Fayemi and Mimiko, experience has shown that issues formulated in election petitions are better appreciated and pronounced upon at the appellate court. Mimiko was a beneficiary of this review at the Court of Appeal. Amaechi did not even contest any election save the primary conducted by his party, PDP. For any columnist, so called, to advise his betters to regard the matter as closed, based on the judgment of a Tribunal, because they are lawyers is the height of impudence. He wrote that candidates should begin to accept defeat, however contrived, with equanimity. The writer also insinuated that Aketi and Oke are desperate politicians who would not mind killing people to remain in power. He is, however, silent on the callous disposition of Mimiko, the incumbent, who enjoys “overwhelming” support of the electorate but still goes ahead to inflict pains on them.

    Who are the observers who certified the election as free, fair and transparent? Why are lecturers and other staff of Adekunle Ajasin University, Akungba, and Rufus Giwa Polytechnic, Owo, sacked, if the governor’s victory is genuine? How are the fountains and the markets faring? How many roads have been touched since the so called victory? What is democracy without a viable and vigorous opposition? In whose interest is the current harassment of civil servants and market women? What will make a man who enjoys “overwhelming” support of the people so paranoid to the point of sending political goons after his perceived opponents? Why was the whole of Akure in a mournful mood after the judgment, if indeed they gave their mandate to Mimiko freely and fairly?

    The writer also insinuated that some states under the ACN were “captured” by Tinubu. The evidence in all these states is the massive infrastructural development and all-embracing peace. It means nothing to Mr Akinnaso that there has been a significant shift in the pervasive attitude of banditry. What this writer would want to see is the “democratisation” of looting. He harbours a lot of anxiety on what will become of the mineral resources of Ondo State. After five years in the saddle and over N600 billion received from revenue allocation from the centre and the internally generated revenue, the incumbent, Mimiko, has constructed “fountains” and markets. The Tomato factory in Arigidi Akoko is yet to take off. There is the Dome project, among several other white elephant aspirations that have become sources of unbridled corruption.

    Those of us who know Aketi at close quarters are convinced, beyond doubt, that he will make any decent shortlist anywhere in the world. The Nigerian Bar Association, which he led as President between 2008 and 2010, became the main opposition party at a most crucial period in the country. Those who turned President Goodluck Jonathan into a senior clerk in Aso Rock attempted to lure him with heavy briefs. Aketi rejected all these overtures flatly. Ondo State will be the direct beneficiary of the quality accretion that will take place if Aketi becomes the governor.

    Challenging the judgment at the appellate court is expected of a lawyer. It is only a man who is not sure of his so-called victory that is unsettled as a result of this move. If Mimiko followed this path in 2007 and became the governor, it is not out of place for anyone to follow suit. Only a person suffering from deliberate amnesia or a hired hack will have issues with this noble move.

     

    Doyin Odebowale, PhD, LLB (Hons) B.L

    A Legal Practitioner, teaches Classics at the University of Ibadan

     

  • Ekweremadu: On the path of destiny

    Ekweremadu: On the path of destiny

    In this piece, ALEX OGBONNIA reviews the political career of Deputy Senate President Ike Ekweremadu, who clocks 51 this week.

     

    The grace of God is the most suitable vortex that underpins the life of the Senate President and Speaker of the Parliament of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Ike Ekweremadu.

    Ekweremadu was born on May 12, 1962 into the royal family of His Royal Highness,Late Igwe Mathias Ekweremadu, the Okwaa Anekeoji 1 of Mpu, Aninri Local Government Area of Enugu State.

    The birth of every child is an epiphany of hope wrapped in a canvass of diverse possibilities. As hard as the parents may strive for an upward social mobility of the child, it requires the grace of God to twang the transcendental cord that excites the critical elements in the child for self awakening. Thus, while his peers at a very early age floundered, Ekweremadu flourished with a clear vision of his life mission. He pursued the vision with incandescent passion, valour, candour and honour.

    For instance, Ekweremadu attended and left primary school as the teachers delight. He proceeded to St. Dominic’s Secondary School, Ugiri, Imo State and Boys Secondary School, Umueze Awkunanaw. He obtained a Grade 1 in the West African School Certificate. He studied Law at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN) and earned LLB and LLM; and a BL from Nigerian Law School, Lagos. He also attended the Harvard, USA and the Oxford University for further trainings.

    Only the initiated will appreciate that to achieve a sustainable success and stability in politics requires a combination of vision, passion, courage, intellect, humility, sagacity, perseverance, godliness and character. It is the consistent application of the above set of variables that incubates grace, which is the summary of virtues.

    As a little known courageous young adult from a far less known community, Ekweremadu dedicated his life as a change agent that would transform his neglected area to national limelight.

    Equipped with a frontier spirit and intellectual power, he set out to restructure the psychology and consciousness of his people through the chairmanship of Mpu Town Union. And later, he was elected the Chairman of Aninri Local Government Council. His excellent performance earned him the ‘Best Council Chairman of the year’ in 1997.

    Based on his pedigree, he was appointed the Chief of Staff, Government House and subsequently, the Secretary to the Government of Enugu State. He ennobled the two offices with remarkable skill, exceptional diligence, elegance and panache. He demonstrated an extraordinary acumen in the face of seemingly insurmountable obstacles. In 2003, Ekweremadu was elected a Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to represent Enugu West Senatorial District on the platform of Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). He was re-elected in 2007 and 2011. A peculiar Southeast enigma, each election recorded less resistance than the previous one.

    In the Senate, he was elected the Deputy President of the Senate in 2007 and also in 2011. He was also elected the First Deputy Speaker, ECOWAS Parliament in 2007 and Honourable Speaker of the ECOWAS Parliament in 2011.

    A prodigy in parliamentary practice, Ekweremadu has several motions and bills to his credit. He is the Chairman of the Senate Ad-hoc Committee on the 1999 Constitution Review. The widely acknowledged free and fair election of 2011 owes its credibility to the Electoral Reform facilitated by the Constitution Review Committees of the National Assembly.

    He is a detribalieed patriot whose love, dedication, sacrifice and passion for Nigeria are legendary. A man who canvasses the centrality of morals in the dynamics of power. A classic public speaker whose incisive contributions in the Senate engender responsibility, nation building and hope.

    At the ECOWAS Parliament, Ekweremadu savours with deep emotional attachment that he was unanimously elected as the Speaker, hence the unprecedented unity of purpose in the Parliament. He presides over the Parliament with finesse, statesmanlike verve, diplomatic élan and consummate consensus. He embodies the aspirations of the members. For instance, he has pursued the enhancement of the powers of the Community Parliament; rehabilitation of the Parliament building; provision of office accommodation to all members of the Parliament; institution of the ‘Award for Good Governance’; protocol for punishment of coup plotters in the sub-region even after office; capacity building for both the parliamentarians and staff etc. To the parliamentarians it is a major paradigm shift.

    Ekweremadu’s quality representation resonates resoundingly with his constituency. He has parlayed his cognate experience into monumental achievements in Enugu West Senatorial District and beyond. He has transformed his constituency beyond the rust and tarnish of even the least charitable. He has converted his Senatorial District into a huge construction site with road rehabilitation and construction, rural electrification, solar lights, water supply schemes, health care service delivery, libraries, computer centres, youth development centres etc.

    In human resource and capacity building, the Ikeoha Foundation which he founded in 1997 as a council chairman, complements his constituency outreach through scholarships to indigent students, micro-credit and widowhood support schemes, adult literacy centres, quiz and Ikeoha Football Cup competitions among others.

    As an ‘’Ambassador of Christ,’ he has strived to mainstream the youth in his community to God through the All Saints Anglican Covenant Church, Mpu. A church he built and donated to the Anglican Communion.

    To his constituents, Ike Ekweremadu is simply a colossus, purveyor of morals, the angel of history that has been so anxiously awaited, the peoples Prometheus, jinx-breaker, visionary, reflective scholar and a soldier of democracy. He is the exponent of the popular Enugu sentiment who has enlarged the Ikeoha Sanctuary to accommodate persons of diverse needs from all parts of the state.

    To any unbiased observer, Ikeoha’s trajectory is a tribute to courage, service, humility, loyalty, integrity, generosity, resilience, diligence and spirituality.

    Senator Ike Ekweremadu has to his credit several awards, honours and traditional titles. He was inducted as a Knight of the Order of the Good Shepherd, Diocese of Enugu (Anglican Communion); Dr. Kwame Nkrumah Africa Leadership Award; Doctor of Laws, LLD,(Honoris Causa), University of Uyo, etc. Traditionally, he has been conferred with the Ochiagha Ndigbo (Generalissimo of Igboland) by Eze Nri, the custodian of Igbo culture and tradition; and the Ikeoha Ndigbo (pride and strength of Ndigbo) by the Southeast Council of Traditional Rulers. Ekweremadu holds the national honour of the Commander of the Federal Republic (CFR).

    He is happily married to Mrs. Nwanneka Ekweremadu and the marriage is blessed with four lovely children. Ekweremadu has demonstrated physical prowess, social renown, political mastery, friendly finesse, character comeliness, marital exemplariness, and dispositional humility.

    As we solemnly mark his 51th birthday, we join all men and women of goodwill to wish Ikeoha many more years of fruitful service to the nation.

     

    Chiedozie Alex Ogbonnia Special Adviser (Public Affairs) to Deputy President of the Senate

     

     

  • ‘Amnesty ‘ll end insurgency’

    ‘Amnesty ‘ll end insurgency’

    House of Representatives member Hon. Abiodun Awoleye (Ibadan North Constituency) spoke with MUSA ODOSHIMOKHE on the security situation in the country and other issues.

     

    What is your view on the proposed amnesty by the Federal Government to the members of the Boko Haram?

    Amnesty programme was used to bring peace to the Niger Delta when the militants were terrorising the Southsouth. But Boko Haram is a new dimension. The people are aware that it is politically motivated. Therefore, I’ll like the federal government to grant them amnesty so that the North and other parts of the country can have peace and sleep with their two eyes closed because it has been spreading to the other parts of the country. So, amnesty will make them to come out physically for negotiation.

    You said the amnesty was given to the Niger Delta militants. But the militants are back on the street. Do you think amnesty is the solution?

    To a very large extent, the amnesty programme really works, most especially under the regime of the former Late President Umaru Yar ‘ Adua that actually initiated the programme, until this visionless present government came on board. To me, this administration does not have direction and that is what is really affecting the programme today.

    What is you assessment of the Jonathan Administration?

    Jonathan Administration is a total failure. All the promises made two years ago have not been fulfilled. Nigerians are not enjoying the dividends of democracy. Nothing works in Nigeria. Jonathan promised constant power supply, but what we have is worse than that. He promised good health care system, but is yet to fulfill it. He promised reforms in the education system, but education is getting bankrupt on the daily basis.

    Does APC has prospect?

    APC has come to stay. It is an intellectual property of the merging parties. I can authoritatively tell you that APC is the way out of the crises Nigerians are facing today. The All Patriotic Citizen is a fake. It will fail.Merger process has its procedure, which we have to follow. It will now be difficult for some sets of people to come out and frustrate the merger when we are still following the due process. We all know that the ruling PDP is behind all the hurdles. They cannot succeed because Nigerians know that the coming together of these three major parties is to salvage and rescue this collapsing nation from the PDP. I want to tell you that, with the kind of programmes we have, we will dislodge the PDO in 2015.

    What are the achievements of Governor Abiola Ajimobi that will make them vote for your party in 2015?

    We have done a lot of good works in the state. Let me start with the urban renewal programme. We have constructed many roads across the state. The beautification programme is also going on in the state. We can see massive construction of bridges and roads and the fly-overs will soon be commissioned. You can see the numbers of schools being renovated and equipped with new furniture so that the students can be comfortable. Extra-moral classes are organised for the students so that we can produce the best brains in Oyo State. We are tackling security through the ‘Operation Burst’. We have employed many youths in the civil service and TESCOM. We have employed 20,000 youths through ‘Yes-O Scheme’.

    What are your achievements as a legislator?

    The people of my constituency are enjoying my dynamic representation. A number of boreholes have been drilled for them. I have donated and installed a numbers of transformers for them. This is the second time I will beinfluencing the budget to favour of constituency and I have included many things in the budget. In my primary duty as a legislator, I have moved a number of motions, including the renovating and upgrading of the Ibadan Airport, which to the best of my knowledge, is going to be done because the fund has been earmarked for it.

  • NERC: What manner of regulation?

    NERC: What manner of regulation?

    SIR: Regulatory agencies in Nigeria, apart from a handful have done dismal jobs in regulation and consumer protection. Many are unaware of their responsibilities or are negligent. This leaves the Nigerian consumer in situation where he has no choice and therefore left to the vagaries of the market. The telecommunications revolution was successful due to the efforts of the regulator, in this case, the NCC and its relationship with consumers and telecoms operators. But the electricity reform seems to be taking a direction of its own, one which has little regards for the consumer and sees them as sheep to be sheared. The Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission NERC, seems intent on taking an unknown route despite the myriad examples of how not to do things,

    The Policy somersaults of NERC have left a bitter taste in mouths of consumers, the unfulfilled promises and the failures which are fruits of inadequate planning. When the NERC came up with the Multi-Year-Tariff-Order MYTO 2, is was to allow for sustainable generation of electricity and for adequate metering so as to avoid exploitation. Nigerians agreed with them and were expecting to see those promises delivered but the only thing we saw was outrageous bills in the midst of dismal improvement in electricity supply. Most consumers woke up to find out that their electricity charges and risen by about 50% and their consumption rates by the same. This would be no problem if the figures were correct, but has power generation increased by 50% since June 2012 and where is the extra consumption coming from?

    The average American home consumes 940 kilowatts hour (KWH) per month, Canada 950, British 500, France 500, Japan 500 according to World Energy Council, with 24 hours electricity. In our case, our electric bills tell us that we Nigerians are consuming 1000 kwh per month on average, Which would be funny if it were not a cruel joke.

    Looking back at the early days of the telecommunications revolution, we can remember the consumer councils which were organized and where industry players, consumers and regulators parlayed. There problems experienced by consumers were brought to the fore and the regulator and industry operators took note of them. But in this other revolution, such things are absent. There are so many questions to be asked but no one to talk to. The recent somersaults of NERC are even more menacing. We were promised free prepaid meters alongside MYTO but that turned out to be a failure. Now we are being told to pay for meters and get then in 45 days, yet no guidelines on how to pay and collect the meters.

    Every regulator operates with a carrot and stick policy applicable to consumers and industry operators, but the same cannot be said of the NERC. It would seem NERC gives the carrots to the industry operators only and reserves the stick for consumers. The Distribution Companies, DISCOS were required to provide free meters but due to the corrupt benefits they enjoy declined to do so and the regulator while acknowledging this did nothing. Even the 200 kilowatts hour max consumption rate for estimated billing, which would have reduced the incentive for corruption, went no further than the lips of the NERC chairman.

    Another disturbing aspect of the NERC is the absence of regulations covering the rights of consumers as regards safety and damages to life and property caused by voltage fluctuation. Numerous people have lost their lives, loved ones, property due to this menace with no reprieve and the regulator turns a blind eye to it. Or is the fault of the consumer that the distribution companies are inefficient and cannot maintain their equipment? Who is liable for the damage done, for the lives and property lost? Or should consumers start taking laws into their hands to solve their problems as is becoming the order of the day? I hope the NERC would borrow a leaf from the NCC and make the industry one that satisfies consumers, Industry operators and others concerned.

    • Nwachukwu Nnochiri

    Lagos

     

  • Plateau and politics of zoning

    Plateau and politics of zoning

    In Plateau State, the three senatorial zones have produced the governor, based on the zoning agreement among politicians in the state. But the state is now under stress as the major ethnic groups are scrambling for the slot. Correspondent YUSUFU IDEGU examines the claims of each zone.

     

    Ahead of the 2015 general elections, political tension is alrerady brewing in Plataue State. The various ethnic groups are locked in the battle of wits over who should produce the next governor.

    Since the Second Republic, politicians have always adopted established a zoning formula that has stood the test of time. Based on the agreement, the three zones; Plateau South, Plateau Central and Plateau North; have filled the slot. According to the analysis, between 1979 and 2015, each of the senatorial zones would have ruled the state for eight years.

    In 1979, Plateau South took the first shot. The zone produced the first civilian governor, Chief Solomon Lar of the Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP). He is of the Tarohk tribe from Langtang. He ruled the state between 1979 and 1983. Lar was re-elected as the governor, but his second term was truncated by the military intervention of December 31, 1983.

    During the aborted Third Republic, the South also produced former Governor Fidelis Tapgun. That was in 1990. The zone complained that it was entitled to a second term, recalling that Lar could not make it to the end because of the military coup.

    The Tapgun Administration was also disrupted. Following the annulment of the 1993 presidential election, there was crisis in the country. The military sacked the civilian authorities, including the second executive governor.

    In 1999, power shifted to the Plateau Central, with the ascension of Governor Joshua Dariye. he ran on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Unlike Tapgun, Dariye was re-elected. Thus, between 1999 and 2007, the governor came from the Central.

    In 2007, it was the turn of the North to produce the governor. Up came the retired soldier from Berom, which is the major tribe in the zone. Air Commodore Jonah Jang (rtd) was re-elected in 2011. In two year’s time, his second term will expire. By the time he leaves the office, all the zones would have occupied the seat for eight years.

    However, the hitherto gentleman agreement has nowbecome an albatross for the state. Politicians are at a cross road as the 2015 governorship context draws near.

    Now that all the zones have tasted power, the question is: which zone should produce the next governor?

    All the three zones are rationali-sing their claims to the throne. For example, the people of Plateau South, who first produced the governor in 1979, are saying that the zoning should begin from their zone again. But politicians from Plateau Central have disagreed, saying that it is their turn. are saying it is their turn. Also, political leaders from the North are demanding that the zoning should now be implemented in an anti- clock wise manner.

    This disagreement over zoning has thrown the major ethnic groups in the state into political rivalry. The Tarohk and Goemai tribes from the southern zone; the Angas who dominates the central zone and the Berom tribe, which dominates the northern zone, are the major players.

    The Berom, who are Jang’s kinsmen,are not ready to relinquish power in 2015. It appears that they are no longer fascinated by zoning. Basking in the euphoria of the incumbency, they are calmouring for a fresh arrangement that would favour power retention. With this in mind, aspirants from the North are lining up to grab the opportunity. Prominent among thye governorship aspirants from the zone are Senator Gyang Pwajok, Mr. Pam Gyang, Chris Giwa and Lumuba Dah Adeh.

    A Berom elder, Gyang Jacob, said the ethnic group has made sacrifices for the state by adjusting to life outside power for 20 years. He argued that it was only proper and fit for his people to start the ‘second round’.

    “We know we are currently in power in the state. We had made so much sacrifice to produce the governor in 2007. We waited for almost 20 years while others were ruling. Now, the zoning formula will be completed in 2015. All we are asking for is let us be the first in the next round because we came last in the last round. Let the last be the first this time and let the first be last; that is all we are asking for. What is good for the goose is also good for the gander”, he said.

    However, other zones found the Berom position, not only selfish and oppressive, but also untenable. A commuinty leader from the South, Lukman Ponfa, however, faulted the arguument. He said that Berom people are taking undue advantage of the fact that they are in power to oppress other stakeholders in the state. He canvassed the retention of the existing formula for the sake of peace and unity.

    “To allow peace to reign, the Berom should allow the existing zoning arrangement to continue uninterrupted. It should be turn by turn as it has been. Let no one alter it and make it go anti-clock wise for selfish reason”, he advised.

    Already, the agitators for power shift to the South are on the increase. Prominent among them are Mrs. Pauline Tallen, Senator Cosmos Niagwan and Senator Victor Lar. They have governorship ambition and the rejection of zoning is likely to further position very far from power.

    The Angas tribe oin the Central Zone is also not relenting in its claim to power, ahead of 2015. Political leaders from the area are vociferous. When the zone was to produce a governor in 1999, the slot went to a minority tribe, Mushere, which threw up Dariye. The majority tribe, Anga, also seem to have a convincing explanation. According to the political leadwers from the ethnic group, equity, justice and fairness demand that the next governor should come from Anga, pointing out that it is the only major tribe that has not produced the governor.

    A community leader from Anga, who did not disclose his name, said that the three zones are equally entitled to the governorship. But he addded that, since Tarohk produced Lar in 1979 and Berom produced Jang, Anga should struggle to win the sympathy of the other tribes.

    He urged prominent leaders from the area, including the former Police Commissioner, Hezekiah Dimka, (rtd) and the PDP Chairman, Dr Haruna Dabin, to brainstorm on the issue and present their trusted sons for the contest.

    Analysts contend that, if the Berom succeed in their plot to twist the zoning to their favor, Senator Pwajok may be their joker for 2015. To survive the ethnic politics, the Beroms are contemplating a‘ Plan B’ in pursuit of their ethnic agenda. It is is being rumored that the Beroms in government are contemplating supporting the candidates from the other zones so that they supply the running mate.

    A former legislator from Plateau Central, Bala Gogwim said: “This is no longer rumor. The Berom has their Plan B. It is an open secret. They will not only form a strong alliance with one of the two zones that is ready to make a Berom the running mate.

    “We learnt that they will come out with their funds and incumbency power to sponsor a governorship candidate from the other zone who will be willing to surrender power to them through impeachment. They are planning to sponsor one of the commissioners from the zone or a House of Representatives member. We would not want to mention the name now. But we know him.”.

    But can they succeed with the so-called ‘Plan B’?

    But how they so called plan ‘B’ will work out is left to be seen.

     

  • Seriki flays Okupe for comments on Tinubu

    Former Minister of State for Defence Chief Demola Seriki has chided the Senior Special Assistant on Public Affairs to the President, Dr. Doyin Okupe, over his comments on the defunct Tinubu Administration in Lagos State. He said: “Our leader, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu is an asset and not a political liability, contrary to Okupe’s statement. Nigerians know those who are political liabilities”.

    Seriki described Okupe as a garrulous spokesman and job monger, adding that he has become an expert in falacy and wrong judgment.

    The former minister, who spoke with our correspondent in Lagos, said that Okupe was suffering from mouth diarrhoea for describing Tinubu and former military Head of State Gen. Muhammadu Buhari as liabilities.

    He added: “The man jhas a mouth diarrhoea. Buhari is a great leader. He has his flaws. But he is a great leader. Why did Obasanjo drop Okupe as his spokesman? Now that he has been dusted up by President Goodluck Jonathan, he thinks he can malign the personality of great me.

    “asiwaju cannot join issue with him. When he alluded to what Asiwaju has done in Lagos State, I was disturbed. Tinubu is thye architect of the progress of Lagos State. Governor Babatunde Fashola (SAN) is the actualiser. Tinubu was the pacesetter and great achiever. Okupe is not versatile.

    “Buhari rejected the IMF loan in 1984. That put Nigeria in good stead. Leaders like that cannot be rubbished by Okupe. He is a job monger. Posterity will not judge him right. He is a member of Any Government In Power (AGIP).

     

  • What next after ACN, ANPP, CPC conventions?

    What next after ACN, ANPP, CPC conventions?

    Assistant Editor Augustine Avwode highlights the registration process that the proposed All Progressives Congress (APC) will pass through to secure the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC)’s nod.

     

    Those behind the proposed All Progressives Congress (APC) are inching closer to their dream. Last weekend, the All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP) and the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) held their national conventions. The two parties, primarily, considered and adopted the APC constitution, manifesto, flag, logo and slogan. The third party in the merger arrangement, the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), had held its national convention last month and adopted the name, APC. On February 6, the parties involved in the merger announced the formation of the APC. With the completion of the national convention of the three parties, the question on the lips of many Nigerians is: what next?

    An obviously elated National Publicity Secretary of the ANPP, Emma Eneukwu declared that the merger is now fully on course as the most challenging aspect of the reqiurements is behind. He said what the next thing would be for the merging parties to file their papers before the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). The merger is fully on course now. What is next is for the members of the merging parties to go into paper filing with INEC and, by the time we put in the necessary papers, from there, the electoral body will do its own duty. All I want to say is that the most important aspect of the whole thing is behind us. We are marching forward; there is no stopping us.”, he said.

    Asked about his hope for the party, Eneukwu said he has very high hope because the necessary things have been done by the parties that want to merge.

    “I have very high hope. All the three parties have done the necessary things they ought to do. We have no single problems at all. Soon, the announcement would be made by the INEC and after that, we go into the process of mobilising the people at the grassroots and we will then prepare for the general elections,” he said.

    From all indications, the coming weeks and months would be devoted to meeting the remaining requirements of the Electoral Act 2010 as amended.

    From now till when the party would be formally registered by the INEC, the three parties have to work together.

    National Publicity Secretary of the ACN Alhaji Lai Mohammed, after the ACN convention in Lagos, declared that the primary concern of the parties was to meet the requirements in the ElectoralAct. “We shall ensure that we meet all the requirement as contained in the Electoral Act. After the conventions of the parties, we shall take the appropriate steps to ensure that we are registered,” Mohammed added.

     

    Time factor

     

    All that is reqiured for the merger to see the light of day is contained in Section 84 of the ElectoralAct. According to the section, any two or more parties may merge on the approval by the commission, following a formal request presented by the political parties for that purpose. Political parties intending to merge shall give the electioral umpire a 90-day notice of their intention to do so before the next general elections. From all indications, time factor won’t be a problem because the required time is three months to a general election. The next general election in the country will be sometime in April 2015. That leaves the promoters of the APC with ample room of up to 20 months to comply with all the necessary requirements of the law. It would be recalled that time was a major constraint in the run up to the 2011 generalelection when the first attempt was made by the ACN and the CPC to merge.

     

    Formal request

     

    The Electoral Act also requires that a written formal request for merger and signed jointly by the national chairmen, secretaries and treasurers of the different political parties proposing the merger and shall be accompanied by a special resolution passed by the national convention of each of the parties proposing to

  • Lagos 2015: Obanikoro, Agbaje, others warm up for governorship

    Lagos 2015: Obanikoro, Agbaje, others warm up for governorship

    Former Nigeria’s High Commissioner to Ghana Senator Musiliu Obanikoro, Afenifere chieftain Mr. Jimi Agbaje, former House of Representatives member Hon. Setonji Koshoedo, Mr. Demola Doherty, and Dr. Ade Dosunmu are among the politicians warming up for the Lagos State governorship, ahead of 2015.

    Obanikoro, the chairman of the Nigerian National Social Insurance Trust Fund (NNSITF), was the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governorship candidate in 2007. He had defected from the Alliance for Democracy (AD) to the PDP, almost two years before the election. He lost to Governor Babatunce Fashola (SAN) at the poll.

    Party sources said that the politician from Lagos Central is fortifying his structures in preparations for the governorship primaries. It is not certain, if his ambition will be supported by the pro-Bode George forces in the party. In 2007, George camp rooted for the widow of the late Mr. Funso Williams, who was the party’s 2003 flag bearer. However, Obanikoro has resources to run a state-wide campaigns.

    Since the beginning of this year, PDP leaders have been mounting pressures on Agbaje to defect to the party, with the assurance that he would be offered the ticket in 2015. Among party leaders who had visited him were George and former Works minister Senator Seye Ogunlewe. A source said: “The pressures being mounted on Agbaje this time around has the tacit blessing of president Goodluck Jonathan, whose party, the PDP, is bent on capturing Lagos State. PDP is looking for a credible candidate to face the ACN or APC candidate. Agbaje is popular and he is perceived as a politician without blemish. But he has not given a definite answer to the PDP leaders wooing him”.

    Close associated of Agbaje confided that, though he has a governorship ambition, he is reluctant to join the PDP because of the party’s reputation in the Southwest. “Jimi Agbaje is a progressive politician and he is not desperate. He is interested in serving Lagosians and he is fit to rule, but there is the fear that his defection to the PDP may polarise his support base. He does not want to take a wrong step. So, he is being careful”, said a source.