The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • Boko Haram: A people’s alternative to peace

    Boko Haram: A people’s alternative to peace

    Recently, tear-soaked Mrs Deborah Shetima from Borno state gave a gory account of how her husband was killed, her two children seized and her only remaining child shot dead barely one year after the anniversary of the murder of the leader of Boko Haram, Yusuf Mohammed. The military authority has recently announced the death of 20 insurgents after a failed attempt to seize a military outpost in Borno State. The 20 people have relations, they probably have children and wives and maybe some of them are innocent. Nigeria is drifting into a state of blood. The situation may get even worse as the Nigerian neighbors in the Maghreb region grapples with faith-driven armed uprising. Unfortunately, Nigeria may suddenly become hotbeds of deep ethnic divisions and religious upheavals. For months unending, Nigeria has been characterized by bombing and mass killings, leading to thousands of internally displaced persons, including women and children. In our very eyes, the Afghanistanisation of Nigeria is spreading like a wild fire in the dry season. Predictably, this carnage will spread into the Southern part of the country. The bombing of Kogi state, less than 10 minutes drive from some villages in Ekiti and Edo States, is a clear indication that the Islamic movement may soon hit major cities in Southern Nigeria. Few days ago, the Lagos authorities arrested some Boko Haram faithful, with guns and bombs. The South West is the most urbanized, consequences of terrorist insurgence in this area are unimaginable.

    I have had the opportunity to travel across the North first as an active member of the National Association of Nigerian Students, (NANS) in the 1980s, member of the Technical Committee that organized the first modern-day ethnic summit in Northern Nigeria in 1999 at the instance of the late Dr Beko Ransome-Kuti and also as a researcher on self-determination in Nigeria. The ethnic summit held in Jos drew close to 1,500 people. The bitter truth, however is that the Boko Haram crisis will continue for certain reasons: one, the current Nigerian leadership lacks a deep historical understanding of the nature and form of the insurgence that is stealthily engulfing the country and, therefore, cannot provide an enduring solution. Two, contrary to the propaganda of state security operatives and the sometimes deceitful and ignorant categorization of the crisis as ad hoc, what we see is a well planned campaign of terror woven around primordial values. Unknowingly to many people in authority, the insurgents in the North appear to relish the support of a huge population of adherents who are happy that at last, a group is giving it back to a state that for decades has treated her citizens like cockroaches on the sidewalk. Millions of poor people in the North are frustrated by a corrupt, inept and almost moribund political leadership. There is the belief, even if illusory, that the introduction of Sharia, will curb the recklessness and spinelessness of the Northern political leadership. It means that with what clearly appears as the support of Boko Haram by a section of the local population, overall defeat of the Islamic movement is farfetched. Thirdly, President Goodluck Jonathan had admitted that security operatives are involved in the execution of Boko Haram campaigns. This only confirms how difficult it will be to banish the sect. By now, we should fear for the personal safety of Mr President and the violent ethnic backlash any harm on him foretells.

    We must admit: This country is standing on the edge of a cesspool. It is important to note that the war of attrition being waged by Boko Haram is oiled by the most inflammable ingredients of human existentialism: ethnicity and religion. The most brutal and most malicious wars in human history have been fought along either ethnic or religious lines. Here lay the peril that faces Africa’s biggest and the most homogenous Black country. The most dangerous trend is that though the Federal Government appears to have scored “victories” through its superior armed confrontation with the sect, there are unforeseeable, daring consequences one of which is the fear that security operatives who are natives of communities under state sponsored siege, will naturally be displeased by the often innocent casualties that usually accompany military operations in their dominion. One thing is now certain, this bombing has become one of the major threats to stability in Nigeria and West Africa coupled with the persistent armed uprising which has become a dominant trend across the sub-region. The emerging scenario is not only a peril to Nigeria, but given the country’s huge population, there is a visible threat to global security.

    What should be done? There cannot be a solution to the crisis without understanding its history, nature and form. For one thing, it is completely naïve to cite the Islamic insurgence as mainly the product of the temporary loss of power by the Hausa-Fulani North. This only explains an aspect of the problem. It appears a section in the Presidency thinks this way when it linked the uprising to the assumption that ‘some people just don’t like the president’s face’. This is simplistic and will definitely lead to wrong solutions to a persistent problem. In understanding the current trend, we should know the history of the people waging this campaign. Let us reflect a bit on where they are coming from: for over 300 centuries, the North East has been home to Islamic re-insurgence, partly due to the region’s unique political and cultural history. We cannot appreciate this without understanding the Borno Empire and its historic fangs and timeless struggle for self-determination which has been continuously stymied. The Borno dynasty had existed for over 1000 years, covering some parts of Ghana, Nguru, Kano and Adamawa States. Its collapse was only saved by Shaikh Muhammed al-Amin al-Kanemi who was born in 1772. Borno had over the years resisted any external culture, influence or the creation of ‘national cultural identity’ which the modern Nigerian nation continues to fan. The Hausa, Fulani and the Borno pedigree are not the same and sometimes view each other with suspicion. For instance, the Fulani first entered the Borno capital, Gazargumo, on Saturday 12 March, 1804 (the 13th Muharram, 1223 A.H). Old Borno Empire (now Yobe, parts of Adamawa, and Borno States-the hotbeds of the insurgency) had resented intruders and had meted harsh venom on such. When the Fulanis came, the fleeing Mai appealed to al-Kanemi who summoned his Kanumbu tribesmen and the Shuwa Arabs, who rallied because they considered the liberation of the Saefawa Dynasty a noble cause. They considered the Fulani as ere aggressors and usurpers. After routing the Fulani, al-Kanemi returned Mai Dunoma to his domain. The siege continued until after the death of Uthman Dan Fodio in 1817.

    Adeoye, a human right activist, journalist and CNN African Journalist of the Year 2000, wrote in from Lagos.

  • Edo LG poll: Again, PDP dares Oshiomhole’s ACN

    Edo LG poll: Again, PDP dares Oshiomhole’s ACN

    Ahead of this month’s local government election in Edo State, Assistant Editor, Dare Odufowokan, examines the issues and reports.

    From all indications and predictions, the local government election coming up in Edo State on April 20, 2013 promises to be an interesting political battle. Though all registered political parties operating in the state are free to participate in the election, observers of the unfolding political development in the state say the contest may turn out to be just between the two leading parties in the state.

    But further down the prediction line is the permutation that the political battle is actually between the state Governor and leader of the Action Congress of Nigeria (AC N) in the state, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole and former Works minister, Chief Tony Anenih, who recently got re-elected as the Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Board of Trustees.

    Barely a year ago, Oshiomhole led the ruling AC N to defeat Anenih and the PDP at the 2012 governorship election. Pundits say while Oshiomhole intends to consolidate his hold on the politics of the state with victory at the council poll, Anenih is seeking to use a good showing by the PDP at the same election to announce his return as the godfather of Edo politics ahead of the 2015 general elections.

    Expectedly, political activities are at the peak as the parties struggle to convince the people on why their candidates should be voted for on April 20. And considering the fact that no council poll has been held in the state since 2007, the people are keenly interested in the ongoing political struggle among the political parties and their candidate.

    Oshiomhole had in 2008, sacked all the 18 chairmen and 192 councillors he inherited from his predecessor and put in palace transition committees. Since then, there has been the clamour for the conduct of local government election to return the councils to democratic governance.

    With the constitution of the Solomon Ogoh-chaired Edo State Independent Electoral Commission (EDSIEC) in January, the stage was set for the conduct of the much-awaited election at the grassroots level.

    And by the time the commission released the election timetable, the nooks and crannies of the state were already agog with political activities as political parties and politicians alike prepare for the forthcoming election.

    While the PDP’s electioneering campaign has largely been hinged on what its chieftains called the urgent need for change in the state, the ruling AC N is urging the people to vote for its candidates in order for them to replicate Governor Oshiomhole’s exemplary performances at the grassroots.

    Sources in the state said contrary to its recent threat to boycott the election on the ground that it feared it may not be free and fair, the PDP is working tirelessly to win converts for its candidate across the 18 local government areas of the state.

    “There is no truth in the statement that PDP is not interested in the election. The party wants to use the April 20 poll to show the world that it is still very much on ground in Edo State in spite of the defeat it suffered during the last gubernatorial election.

    The party is conscious of the fact that it is up against the ruling party. PDP chieftains have been going round the state mobilising the people in support of the party. The party’s candidates too are doing all that is needed to be done to convince the people to vote for them.

    There is no doubt that it is going to be a tough political battle between the two leading parties namely the AC N and the PDP. This is because the PDP which lost out to the ACN about five years ago is determined to return to the government house in 2016 and winning some of the local council seats is one way to announce this determination,” Comrade Felix Ohioze of Edo Rebirth said.

    But the ruling party in the state, the ACN too is not leaving anything to chance in its determination to emerge victorious in the April election. The ACN state secretariat, situated along Airport Road, is now a beehive of activities as the party storm out on campaigns for the council positions.

    As part of its strategy meant to curtail the advances of the PDP, the ruling party, sources said, has mandated all chieftains of the party to return to their local governments and wards to lead the political battle ahead of the April 20 election.

    In Uhunmwode Local Government Council, for instance, former Special Adviser to Oshiomhole on Political Affairs, Charles Idahosa is at the forefront of the party’s electioneering campaign.

    “Our focus is on winning the election. We know the people are solidly behind us but it is also important that we go round and remind them of the need to continue to vote the AC N in order to continue to enjoy the dividends of democracy as being championed by Governor Adams Oshiomhole.

    “We are sure of victory. We will win here and in other places across the state because the people are impressed by what the Governor is doing. There is no way the PDP will defeat us in Edo State. Our people are progressives and they want the state to continue on the path of greatness,” Idahosa said.

    Hon. Pally Iriase, member representing Owan Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives, is leading the onslaught against the threat of PDP in Owan West local Government Area of the state.

    The former Secretary to the State Government (SSG) is confident that the AC N will emerge victorious in the council poll. According to him, having chosen the very best candidates ahead of the election, the AC N is assured of victory.

    “Our candidates are the people’s candidates. With that, we have again won the hearts of the people. If you now add that to the good works of our Governor across the state, then you can be rest assured that we are the party to beat in this election,” he said.

    In Akoko-Edo, Oshiomhole and his party would be banking on the combination of forces by the member representing Akoko-Edo Federal Constituency, Peter Akpatason, and the senator for Edo North, Senator Domingo Obende to deliver the council to the AC N.

    The Majority Leader of the Edo State House of Assembly, Phillips Shaibu, is back home in Etsako West Council to ensure the victory of his party. Ably supported by party chieftains like Usman Shagadi, Shuaibu says there is no room for the PDP in the area.

    But as the two leading political parties prepare to slug it out at the polls on April 20, another political party is planning to withdraw from contesting the elections.

    Shortly after he monitored his party’s primaries in Oredo Local Government, the state chairman of Labour Party (LP), Mr. Sam Omede, said it is still possible for his party to boycott the election.

    “We challenge Governor Oshiomhole to come out and assure the people that the election will be free and fair based on one man, one vote that he has been preaching. If we find that the election is not going to be free and fair, we will pull out,’’ he said.

    Omede told newsmen that the demand by the state Internal Revenue Board of tax clearance fee of N466,000 from councillorship aspirants and N750,000 from chairmanship aspirants was a ploy by the ACN-controlled government to scare contestants from other parties from participating in the election.

    Meanwhile, EDSIEC continues to assure all parities in the election of a level playing field while urging all stakeholders to participate in the process without any fear whatsoever.

    “If we must have a successful election, credible people must participate in the process. We at the EDSIEC want to assure all parties taking part in the council election of a level playing field,” the commission said during the week.

    To assure stakeholders of its preparedness, EDSIEC has been adhering strictly to the election timetable it rolled out few days back. It has also released guidelines for the conduct of primaries by political parties and observation of same by the commission, and submission of nomination forms by political parties, which took place between February 8 and February 18.

  • Ojukwu, Maxi Okwu, APGA saga: Time to think well

    Ojukwu, Maxi Okwu, APGA saga: Time to think well

    The recent comments by Chief Maxi Okwu, a politician and lawyer, on the deceased Igbo sage and nationalist, Chief Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, in conjunction with the ruling of the Court of Appeal, Enugu Division, on the national chairmanship of APGA and sundry issues should elicit reactions and rejoinders by well-informed and right-thinking citizens. This is especially so given the position of Okwu as a politician who was once the National Chairman of the Conference of Political Parties (CPP) and a legal practitioner of more than 30 years standing.

    It is, to say the least, unfortunate for Okwu to dismiss the symbol, spirit and personification of Igbo nationalism in Nigeria, Chief Ojukwu, as an extremist and someone who should not be taken seriously. Chief Ojukwu is a nationalist. He was among the first breed of well-trained Nigerian graduates who went to school abroad. Ojukwu attended the best schools and crowned it all with the Oxford University, where he bagged a degree in History. He returned to Nigeria and served as an Administrative Officer and later as the Divisional Officer, Udi Division. Thereafter, he left for the Army, where he attended several courses in the United Kingdom. He returned to the country and served as an instructor, soldier and military governor of the then Eastern Region.

    A man with this pedigree cannot be dismissed with a wave of the hand. Till date, Chief Ojukwu remains one of the greatest Nigerians and one of the greatest Igbos this country has ever produced. Ojukwu’s resort to war was not a personal decision. It was a collective decision of all Igbos. Perhaps Chief Okwu was then a toddler, otherwise he would have appreciated that Ojukwu’s decision was only ineluctable, it was also the collective and general wish of the people then, given the intensity of the pogrom, mindless slaughter of Igbos by their compatriots in the northern parts of the country then.

    Politicians should not play politics with the events leading to the civil war. It is something of a heresy for an Igboman to open his mouth to condemn Ojukwu for his role in the build-up to the war itself. This is a man who left the pleasure and luxury of his father’s wealth to lead his people to self defence, to counter a premeditated genocide. In the course of the war, his father’s wealth vanished. His father’s properties were labelled as abandoned properties and confiscated by the federal government. He went to exile for 12 years and suffered loss, inconvenience and deprivation because of his palpable and undiluted love for his people.

    It is great disservice to the Igbo nation for Okwu to pour invectives, vituperations and diatribe on Ojukwu. By his useless comments, Okwu has exposed his little knowledge of the sage, Chief Ojukwu, and his assured place in the pantheon of Nigeria heroes. It will not be too hard to charge Okwu with the betrayal of the Igbos. In some settings, Okwu would have been declared a persona-non grata for being completely unreasonable to calumniate the person and personality of a legend like Chief Ojukwu. Ndigbo will resist any attempt by some ill- informed and myiopic political mercenaries and self-seeking opportunists to use the name of our leader to advance personal interests. Clearly, Okwu is the first Igbo man to have made such senseless comments on Chief Ojukwu since his death. Okwu’s argument is totally un-Igbo.

    The same Okwu,also went off the mark when he referred to the ruling/decision of the Court of Appeal, Enugu Division, reinstating Chief Victor Umeh as APGA National Chairman, as futile.

    It is easy to read Okwu’s mind. After all, he was the one who was handpicked from nowhere and paraded by a few court jesters as the Interim National Chairman of APGA.

    Chief Okwu purports that the decision of the Court of Appeal is meaningless because the act had been done. This is the height of intellectual laziness. It will be recalled that after the judgment of the Enugu High Court, Chief Victor Umeh, as a faithful believer in due process and an unrepentant apostle of the creed of rule of law, appealed against the judgment and filed applications for stay of execution in the High Court and the Court of Appeal.

    But because they wanted to be smart and they wanted to overtake the applications for stay and render the appeal nugatory, these smart-less political tin-gods proceeded to organise a Kangaroo congress in which, among other things, Okwu was purportedly appointed Interim National Chairman of APGA. Even Okwu, who, as a lawyer, is supposed to know that the whole charade was unconstitutional and an illegality, also joined in the illegal act.

    Any wonder, then, that Okwu is crying foul. He and his co-travellers were aware of the appeal. They knew about the motions for stay of execution, yet, they went ahead to give themselves what they considered to be vacant jobs in APGA. The beauty of the rule of law is that it exposes the lawless and vindicates those who are law-abiding. Of course, Okwu should know that he and his confederates can not benefit from their illegal actions.

    Okwu cannot be heard to write off the ruling of the Court of Appeal that the action had been completed because they knew that the appeal and applications were pending when they attempted to foist a situation of complete helplessness or fait accompli on the court. Naturally, the court has the power to call their bluff and return all the parties to the status quo ante bellum.

    It is sad that Okwu allowed himself to be used to advance the cause of the dissidents in APGA. Come to think of it, Okwu had never been an APGA member. He has no registration card. His name is not in his ward’s register. He was simply brought from nowhere and clothed with the oversize dress and shoes of APGA National Chairman. Dressed in this borrowed robe but now undressed by the Court of Appeal ruling, Okwu is only lifting his head on the brick wall. Those who used him will surely be smiling by now because they knew the futility of their actions but merely wanted to take a chance just to throw dust into a clear sky.

    Needless to say that politicians who swim in murky waters are to be dirty. Politicians who throw dust in the political arena are most likely to be blurred by the dust raised by them. Chief Okwu dabbled into the APGA political waters but he has now been swept away and aside, even as pundits contend that he is a politician who likes to benefit from political turmoils.

    Finally, some cautionary words for Okwu: Leave Chief Ojukwu alone to rest in peace because he had accomplished his work here on earth. Think about due process and rule of law in the unfolding events in APGA.

    – Okpala, a political analyst, wrote in from Enugu

  • Revisiting the APC saga

    Revisiting the APC saga

    TWO books that I read in the eighties remain reference points in my attempt to understand developments in Nigeria. The first, Anatomy of Corruption, written by the late Onigegeara of Ibadan, Mr. Labanji Bolaji, remains a classic on corrupt practices in Nigeria. The second, How to be a Nigerian, by Peter Enahoro, is a witty commentary on living in Nigeria. I’m yet to read his The Complete Nigerian which I understand is a sequel. All good books written to throw light on the dark affairs in the country point in the direction that there are peculiar Nigerian ways of doing things, even when there are supposed to be universal standards.

    Registration of political parties is principally governed by provisions of sections 222-224 of the Constitution and the Electoral Act 2010. The prerequisites are so general, and as applied and interpreted by the Supreme Court in the National Conscience Party, NCP, no one or body could add to those conditions spelt out in the supreme law of the land.

    The hurdles deliberately erected on the path of the All Progressives Congress (APC), could not have been altogether unexpected. It must have been an ambush expected by all analysts and even the leadership of the mega party. In the peculiar Nigerian manner, it was obvious to me that the ruling party at the federal level would attempt to throw spanner in the works. So, when two other parties made claims to the acronym APC, I was not surprised. The amazement was that leaders of the original APC appeared not to have anticipated the development.

    Last week, the other APC, the African Peoples Congress that rushed to the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, to get registered as the original APC was making its way to satisfy guidelines from INEC, made for the courts to reverse the decision of the electoral body to deny registration to an association that apparently ignored legal procedure in a bid to stop the All Progressives Congress in its track.

    There are parallels in history. In the Second Republic, when four political parties that had a relationship in a coalition made a bid to combine efforts in confronting the National Party of Nigeria at the polls in 1983. The plan was scuttled mainly by employing the services of enemies within the proposed new party. The ruling party cleverly employed age-long suspicion between the Unity Party of Nigeria’s leader, Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Nigerian Peoples Party’s Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe. The resultant Progressive Party’s Alliance, PPA, a coalition, could not work as effectively as a merger would have. History must not be allowed to repeat itself 30 years after that episode.

    The challenge is for the original APC leaders to remain focused, anticipate that there would be genuine hurdles to scale and obstacles planted by the enemy. It is needless making an enemy of INEC. So far, I see nothing wrong with the steps taken by the national electoral body. A body known as APC sent it a letter of intent to get registered. The commission received the correspondence and kept it in view pending the time the full commission would meet to review the documents attached. Meanwhile, the AfPC made public its letter and sparked a row. What did anyone expect the commission to do? Take notice of a press conference by another body by the same acronym even when it was yet to approach the body? At the appropriate time, the commission rejected the African Peoples Congress.

    It is not yet over. The rival APC has approached the courts for intervention, arguing that INEC lacks the power to turn down its bid. It is clear that the bid is targeted at the authentic APC. The massive show of putting 30 lawyers on display last week is for effect. I am yet to see anyone on the AfPC roll with the financial or political clout that could attract 30 lawyers. But, the game plan, it seems, is make the real APC stumble, stutter and scatter. The next step is apply for an injunction to restrain INEC from registering any other body by the acronym while the case is pending. If that is obtained, INEC would be bound to obey.

    If AfPC is able to obtain the order, it could then instruct its counsel to stall judgment for as long as it could, thus frustrate the bid by the progressives to achieve early registration ahead of 2015. It is obvious the direction from which the stones are being thrown, but a shouting match would achieve nothing. It is time leaders of the APC engage their strategists to pre-empt these moves.

    There could be no better time to have a mega party to confront the behemoth at the centre. But, it takes discipline, hard work, fidelity and single-minded pursuit of the goal.

    The struggle continues.

  • 2015: Battle for Kano’s guber seat hots up

    2015: Battle for Kano’s guber seat hots up

    Amid reports that Kano State governor,  Musa Rabiu Kwakwanso, will not be vying for another term in 2015, the race on who succeeds him is already throwing up interesting permutations, reports Remi Adelowo

    The story is still a source of controversy. It’s all about the decision of the Kano State governor, Musa Rabiu Kwakwanso, not to seek another term in office in 2015.

    Having presided over the affairs of the North-West state from 1999 to 2003, before staging a dramatic comeback in 2011, there have been speculations that the governor may not be eligible to contest again come 2015.

    In the last few months, a debate has been raging over the eligibility of Kwakwanso, but according to sources, the Governor is not constitutionally barred since he has not served in office for two consecutive terms. However, it is alleged that the Governor has not confided in his close political associates of his next political move in the coming dispensation.

    This notwithstanding, many politicians in the state are currently oiling their machinery in preparation for the take-off of campaigns for the 2015 general elections. Currently, no member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the ruling party in the state, has indicated interest in the governorship seat. That is, however, not the case in the major opposition party, All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP).

    Without deference to the ongoing merger talks by the major opposition parties in the country-Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and the Congress for Progressives Change (CPC), The Nation gathered that many aspirants in the state have begun to convene series of meetings, including holding talks with prominent personalities and opinion leaders to seek for support and cooperation.

    What has further made the 2015 race unpredictable is the likely consummation of the merger talks, even as some reports have alleged that the Governor may dump PDP and pitch his political tent with the yet-to-be registered All Progressives Congress (APC).

    ANPP ticket up for grabs/Shekarau’s influence

    Former Governor of Kano State, Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau, though out of office, according to sources, remains the undisputed leader of the ANPP in the state, making the state chairman of the party, Alhaji Sani Hotoro, playing a somewhat second fiddle in terms of authority.

    Governorship hopefuls in the party are said to be pulling all strings to get the endorsement of the former Governor, whose opinion, they believe, would largely determine the winner of the party’s ticket next year.

    The aspirants so far

    Hon. Suleiman Abdulrahman:

    Popularly known as Kawu Sumaila, this young politician, representing Takai/Sumaila Federal Constituency, is the Deputy Minority Leader in the House of Representatives.

    The lawmaker is, arguably, the first to declare interest in the race, promising to lead a government that would listen to the people and also restore the lost economic fortunes of the state. He also disclosed that as Governor, he will establish a ‘Shura’ committee that would comprise people from all facets of life, and which will be charged with the responsibility of advising government on policies and programmes.

    Though Abdulrahman’s closeness to Shekarau may work in his favour, his critics are alleging that he lacks solid political structures in the 44 local government areas, a development that could limit his chances at the party primaries.

    Beside his relationship with the former Governor, the lawmaker is also alleged to be banking on his links with some members of opposition parties in the National Assembly from Kano State, who he hopes will throw their weight behind his aspiration.

    With an alleged deep pocket to prosecute his campaign, there are, however, unconfirmed reports that Abdulrahman may not be really keen about contesting for the governorship, but rather using this strategy to negotiate for a senatorial seat in the next dispensation.

    Kabiru Gaya: Will he be second time lucky?

    A two-term senator, representing Kano South, Kabiru Gaya was elected Governor of the state in 1991 and served till November 17, 1993.

    Gaya’s popularity as a politician to reckon with in the state was put to test in 2011 when he emerged as the only senator elected on the platform of the ANPP, with the PDP clinching the two other senatorial seats and the governorship.

    Described as intelligent and charismatic, his Achilles heels may be his alleged inaccessibility to party members. But his supporters believe the former Governor is, perhaps, the person in the party with the clout and stature to give the PDP a run for its money in the next governorship elections.

    Salihu Takai to contest again!

    A former Commissioner for Local Government in the Shekarau-led administration, Mallam Salihu Takai was the ANPP governorship candidate in the 2011 elections, but lost to the incumbent governor, Musa Kwakwanso.

    In the run-up to the 2011 elections, Shekarau had defied all odds to back Takai in defiance of the opinion of key ANPP leaders. The resultant crisis in the party, many allege, affected the fortunes of the party resulting in PDP’s victory.

    Sources in the party disclosed that Takai is already warming up to contest the exalted seat again. But what remains unclear is whether his godfather, Shekarau, will take another risk on his candidacy.

    CPC putting its house in order

    Prior to the 2011 general elections, the CPC showed flashes of popularity, with not a few stakeholders predicting that it was the party to beat.

    The crisis that erupted in the aftermath of its governorship primaries almost tore the party into shreds, with its prominent leaders singing discordant tunes. The result was inevitable: the party came a distant third in the elections after PDP and ANPP. But the party, according to sources, has learnt its lessons and currently putting its house in order so as to present a formidable front in the next elections.

    Alhaji Ibrahim Amin, the man to beat

    If the current permutations are anything to go by, the aspirant to beat for the CPC governorship ticket is Alhaji Ibrahim Amin.

    A former governorship aspirant in ANPP, his ticket was withdrawn after reportedly winning the primary election in 2003. This experience forced Amin into taking a short break from politics until he resurfaced in 2007 to support the presidential aspiration of former president, Umaru Yar’Adua.

    Young and charismatic, sources claim that Amin’s popularity cuts across all the local government areas in the state, a factor that puts him in good stead to clinch the party’s ticket.

  • Abia 2015 : Will power shift to Aba Division?

    Abia 2015 : Will power shift to Aba Division?

    Ahead of the 2015 general elections, there is the agitation for power to shift to the ‘Aba Division’ of Abia State.  In this report, AUGUSTINE AVWODE examines the issues.

    Politics is in the air in Abia State. There are two political parties battling for the soul of the state; the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA). However, what will shape the forthcoming governorship contest is zoning or rotational principle agreed upon by the leaders of the state 14 years ago.

    The agreement is enshrined in the famous ‘Abia Charter of Equity’, which stipulates that the governorship should rotate between the “old Bende” and old Aba”. Therefore, in Abia State, the zoning is not based on the three senatorial districts, but on the two critical political blocs.

    It all started in 1981 when the agitation for the creation of the state was at its peak. The elders and leaders of the state who championed the agitation crafted the document to ensure equity, fairness and justice among the two blocs. A provision was made for the rotation of power between the two blocs seeking to merge as a state .

    The dream of the people for a new state came into reality in 1991. The ‘perfect document’, as it was described, was however, jetissoned when civil rule was restored in 1999. The old Bende Division has been producing the governors. Up to now, the governorship has eluded the Aba Division.

    Two months ago, former Senate President Adolphus Wabara stirred the hornets’ nest when he declared that it is the turn of Abia South Senatorial Zone to produce the governor. He spoke at a meeting of the Ukwa Peoples Assembly (UPA), which he hosted in his Ohambele country home. Wabara urged the politicians from the zone to work for the actualisation of power shift.

    “Every where in Nigeria, people are talking about 2015. Yet, we are sitting down here, not doing anything. In politics, one plus one can be zero. When I was the Senate President, I was working towards the goal of an Ukwa man becoming the Governor of this state. But Immediately I was exited, the politics of that time changed because we agreed that we are patient dogs in Abia State.

    “Today, all kinds of things are flying around the whole of Abia State and we cannot keep quiet and allow it. We need to talk as a people. I don’t believe in individualism, I believe in a system. We kept waiting, and we can’t wait for ever. Now it is our turn, the game changed then, but it can no longer change now because it is our turn. Give the Governorship to Abia South come 2015, there is no way anybody can change the game, Theodore Orji knows this.

    “ If he has power to choose, he should choose somebody from Abia South. We, the Ukwa people, support him. What we are asking for must be done for us”, he had challenged the people.

    Problem of identity

    While some people from the state agree with Wabara that the time has come for the next governor to come from the old Aba Division, they faulted his reference to Abia South Senatorial District. A chieftain of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) told The Nation on condition of anonymity that, although Abia State may has three senatorial districts, but for the purposes of actualizing the ‘Abia Charter of Equity’, only two divisions exist in the state, namely ‘Old Bende’ and ‘Old Aba’.

    “One could say that the position of Chief Wabara may be correct to the extent that we all want power to shift, at least for once. But his argument is faulty. As far as anybody in the state is concerned, Old Bende has been in power since 1999 till date. Therefore, at the expiration of the tenure of Governor Theodore Orji, ‘ Aba’ should come into office. Chief Orji Kalu and Chief Orji, as far as I am concerned, are both from Bende” he said.

    There are three senatorial districts in Abia with a total of 17 local government councils. But the problem of categorization arises from the fact that while some local councils in the Bende division fall exclusively into Abia North Senatorial District, and some councils in Aba division fall exclusively into Abia South Senatorial District, the Central Senatorial District is made up of an amalgam of councils from the two blocks of Bende and Aba. Here, there are three local council areas that are made up of people of Ngwa extraction. These are Isiala Ngwa North and South and Osisioma Ngwa which are clearly part of the Aba division.

    The problem of referring to the people here being from Abia Central and at the same time being from Aba division may eventually jeopardize the clamour of the people of Aba to get one of their own into the driving seat in the state.

    The military, which lumped these local government areas together by fiat with part of Bende has been blamed for the political friction it has caused in the state.

    According to the party chieftain, the founders of Abia State freely agreed at the creation of the state that, “for peace, justice, security, fairness and harmony, the governorship should be rotated between Bende Division and the Aba”. He avered that the ‘Charter’ was made before the creation of the state and the coming into existence of the three senatorial districts arrangement. He argued that the founding fathers never envisaged three zones otherwise they would have made provision for it.

    He said if care is not taken, the call for the next governor to come from Abia South Senatorial District could be exploited by those who are waitng in the wings for any slip by the stakeholders from Aba.

    “This call is not only divisive but contentious. To the best of my knowledge, the rallying cry from the Aba division has always been for an Ngwa Man to be governor to ensure that the vision of our founding fathers is realized. Except we are careful, we are going to play into the hands of those who would not want us to realize this dream”, he warned.

    Fromer Speaker of the state House of Assembly, Honourable Chris Eweremadu told The Nation on phone that the call for Abia South to produce the next governor is a ploy to exclude potentially qualified people of Ngwa extraction that are not resident in what is now called Abia South.

    “People who are calling for the next governor to come from Abia South are undermining the agreement that had been made in the past, especially with the present governor that after his term of office, that he would be succeeded by an Abian of Ngwa extraction. And this does not make any reference to any zone. Therefore, it would include the Ngwa people in Abia Central and the Ngwa people in Abia South.

    “Any person agitation for any other thing outside this is simply trying to cause mischief. And I also think that these people are trying to exclude some quality candidateaspirants that we have within the Ngwa people in Abia Central and obviously we will not allow that to happen.

    “This will not be the first time that the leadership of Ngwa people will make attempt to govern the state. I am appealing to all Ngwa people to come together for the purpose of attaining the governor of Abia of Ngwa extraction and in doing so, show support to the present administration that has promised to use the weight of his present office and the support that he enjoys from numerous Abians to assist us in actualising this goal”, he said.

    In the same vein, the National President of Ngwa Elite Social Club, Chief Emmanuel Otuonye, expressed optimism that without doubt, the next governor would be from Aba division albeit, not that it should be restricted to only Abia South Senatorial District.

    “We are looking at equity here, is it not? If that is the case, this is a perfect document prepared for us for the sake of equity, justice and fairness. The objective is to make sure that everybody has a sense of belonging. This idea of Abia North, Abia Central and Abia South are not in the Charter, what we have is Bende and Aba.

    “Ngwa is one indivisible people. I mean indivisible underlined. Ngwa is Ngwa. If for any political reason some of us are now in Abia Central while others are in Abia South, we remain one united entity. We are Ngwa and nothing can change it any more. So, wherever the Ngwa man comes from he is an Ngwa man.

    “Those who are agitating for the governor to come from only Abia South are not looking at equity. If they are looking for equity then they should talk aboutAba Division and not Abia South. Are they now saying that since Nsiala Ngwa North and South and Isisioma Ngwa are from Abia Central they are no longer part of Ngwa people or Aba? I hope you understand me? Does it make any sense? It is true that we are not political but we have the duty to protect the interest of all Ngwa people.”

    Chief Victor Oti, vice chairman of Aba Union and lawyer, said that equity demands that the Aba division should produce the next governor since Bende has been the one ruling. “The creation of senatorial districts is a later development. Isiala Ngwa North and South and Isisioma Ngwa belong to Aba division. The basic foundation upon which the state was created is two major blocks of Bende andAba. Therefore, the quest for the governor of Abia State in 2015 is a quest for all Ngwa people irrespective of where they belong or are living”, he said.

    Another source in the state told The Nation that the latest development of trying to limit the ticket for the governorship to only Abia South is not only mischievious but a classic example of the politics of exclusion. The source vouched that the political players are pretty certain that the incumbent will honour his words and promise to them, therefore, they want to quickly ‘corner’ the position for selfish reasons.

    “This is what we are talking about; these people see a governor who is ready to honour his words and promise. Perhaps they are sure that he would do what he promised; they want to corner the position early enough.

    “How come the same people, when they are agitating for the creation of Aba State, included these three local government areas but now that there is some level of assurance than ever for the governor to come from Ngwa in 2015, they are suddenly driving away Isiala Ngwa North and South and Osisioma Ngwa as belonging to Abia Central Senatorial Disrict?

    “In all the memoranda and documents relating to the creation of Aba State, the agitators included Isiala Ngwa North and South and Osisioma Ngwa local government areas as part of the proposed Aba State on the basis of the fact that they are one and the same with their kit and kin in Abia South”.

    Can Orji implement charter?

    But for the seemingly wrong categorization of the issue at stake, which political opponents of Abia Governor of Ngwa extraction project could exploit to their detriment, there is much hope for its realisation. It was learnt on good authority and as attested to by various stakeholders from the state who spoke in confidence that at no time in the history of the state exists a sure commitment by a governor to give meaning to the spirit of the Abia Charter of Equity.

    In the words of one of the stakeholders: “The present governor is committed. He has said it in different fora. When he went to the US he even said it that he would like to hand over to an Ngwa man. Mark you, the operative word is an ‘Ngwa man’ not a man from Abia South. And you know that he is an experienced administrator. He will not say what he cannot defend. As the governor, he is the father of all of us and he knows what justice means. But if for any reason, the people concerned choose to divide their own ranks, there will be little the governor can do in such a circumstance. But I can tell you that he is committed to it. He is a man of his words and we are happy about that”, the source said.

    Another stakeholder said: “It is left for the Ngwa masquerades to dance well, if they fail, the shame will not be for the state or the governor, it will be for them. But our prayer is that the project comes out well.”

    Will power shift to Ngwa in 2015? Time will tell.

  • ‘Amnesty to Boko Haram should be conditional’

    ‘Amnesty to Boko Haram should be conditional’

    Kwara State Governor Abdulfatah Ahmed spoke with ADEKUNLE JIMOH on the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) crises, national insecurity and other partisan issues.

    What is your reaction to the allegation that you and some PDP governors are planning to defect from the party?

    In Nigeria, we play politics with everything. It is not true that I am planning to leave the PDP. It does not make sense for me to leave the PDP for another party. PDP is the biggest party in Africa. Why would I be dumping a big party for a small party? It does not make sense to me, personally. Why would I move from a national party to a regional party? As it is today, PDP is the biggest party in Africa and the only national party. Other parties are regional. And by the grace of God Almighty, it is the ruling party in Kwara State. So, there are the reasonswhy I will continue to remain in the PDP. I will continue to strengthen the PDP because it is the only fair platform today that has been able to manage its differences. Other parties also have differences, which have reduced them to the regional levels they are.

    They all started as national parties, but became regional levels because they could not manage their differences. We take opinions and try to correct our stance because we do not have monopoly of wisdom. We are open to corrections from well meaning Nigerians who can suggest alternative ways by which we can deliver service.

    Plans are underway to grant amnesty to the members of the Boko Haram sect. What is your opinion?

    It is unfortunate that, in Nigeria of today, we are faced with an unprecedented security challenge. I must commend the Federal Government in its effort to check all sorts of violence, whether in form of Boko Haram or attack on ethnic groups as we have in the clash between ethnic nationalities and nomads. We have other security challenges in forms of kidnapping, attack on Federal Government installations such as crude oil pipelines. They require a very critical look.

    Amnesty is very simple. What do we mean by amnesty? It means that we should pardon those who have committed crimes against the state. That is what it means. Start with our brothers and sisters in the Southsouth. They had a grievance about degradation of their environment, largely from exploration and exploitation. On the strength of that, they felt that they needed something to make them feel part and parcel of the country, hence they tried to frustrate the lifting of crude oil.

    The Federal Government suggested amnesty for the militants at that time. It could be recalled that when amnesty was suggested for the militants, it was vehemently opposed by Nigerians who wanted to know why we give amnesty to those who have wilfully taken up arms to destroy Federal Government and oil companies’ installations?

    However, it became clear that the path to amnesty was a possible path to peace because the whole essence was to achieve peace. When there is peace, then we can talk about justice. When we talk about justice we can now talk about equity.

    Peace has to come first. As we have it today, there is an insurgence of an Islamic group in the North in the name of Boko Haram. We all know that it has nothing to do with Islam because, for those of us who are Muslims, we know very well that there is nothing that they preach that is in consonance with the tenets of Islam.

    Everything they stand for negates the very principle and policy of Islam. However, they have engaged in wanton destruction of lives and property of innocent Nigerians. The question is: how do we arrest this situation? What were the problems that led these young men into taking up arms along with non-Nigerians to create havoc on our people? Destroying everything we stand for, trying to create problems that could probably escalate into civil war. We begin to see the relevance of amnesty, forgiveness of this group of people. What is the cause of amnesty and what is the result of amnesty, if we grant it? What have they brought to the table that they stand for? The Southsouth youths came out with an environmental degradation issue, joblessness, lack of infrastructure. It was understood. It was clear. And there were negotiations and amnesty was brought in. Since then, we have a peaceful environment, at least in our context.

    Amnesty is desirable for the Boko Haram to the extent that they are able to bring to the fore, the issues they have against the system. These are the areas they think they have been short-changed as a people, as Nigerians. Then, we can begin to look at what manner of peace and pardon will be made available to this class of people. We can then come together again and move on as a people. So, it is neither here nor there. We cannot stand up and say amnesty is not desirable or amnesty is desirable. We must begin to look at the issues that will determine whether they deserve amnesty or not. Let us see, firstly, the face of the people we are speaking with.

    Secondly, what is their grievance against the system? What is it that they have against innocent women and children that they are throwing bombs at? What is it that they feel should be done rightly that is not done right? This implies that the concept of dialogue should come in first. When dialogue comes in, then, the issue of amnesty will follow. I feel that with that kind of approach, we will begin to see some succour coming to our people that find themselves in this tough terrain where there is a high level of insecurity and they cannot on their strength carry out their normal activities. We need to give it a critical look. To the extent that we are facing a challenge which we have never seen before, we must approach it in a way and manner we have never done before.

    If we begin to allow the thing to be politicised, that is, these are Muslim dissidents, or these are a group of aliens or these are just people who are just out to create problems and we try to shove them away with a wave of the hand, we will not be solving the problem. The cost of peace is not too much.

    To the extent that I do not support amnesty for every group that comes up, having gone into willful destruction of lives and property, having gone into creating problems for the country and now, we begin to see it as a way of getting our own share of the national cake. It should not be misunderstood. Because, before you know it, another group will stand up in one other guise, create mayhem and ask for amnesty. On the strength of that, an armed robber could as well ask for amnesty. So let us be very careful about how we design amnesty.

    We must understand what is on the table. Whoever is talking about amnesty, must bring something to the table.We will then look at it and see how they fit into driving us as a nation to desired level of progress and growth in the comity of nations.

    The Federal Government is assisting the state in the area of road construction…

    The issue of roads cannot be taken for granted, especially as it relates to economic growth and safety for our people. On the strength of that, from the inception of our administration we’ve taken it upon ourselves to ensure that all our state and rural roads are put to proper useable levels. We have also made several efforts in getting all Federal Government roads rehabilitated and made motorable for our people in Kwara State. Our effort is already yielding fruits. We have drawn attention to the Ilorin-Kabba Road that is in a state of disrepair. This has not only hindered movement of our people but also encouraged armed robbers to attack vehicles plying the road.

  • Anambra 2014: Ngige, Ekwunife, Ubah begin mobilisation

    Ahead of the governorship election in Anambra State, there are four top contenders aspiring to succeed Governor Peter Obi. They have been campaigning across the 21 local government areas.

    The aspirants are former Governor Chris Ngige, who is representing the Central District in the Senate, House of Representatives member from the Anaocha,/Njikoka/Dunukofia Constituency Hon. Uche Ekwunife, Senator Andy Uba, and the businessman, Dr. Ifeanyi Ubah.

    Ngige is contesting on the platform of the Action congress of Nigeria (ACN). Ekwunife and Ubah belong to the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA). Uba is a chieftain of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    Other light weight aspirants are playing hide and seek game. The only thing that shows that they are scheming for the position is that they are collecting chieftaincy titles in the communities.

    Ekwunife has set up her campaign teams in three local governments; Anaocha, Njikoka, and Dunukofia. She told our correspondent that the campaign teams for other councils would be inaugurated next week. The federal legislator has already branded her campaign vehicles.

    Also, Ngige has declared that he was battle ready. Already, the ACN senator had doled out over N300 million to his followers. He also gave the party and many supporters cars and money.

    Besides, Ngige and Ekwunife had held consultations with the traditional rulers in the 21 local governments on their ambitions. They said that since they would not contest the poll in the Diaspora, they had to be close to the communities.

    Ngige said: “It is operation totality and earth quake. I do not need any further introduction in the state and I believe in doing things early enough.”

    Ekwunife said: “My brother, delay is dangerous. Some of us who are close to our people should be able to tell them where we are going, what we are doing. I see no reason why I should be contesting election in Anambra and I will be staying in Abuja everyday. But I will love to attend to the sittings in the House of Representatives. That is the only thing to keep me there”.

  • ‘APC ‘ll liberate Nigeria’

    Ondo State Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) chieftain Mr. Tunde Imolehin has warned the Federal Government and the ruling Peoples

    Democratic Party (PDP) against interfering in the activities of the electoral commission. He said the allegation that they were making moves to prevent the registration of the All Progressive Congress (APC) was worrisome.

    Imolehin said that the merger of progressive parties would strengthen democracy and good governance because there will be a viable opposition after the merger.

    The politician who spoke in Akure said the days of the PDP in power were numbered.

    He added: “Even, the progressives in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) know that a merger is the only option now because of its collateral strength. APC will come alive, especially when it is supported by many progressive governors who are party leaders in their respective states.”

    Imolehin lamented the poor state of the economy, pointing out that the woes have been aggravated by corruption.

    He said the situation in Ondo State mirrored the ineptitude at the centre, urging the people of the state to take their destiny in their hands.

    Imolehin added: “The last governorship election was full of irregularities. ACN did not loose that poll. Its third position was premeditated, but with the proceedings at the tribunal, the party will triumph because there was a precedence”.

  • My plan for Ekiti, by Aluko

    Ekiti State Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governorship aspirant Senator Gbenga Aluko has unfolded his plans for the state.

    He said industrialisation and infrastructural development will be the priority of his administration, if elected as the governor in the forth-coming election.

    The Ode-Ekiti-born politician represented Ekiti South Senatorial District in the Upper Chamber of the National Assembly between 1999 andf 2003. He defeated Prince Dayo Adeyeye of the Alliance for Democracy (AD).

    At the PDP primaries, Aluko will face no fewer than 14 aspirants, including the former governor, Mr. Ayodele Fayose, the former deputy governors, Chief Abiodun Aluko from Ikere-Ekiti, Mrs. Abiodun Olujimi and Mr. Bisi Omoyeni; Minister of Police Affairs Navy Capt. Caleb Olubolade (rtd), Prince Adeyeye, and former House of Representatives member, Mr. Aribisala.

    Aluko, who spoke in Ado-Ekiti, the state capital, said that infrastructural development will enhance industrialisation and attract investors to Ekiti State.

    He called for power shift to the South District, saying that the zone has been marginalised.

    The politician pointed out that, since 1999, the district has not produced the governor, urging the PDP to zone the slot to the area in the spirit of equity, fairness and justice.