The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • Budget 2013: Walking a tight rope

    Budget 2013: Walking a tight rope

    Correspondents VICTOR OLUWASEGUN and DELE ANOFI write on the 2013 budget row between President Goodluck Jonathan and the National Assembly and its implications for budget implementation and good governance.

    Will the implementation of this year’s budget not create a deep friction between President Goodluck Jonathan and the National Assembly? Now that the budget has been assented to by the President, stakeholders expect that attention will be focussed on how to make it achieve its objectives in the national interest.

    Until Wednesday, there was anxiety over the refusal of the President to assent to the budget. As the budget row deepened, some posers were raised: who blinks first between President Jonathan and the National Assembly? Will they close ranks in the spirit of compromise and harmonious working relationship? Will the President and legislators stick to their guns and damn the consequences?

    Observers contend that how the final decision on the budget was reached may shape the federal legislative/executive relationship. Whatever compromise that the two arms of government may have reached, two things are certain. The late passage of the 2015 budget is injurious to the socio-economic and political health of the country. The parliamentary skeptism may be have also been premised on the fear of imminent poor budget implementation and failure.

    The N4.987 trillion 2013 Appropriation Bill passed by the two chambers of the National Assembly on December 20, 2012 has generated controversy, since it was transmitted to President Goodluck Jonathan on January 14, 2013.

    Nigerians have been weary of the delay in passing the budget in the past. They now feel that the budget row may further deprive the country of the turn-around expected across the sectors. Thus, when the House of Representatives said that it would take a definite action on the budget, the public anxiety became heightened.

    House of Representatives spokesman, Zakari Mohammed,said last week that “it is either the President will assent to it or the National Assembly will veto it.” He added: “The National Assembly is not afraid to apply the provisions of the constitution on the issue because the budget is about the generality of Nigerians”.

    Now that the euphoria over the early presentation of the 2013 budget by President Goodluck Jonathan has fizzled out, the question on the lips of many Nigerians now is: what next?

    The National Assembly has engaged the Presidency to save its face. The Presidency has refused to retrace its steps, based on the advice by its economic team. But the impasse, according to analysts, is to the detriment of the people.

    The issues causing friction between the two arms of government include the benchmark, which the National Assembly has pegged at $78, to a barrel of oil, as opposed to the executive’s $75, the controversy over the Security and Exchange Commission (SEC), the capital component of 2012 budget and the quarterly budget performance briefing by the Finance Minister. All these are in the public domain.

    But there are other issues, which are not in the public domain. One of them is the allegation that the constituency projects components of the budgets for the past three years have always had a shortfall of N40 billion. According to a source, the National Assembly leadership often fails to account for the shortfall annually and this is one of the sore points withholding the assent of the President from the 2013 budget.

    Another reason for the friction, according to another source, is the allegation that the National Assembly leadership is requesting for some “advance” from the benchmark, which it jacked to $78 from $75 proposed by the Executive. Yet, the National Assembly is always quick to point out that its hands are clean and that it has not only done a good job on the 2013 budget, but it had concluded the assignment in time. Also, the legislators have always explained that the funds for the constituency projects are not given directly to them.

    When President Jonathan refused to assent to the budget, many people expected the National Assembly to override him, in consonance with the provision of Section 58 (5), of the 1999 Constitution. The section states that “where the President withholds assent and the bill is again passed by each House by the two-thirds majority, the bill shall become law and the assent of the President shall not be required”.

    The House spokesman, who had disclosed the National Assembly’s preparedness to override the President’s veto, reiterated that the legislators would thread the path of the constitution. Mohammed said: “The issue of the Director General (DG) of SEC and zero allocation for 2013 budget, the issue of roll over of 2012 budget is also there.This is because we took the decision in the House that the capital component of the 2012 budget should roll over to April of 2013

    “As at the time we were passing the budget for 2013, by Christmas, the fourth quarter allocation for 2013 was just being released and, if you are now going to mop up the funds by December 31, 2012, what happens to the funds? The tradition is that people would just misapply the funds and they will end up in private pockets. What can they accomplish with the funds within two weeks?

    “So, our position is that, why not give the agencies some time, so that the monies can be better applied in the needed areas. That is the spirit behind our position on that”.

    Mohammed further said: “Another area of contention is the matter of quarterly briefing of the House by the Minister of Finance.

    “The National Assembly is asking for this because we have been variously accused of not doing our oversight function properly and we are now saying quarterly, let the Finance Minister come around and brief us about budget performance.

    “The other areas is that of benchmark, but it is as serious as others. We have heard people saying we padded the budget and that was the reason for the delay, but this is not so because, before anything could be done, it has to be brought before the House again”.

    The on-going parliamentary and executive drama is confounding to many Nigerians. While the National Assembly has hesitated, despite its threats, to veto the President, the President has been questioning the power of the National Assembly by asking the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Mr. Bello Adoke, to interpret the constitution in order to decide who has the final power over appropriations.

    But why has the House, which that had earlier chided the Presideny for poor budget implementation, hesitate to carry out its threat to invoke Section 58 of the 1999 Constitution, which empowers it to take the final decision on the budget, following the refusal of assent by the President?

    Sources close to the National Assembly confided that many legislators, especially those from the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) are afraid that the President may move against their second term ambition, using the instrumentality of the party.

    This current executive/legislative faceoff, observers point out, has implications for good governance. As the President receives bashing for poor budget implementation, the heat is also turning the heat on the legislators by indirectly proposing the prunning of the constituency projects and blocking other channels of concealed corruption.

    A source said the President’s economic team is worried that huge sums are being frittered annually by the MDAs and agencies that refuse to abide by the Fiscal Responsibility Act. But the legislators are also worried that the Internally Generated Revenues (IGRs) are treated as personal funds, projects are abandoned and resolutions are waived aside by the executive, making the National Assembly to look like a toothless bulldog.

    The mismanagement of the IGR was one of the factors that motivated the House of Representatives Committee on Finance to declare that it would set up an audit committee to conduct a forensic analysis of the expenditure and revenue generated by the federal government’s agencies.

    The chairman of the committee, Abdulmumin Jibrin, said that the audit committee would investigate the claim by the agencies that they have been operating at a loss and therefore, could not remit funds to the Federation Accounts as stipulated by law.

  • ‘No marginalisation in Osun State’

    ‘No marginalisation in Osun State’

    Secretary to the Osun State Government Alhaji Moshood Adeoti, who clocks 60 today, spoke with SOJI ADENIYI on his political career, Aregbesola Adninistration and other partisan issues.

    You led your party, ACN, to victory in Osun State. What were the challenges?

    It is a thing of joy for me to have led a giant party like the Alliance for Democracy (AD) from the doldrums. Shortly after the 2003 general elections, the activities of the party had gone down and the party was at zero level. For someone to lead the party from that zero level to victory in the April 2007 governorship elections, despite the fact that we were riggedout and our mandate was later restored at the Appeal Court, I feel highly elated. Even, if I don’t hold any position in this government, I believe I have paid my dues and my name has gone down into the Book of Records as someone who led the party from a zero level to the present position it has attained.

    How did you weather the storm as an opposition leader?

    It all started in January 2004. I became the chairman of the party in December 2003 and before that date, the party in government had decided to hold the local government elections on March 27, 2004. Immediately, we set the ball rolling; myself and other members of executive of the party realized that we must close ranks among the members of the party because the party had been factionalized along Chief Bisi Akande and Senator Mojisoluwa Akinfenwa’s lines. Incidentally, I was alleged to have emerged from Akande’s faction by the faction that was loyal to Senator Akinfenwa.

    It took me about two months before I could reconcile the two factions. With the executive members, we were able to engage the government in power in the 2004 local government elections. And because the election was rigged we decided to pursue the election in the Tribunal. My ordeal started from that tribunal because there was a day when Hon. Salensile and Rasaki Salawu’s case came up for hearing at the Osogbo High Court, I was nearly killed.

    That was where my problem started with the party in government and I can recollect again that after that episode at the Osogbo High Court, I was at the Oroki Day celebration when Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola escaped from being lynched. To cap it all, immediately the results of the 2007 governorship election were announced, people went on rampage and we were accused of instigating people to go on rampage and we were accused and charged to court. They first declared 23 of us wanted before 15 were charged to court for assault. Incidentally, I was in Iwo throughout that day. I stated it in my statement of defense and I mentioned about six people, including the late Oluwo of Iwo, as one of my witnesses. How would I be in Iwo and at the same time raze houses in Osogbo? About a month later, there was a bomb blast at the state secretariat in Abere, Osogbo. I was in Ibadan that very day. Along with Governor Rauf Aregbesola and others, we were accused of masterminding the bomb blast. We were incarcerated at four different occasions. First, I was at Ilesa Prisons. The following day, I was brought to Osogbo to appear before Magistrate Falola. I was thereafter sent to Ile-Ife Prisons and released on bail after spending 35 days there. I was re-arrested again and I spent another 14 days at Ile-Ife Prisons before I was released on bail. I was arrested and arraigned in 2009 over the bomb blast case and I spent another 32 days behind the bars, making four different times that I was in jail. But I thank God that all is now history and our dreams all these years have come to reality. When I assumed office as the party chairman, we promised the members of the party that we are going to send the ruling party in the state packing and thank God that we have delivered on our promise.

    Would you say that your ordeals were considered before your appointment as the Secretary to Osun State Government (SSG)?

    Well, it may be part of it, but I heard members of our party saying some things before my appointment that, since the governor and his deputy reside outside the state, it will do the government a whole lot of good, if the state chairman of the party, who lives in the state and is familiar with all the nooks and crannies of the state, is appointed as the secretary to the state government. That was their main reason because, at all the levels of the party, be it at the youth, women, elders caucus and executive level, everyone said they wanted Alhaji Adeoti to become the Secretary to the State Government.

    Is it a coincidence, considering the fact that your predecessors in the last eight years are from Iwo like you?

    My appointment could be linked with the position of Iwo in the South west politics and Osun State politics, in particular. I can’t say the appointment of Akinbade and Adio could be said to be because of the nature of politics in Iwo. Iwo is a progressive stronghold and the two are not from the progressive fold. But, one thing was certain. When Akinbade was appointed as the SSG; you know he took over as the chairman of the party from Chief Ogunrinade. What actually helped him to become the chairman at that time was because of the criterion that, for somebody to contest for the position of the chairman in that party, the party must have won the local government and House of Assembly elections in the person’s local government. Incidentally, Ola-Oluwa was the only local government, where Akinbade came from, that met the requirement. That automatically paved the way for Akinbade to emerge as the party chairman. Since Governor Olagunsoye Oyinlola hails from Osun Central and his deputy, Erelu Olusola Obada, is from the East Senatorial District, Akinbade was the most appropriate person for the position of SSG. One can say these appointments are mere coincidence.

    Members of the ACN in Osun State alleging that they have been marginalised or sidelined by the Aregbesola Administration. What is your reaction?

    That notion is in bad faith. There is no truth in it. I know some of our people expected that some of our people who reside in Osun State would be made commissioners and special advisers. But the governor knows his onions. He knows those that can work with him, being a workaholic. Some of those in the executive have been with him before 2007. Not every one of us can be in the executive at the same time. I had cause to explain some things to some of those who are close to me about it. The position we found ourselves when this government came into power was very ridiculous. How do you expect an administration that borrows money to pay workers salary to appoint people? How do we pay them? They were even saying that the governor should appoint commissioners, that they can wait for six months before being paid. But when they were appointed, it wasn’t so. Unlike when the Chief of Staff to the governor and I were appointed, it took us about five months before we were paid our first salary. We came into office in January and got our first salary by May. It wasn’t easy. Also, there are limited positions in government. Some of them are expecting board appointments. The expectations were high. We have to take one after the other. We have been compensating members of our party and what we are doing in Osun State right now hasn’t been done anywhere, even since the First Republic. Let me draw an example for you. There are 332 wards in Osun State and we have engaged, at least, 35 people in each of the wards across the state. They were constituted into committees and given stipends at the end of the month. May be, some people, who are supposed to be in one board or commission and I know that the governor will attend to their request before the end of this month. He said that when he recently spoke with the elders of the party. I am speaking from my own assessment, not because I’m part and parcel of this administration. I knew what we went through before our assumption of office and what is in the coffers of the state government. I know the governor has been trying all he could to satisfy the yearnings of the members of the party.

    Talking about the supremacy of the party, as a party chieftain, can you say that is effective in the Osun State ACN?

    Yes, I can tell you authoritatively that party supremacy is in place in Osun ACN. For example, before the commissioners were appointed, the governor asked the elders of the party and the members of the executive to go to their respective federal constituencies to draw a list of three names out of which he picked one  for appointment. Except in one or two federal constituencies that produced two commissioners and special advisers, and in the appointment of the caretaker committee for local government, the party was fully involved. So, I can tell you authoritatively that there is virtually nothing the administration is doing without carrying along the party.

    At what time did you enter politics?

    Since the Second Republic, I’ve been playing active role in the politics of my area. When I was in the university, during the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) administration of late Chief Bola Ige in the old Oyo State, I visited home from Benin every weekend to participate in the political activities. That has helped me a lot to familiarise with my people and I still do it till date and I find it comfortable to spend weekends with them. Hardly would you find me in Osogbo during the weekends. I served as a councilor in my local government between 1988 and 1989. I served as a supervisor in the local government between 1991 and 1993. I served as the chairman of the council between 2002 and 2003 before I got promotion to be the state chairman of the party for seven years, from December 2003 to January 7, 2011, I have been comfortable with that. Though as the SSG, there are more assignments for me to execute than when I was the state chairman of the party. Whether I like it or not, I must be in the office every morning from Monday to Friday. As a party leader, I could decide to stay back at home and give directives to both the administrative staff and party executive to carry out different assignments for me. Now I must be in the office latest by 9 am. That is where I’ve been having problems with my people who are fond of coming to see me on Monday morning and I do tell them that my office is in Osogbo, not in Iwo.

    What motivated you to enter politics?

    In the begining, I hated politics, but there was a particular occasion that made me to like politics. It was the time the local government election was to be held in 1976. The late Oluwo of Iwo, Oba Olatunbosun Tadese, my adoptdd father, was to contest the election. He asked me to write his resignation letter, being a teacher then. I queried his decision to plan to leave certainty for uncertainty. He said he was tired of his teaching appointment and that he wanted to go into full time politics. I said I won’t write the letter, until I was able to see for myself those people who have asked him to go and resign to contest. Within 48 hours, he gathered about twenty elders in his ward and asked them in my presence to answer the question that I asked him. Their responses convinced me that this man must be allowed to contest. He contested and won the election. When he got to the council, Iwo Local Government, he was appointed the Vice Chairman. As fate would have it, the Kabiyesi was appointed as the council chairman in acting capacity after his chairman was removed for his involvement in some shady deals. Later, he became the substantive chairman in 1979 in the old Iwo Local Government, now comprising Ayedire, Iwo and Ola-Oluwa local governments. Most of the structures that he put in place through which the council generate funds are still in place till date. In 1979, Iwo Local Government was adjudged the best among the 310 local governments in the state, in terms of revenue generation. That was what endeared me into politics. So, I can say that Oba Ashiru Tadese was my political mentor and I am always proud of him anywhere I am.

    Does your position gives you time for family life or when last did you go on picnics with your wife?

    It’s quite difficult to take my wife to outings outside Iwo because no one knows who is hiding to attack me. If I’m somewhere with every member of my family and some people start to foment trouble with me, how will I defend them from being hurt? I attend functions outside Iwo axis with party members, but whenever I’m within my senatorial district, I attend functions with my wife.

    How do you intend to celebrate your forthcoming birthday?

    It’s going to be a little bit better than that of last year. Last year, it was an in-house thing because the government had just started, but now, everyone will be involved. Now, we have gone halfway to Mr. Governor’s first term in office and there are a lot of achievements. Therefore, the celebration will be a little bit higher than that of last year. I intend to organise prayers in the morning and enjoy with friends and party faithful in the afternoon. Last year, it fell on Monday but this year, it is going to be on Wednesday which is incidentally our executive council meeting day. So, everyone will be there, but it is not an elaborate one.

  • Can Ngige succeed Obi?

    Can Ngige succeed Obi?

    Can power shift from the ruling All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) to the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) in this year’s governorship election in Anambra State? Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU writes on the political career of the ACN contender , Senator Chris Ngige, and his chances at the forth-coming polls.

     

    How far can Senator Chris Ngige, medical doctor and chieftain of the Action Congress of Nigeria(ACN) go in Anambra State, as he joins this year’s governorship race? Since 2006, when he was deposed by the Court of Appeal, he has been nursing the ambition to return to the Government House. His supporters are also soaring daily. This attests to the fact that the senator from Anambra Central Senatorial District is not weak in personality and popularity. However, observers contend that the race will not be a walk over for any governorship candidate.

     

    Contenders and pretenders

     

    In recent times, many governorship aspirants on the platforms of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) have invaded the slippery political field drumming support for their ambition. Some of them are serious contenders. others are pretenders merely seeking for relevance. Instructively, no chieftain of the ACN has declared interest. This has lent credence to the belief that the party is united behind the candidature of the former governor, Ngige.

    The governorship aspirants itching to succeed the outgoing governor, Mr. Peter Obi, include Senator Andy Uba, former Central Bank Governor Charles Soludo, House of Representatives member Hon. Uche Ekwunife, former Information Minister Prof. Dora Akiyuli, former federal legislator Emma Anosike and Chief Akachukwu Nwamkpo. Others are prominent businessman Dr. Obinna Uzor, Mr. Godwin Ezeemo, a journalist and federal legislator Afam Ogere, and Secretary to Government Mr. Osekola Obase.

    The majority of the contenders are from the APGA. They hope to profit from the power of incumbency wielded by the governor. However, the ruling party is engulfed with three crises. The first is that the governor is said to be championing zoning of the governorship and backing his SSG for the number one seat. Also, the party is being distracted by the protracted leadership tussles rocking it. Besides, the party is polarised by the merger proposal involving a section of the organisation.

    Both APGA and ACN have not succeeded in wiping out the PDP from the state. Relying on the federal might, the PDP, whose arrow head is Senator Uba, is seriously mobilising supporters for another epic battle. Uba’s ego had been bruised in the past, when he was deposed by the court barely a month in the saddle as the governor. But like Ngige, his confidence was restored, following his election into the Senate. Also, like Ngige, he is a top contender.

     

    Ngige’s third attempt

     

    But eyes are on Ngige, whose popularity has not waned, since he left power seven years ago. This is because the anti-PDP sentiments as a rigging machine has not fizzle out. The indigenes are also seized by nostalgic feelings. Although he was a governor by default, he erected lasting legacies, which were acknowledged by Obi and other Anambra leaders. Reflecting on his tenure as governor, Ngige said that he served the state without blemish.

    “The roads I constructed are everlasting. I served with diligence and sense of purpose. I can confidently walk on the streets unmolested and without an escort. I wanted to solve a lot of problems in the state”, he told reporters in Lagos.

    Senator Ngige is on a familiar terrain. His supporters believe that he is known and tested. Today, he is the only flagbearer whose candidature will not be challenged by party colleagues. His party is known for time-tested philosophy and people-friendly programmes. It is a united platform not assailed by the peculiar internal squabbles that undermine political parties during electioneering.

    In the past, Senator Ngige tasted the bitter pill. While in the saddle, he faced the odds. But, he did not flee from the battle. He was beaten, but not dazed.While the godfathers who installed him beat the drum of war, he ran to the people through the moral and pseudo-populist route, calling attention in a ceaseless manner to the ravaging marauders itching to pillage the treasury.

    Ngige triumphed initially in the first leg of the battle. But,he kissed the dust during the second phase of the battle. The court legitimately deposed him as an impostor governor who entered the State House through the back door. Today, it is debatable now whether historians can list him as a past governor because, as the court ruled, he did not win the election.

     

    Failed second attempt

     

    When he recontested in 2010 for the governorship, he had become more popular. Those who sympathised with him did so because of his achievements in office. He had successfully converted his tragedy into a massive goodwill. In this second coming of Ngige, the forces against him were also formidable. Obi, who wanted a second term, became his first political foe. Apart from the advantage of incumbency in 2009, the governor was equally perceived as a good candidate aptly recommended by his moral antecedents and belief in prudent management. He had kept corruption at bay and fought the infrastructure battle in all the sectors. Obi has shunned ostentatious lifestyles and endowed the office with honour. He predictably defeated both Ngige and Soludo, the political upstart catapulted into the critical race by the intrigues in the PDP.

     

    Battle against godfathers

     

    Ngige may have been toughened by his past battles. He retains the memory of horror and tragedy as a governor held hostage in 2005 by his erstwhile godfather, Eselu Chris Uba, who had parted ways with him. When the heat was turned on him, he described Uba and his allies as the Goliaths of Nigeria, which ,he, the David of Anambra State, would be strengthened by God to defeat. Consequently, he was swallowed by the big storm that threatened to abort his career. It was a long siege and the tribunal verdict, which ousted him from office, positioned him very far from political safety.

    With the Bible in his right hand, he took refuge in God. As he explored a religious dimension to the political battle he waged, he dare the local philistines who dragged him to the Okija shrine without public knowledge. Had he faced his senatorial pursuit initially, he would have the spared the ordeal of becoming a puppet governor tossed around by Uba and his foot soldiers for reneging on the unwritten agreement on fat returns on political investment. Anambra state is poor. So, when the benefactor, a politician with a business sense, came to demand for his cumulative loot, the governor was defiant. Ngige could not frantically deny the unofficial pact. But,he was torn between loyalty to the state and his godfather.

    On the day of his inauguration, he sworn before the people to protect the lean treasury from the prime eyes of the looters. But, he had earlier assured the godfather to deliver the purse to him and the devil was the principal witness. The dilemma was which one should take precedent between loyalty to the few financial backers who bankrolled his election bill and the poor masses who voted in anticipation of a new lease of life.

    The diminutive politician pulled the rug off the feet of his sponsors. His wits and force of character compensated for his physical minus. He rallied the people, but the fold was divided.

    Ngige stood his ground, insisting that the N3billion allegedly demanded for by the godfather was outrageous. The lending process was unknown to the people. If it is granted, the implementation of the state budget may be crippled.

    When the war finally broke out, Ngige became the first security officer who was boxed into insecurity. The governor was abducted on July 10, 2003.The act of perfidy was supervised by the police under the guise that Ngige had resigned from office. Nigerians decried the kidnapping. Thereafter, he moved swiftly to consolidate his position. His axe fell on his deputy,Chris Odey, and the speaker of the House of Assembly, Euchara Azodo. They lost their portfolios. The deputy was sacked, while the speaker was impeached.

     

    Victim of judicial coup

     

    The next hurdle was the court order by Justice Stanley Nnaji asking Ngige to vacate office because he had resigned. Sudedenly, he was left in the cold again. His orderlies were withdrawn .For 10 months, he relied on hired muscle men for protection. At a time, his life was in danger. Ngige was no more save in the state he was elected to govern. He was forced to flee to Governor James Ibori for refuge,accompanied by the local militants he had recruited as security aides.

    His fate hung in the balance until the former Inspector General of Police, Tafa Balogun, restored his security. Justice Nnaji later had to answer questions before the national Judicial council(NJC) for wrongful dismissal of the governor.

    The next phase of the battle came on November 10,2004.The State House was razed by thugs allegedly loyal to the godfathers. In flames too were the State Radio and office of the Independent National Electoral Commission(INEC). The state was in chaos for nearly a week. The Federal Government was indifferent, until the public criticisms force the reluctant former President and Inspector General to restore order into the state of pandemonium.

    Ngige regained recognition as a Chief Executive, but his feet were shaking in the party. He was sent out of the Federal Executive Committee meeting of the party in Abuja. It was ironic because he had been a leader of the party from the inception. In the pre-2003 period, he was an ex-officio member of the national PDP. Later, he and his godfather were expelled. But in a dramatic manner, Uba re-emerged as a member of the Board of Trustees(BOT). The last straw that broke the back of the camel was the nullification Ngige’s victory by the court. He lost power, but he retained his respect among the people he served faithfully, despite the distractions.

     

    Defection to progressive camp

     

    Ngige dumped the PDP and emerged as a progressive missioner in Anambra politics. “AC offers the cardinal programmes of free education, free health, affordable housing, integrated rural development and full employment. This is why it is better”, he once told party supporters during his last senatorial campaigns. In that senatorial election, he defeated his APGA challenger, Akuyili. In the Senate, he has not been a bench warmer. He has contributed to debates on the floor. In the Upper House, he is accorded the respect befitting an elder.

    The politician has also added value to the ACN. Unlike those who defected to the party and later returned to the PDP, he has been consistent in the ACN. Today, he is one of the ACN leaders driving the merger.

     

    Can he make a difference

    in polls?

     

    Senator Ngige is not required by the law to resign his seat as a governorship candidate. He is an Abuja politician with a formidable grassroots support. Recently, he organised an empowerment programme for the people of the state. Ngige declared that, at this stage, the acquisition of wealth is not a priority for him, but the welfare of the state. His philanthropic activities have endeared more people to him. Many of them recalled that, as the governor, he fought corruption and channeled the state’s scarce resources to its development. Observers contend that Ngige will not lack the resources to oil his campaign machinery. As a senator, he is a rallying point at home. Many people also believe that his party has better programmes. Ngige’s political base is expected to be enlarged in the state with the birth of the All Progressives Congress (APC). The polarisation of APGA may also be to the advantage of the APC in the state, if succession battles weakens the ruling party.

     

     

  • ‘Constitution review is window dressing’

    ‘Constitution review is window dressing’

    Ekiti State Governor Kayode Fayemi spoke with reporters on the defects of the constitution review by the National Assembly. To him, the public hearing on the amendment is a road show, reports EMMANUEL OLADESU

     

    Many Nigerians have expressed reservations about the constitution amendment by the National Assembly. Opinion of the stakeholders is divided. The Senate President, David Mark, has said that the legislature has the power to review the constitution. But other stakeholders are of the view that what Nigeria needs now is a peoples constitution, instead of the review of the flawed 1999 Constitution.

    Ekti State Governor Kayode Fayemi is among leaders who have frowned at the way and manner the public hearings on the review were conducted by the National Assembly. In his assessment, the process was not people-driven. Therefore, it is not appropriate. He wondered why people failed to learn from history.

    “When the last constitution review process got halted at the altar of third term or no third term, many of the issues that Nigerians were passionate about were lost in the process of that debate”, he recalled. Judging by his background, the governor, like many Nigerians, is worried by the faulty structure of the Nigerian state. Thus, he opposed those opposing devolution of powers to the component units of the federation. “Many feel that the federalism that we claim to practice is fake and that ownership is not in the hands of the Nigerian people and that whatever we are going to do, we will ensure that we focus on that”, he told reporters.

    Other core issues that ought to shape the amendment include state police, principles of derivation, and revenue allocation formula. The governor acknowledged the disagreement triggered by state police. But he pointed out that the same feud is not assailing the call for decentralisation. Fayemi said public hearings on the review process looked like a road show because of the manner of approach.

    The governor frowned at the stiff opposition to the clamour for referendum at the end of the process. He doubted if that gap can be bridged by the claim by the House of Representatives that it has held 360 mini-conferences across the federal constituencies. He criticised the so-called mini-conferences, saying that legislators took a short-cut route. “If you saw the way and manner that went, it was really not a people-driven process and it is going to be very difficult to collate the results of that exercise, if we can call it an exercise at all. As a matter of fact, there are those who feel that what happened at the zonal level, driven by the Senate, was much more robust and authentic. And even at that, it is still not a product of the people”, he maintained.

    Fayemi, who holds a doctorate degree in Political Science, berated the antagonists of referendum. He explained that, although there is nowhere in the British Constitution where a referendum is said to be the defining and ultimate determination of any issue, but when a matter becomes critical, the referendum is always the process used in unlocking a gridlock.

    “Even, in the most recent America presidential election, there were almost a 100 issues in some states; same-sex marriage, the use of cannabis, abortion, death penalty and other series of issues that are local to a particular state that we didn’t talk about because the main issue was the election. I think we just have to be honest with ourselves. What is this country called Nigeria? And who are we, the inhabitants of Nigeria? Are we subjects or are we truly citizens with right and responsibilities? To a large extent, we are being treated as if we are subjects to some people that we have no control over and I think the essence of democracy is to let the people take ownership”, he added.

    Fayemi maintained that the current process cannot produce a popular and laudable outcome worthy of overwhelming acceptable. However, he conceded that “whatever it produces will be the result of elite consensus rather than the people’s wish”.

    The governor cautioned against the elite gang-up, warning that the thinking in some quarters that any deal by the Presidency, governors and National Assembly could resemble the popular wish contradicted the popular clamour for real national dialogue among the people of Nigeria and process of mass mobilisation.

    On the front burner is the state creation. At issue is their viability and financial implications. Lending his voice, the governor submitted that it is counter-productive to create states that would not be viable. Instead of state creation, Fayemi said: “We should be moving towards regional compact. I think we are seriously at risk as state because very few states are viable on their own. That is the fact and when people make the comparison, they don’t just stop as if that is a game of number.

    “If you take Akwa Ibom and Ekiti states, what Akwa Ibom gets in a year from the Federal Government, Ekiti State does not even get 10 per cent of it. Ekiti State gets about N36billion a year and yet, if you compare N36 billion to about N400 billion, you will understand what I mean. But, it is not the fault of the person that collects N400 billion. I think what is fundamentally wrong is that the sharing nature of this federation is what undermines and leads to this relentless yearning for state creation because you feel that, once a state is created, your share will come”.

    The way out, said Fayemi, is to allow the states to control their resources and contribute to the federation purse, adding “that there must however, be a decision on what represents an irreducible minimum that we must contribute as taxes to the federal coffers, which in turn get shared to states that are not endowed as others”.

    Shedding light on this alternative, he added: “I think what we need is for regions to gain control and manage their resources and then for the federation to have an equalisation fund that enables us to cater for the weak. This will do two things. It will make us more innovative and creative. It would ensure that states like Ekiti or Ondo where proceeds from cocoa were used in developing the whole of the Western Nigeria, take agriculture more seriously because we have no choice. And I still believe that our greatest resource is the human capital that we have rather than this over-dependence on oil and all sorts of mineral resources that are wasting assets. So, I think state creation is not the solution, regional compact is the way to go”.

    Given the political diversity of Nigeria and its peculiar brand of politics, would such a policy of controlling resources by states and remitting percentages to the Federation Account work? Fayemi said it could be possible, if it is premised on collective resolve. But he said problem may still continue to rear its head because there is no transparency in the way the nation’s funds are being managed”.

    “That is why we need Accountant-General of the Federation, to handle the nation’s finances and the Accountant-General of the Federal Government that will handle that of the central government. However, the present situation whereby one person performs the two roles does not encourage transparency in the way the federation funds are being handled”, he added.

     

  • ‘Progressives will liberate Nigeria’

    ‘Progressives will liberate Nigeria’

    Former Kano State Governor Ibrahim Shekarau has said that the All Progressives Congress (APC) will liberate the country from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    He allayed the fear that the merger will collapse because of power sharing, assuring that the APC leaders are ready to make sacrifices in the national interest.

    Shekarau told reporters in Kano, the state capital, that Nigerians were eager to vote for a progressive party in 2015 because the PDP has failed them in the last 14 years.

    The former governor spoke at a ceremony marking the declaration of Hon. Kawu Sumaila for the governorship. The aspirant hailed the leadership qualities of the former governor, stressing that members of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) have confidence in him.

    Kawu said that the APC will form the next government in Kano, urging the people to support the new platform.

    At the event, ANPP members passed a vote of confidence on the merger process and Shekarau’s contributions to the effort.

    The former governor told the party faithful that only the combined forces of parties opposed to the PDP can dislodge the party from power.

    He said: “The merged parties; the ANPP, Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) and the All Progressive Grand Alliance; are equal partners. Collectively, they will work as one team. At the merger talks, each of the four political parties had 21 members to form the 84-member committee.

    “Nigerians need not fear for the outcome of this merger plan as we will not disappoint the electorate because we have realised that PDP’s oppression, misrule and mismanagement of nation’s resources should not continue.

    “What we need from the teeming masses is their collective prayers and votes, and their determination to end the 14 years of misrule. It is just as matter of patience.”

    Sumaila described the PDP administration as a disaster, urging Nigerians to wake up from their slumber.

    He lamented that the ruling party has turned the country to a personal enterprise, thereby subjecting the masses to abject poverty.

    He said: “The APC will surely bring to an end the era of the retrogressive cabal in the PDP who are bent on milking the resources of the nation to the detriment of millions of innocent Nigerian”.

     

  • ARG objects to minister’s tour

    ARG objects to minister’s tour

    The Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG) has objected to the ‘Good Governance Tour’ by the Minister of Information, Mr. Labaran Maku, saying that it is a waste of time and resources.

    The group lamented that the minister of a federal government that has performed poorly is leading a jamboree visit to the states.

    ARG said in a statement by its spokesman, Mr. Kunle Famoriyo, that there is no basis for the tour.

    He added: “This Tour is nothing but a waste of tax-payers’ resources. It is yet another demonstration of the profligacy already associated with this government. It smacks of the usual aggrandisement. From all intents and purposes, it is obvious that the minister and his co-travellers are enjoying themselves at the expense of Nigerians.

    “It is our belief that the minister should mobilise his colleagues in the cabinet and other government functionaries to provide data, facts and figures on the qualitative impact of the programmes of the Jonathan Administration on Nigerians. That would be more verifiable than this charade called ‘Good Governance Tour’.

    “The question is: where is this administration’s overall performance score-card in the critical sectors? From the available data, the lot of Nigerians remains within the low range in terms of Human Development Index (HDI) and other qualitative indices of performance.

    “Specifically, in the Southwest states, we are at a loss as to which federal projects the minister will like to showcase. Is it the deteriorating state of infrastructure in the region, including the Apapa-Oshodi Expressway, Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, Shagamu-Ore Expressway, Ilesa-Akure-Owo Road, and other abandoned federal projects littering the region. The other day, a big show was made of the construction of the Okerete International Market in Shaki, Oyo State, for which nothing has been heard about it, almost two years after.

    “How would Mr. Maku have defended the skewed and unfavourable allocation of projects in the region, an ongoing practice that has become the trademark of the Jonathan Administration?

    ARG advised the minister to stop deceiving Nigerians because his boss has nothing to show as achievements to Nigerians.

    Famoriyo added: “The sectors; education, health, energy, rail, roads and other sectors, remain parlous, and more than 70 per cent wallow in poverty. He should stop wasting the tax-payers’ money on an unnecessary junketing across the land, which at the end of the day is a meaningless jamboree.”

     

  • APC woos PDP governors

    APC woos PDP governors

    As the civil war in the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) festers, the governors involved in the merger talks have continued to woo their PDP counterparts for the new party, the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    Sources said that the APC zonal coordinators have been visiting their counterparts, persuading them to jump ship and team up with the progressive leaders to dislodge PDP in 2015 polls.

    The governors being targetted are also being persuaded to give the conditions for their defection or collaboration with the APC, the source added. Apart from the exchange of text messages, the governors on the two divides also meet at the Nigeria Governors’ Forum meeting and social events.

    A Southwest PDP leader, who spoke with The Nation, said that the national leadership is worried by the APC tactics.

    He said: “The leaders of the political parties that formed the APC are capitalising on the crisis in the PDP to snatch our governors. It is easy to target governors who are ending their second term, but the PDP is rising to the challenge.”

     

     

  • APGA: Weakened by protracted crisis

    APGA: Weakened by protracted crisis

    The crisis-ridden All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) has been weakened by protracted crises, personality clashes and leadership tussles. Now, an interim chairman, Maxi Okwu, has been appointed to restore sanity to the party. Can he weather the storm? Assistant Editor Augustine Avwode examines the challenges confronting the interim party leadership. 

    The All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) is in a fix.

    The party has been weakened by protracted crises arising from the lingering leadership tussles among its top chieftains. As other parties prepare for the next general elections, observers fear that the APGA may not make much impact. Therefore, it may risk being deregistered, following its poor showing at the polls.

    From all indications, it has been difficult to reposition the platform. Efforts made by the concerned members to arrest the drift have been in vain. The latest effort in this direction was the appointment of Maxi Okwu as the Acting National Chairman, following the removal of Chief Victor Umeh and other members of the National Working Committee.

    While unfolding his vision for the party, Okwu said that his primarily objective was to make APGA the indisputable “third leg” of the party system in the country. To achieve this, Okwu, a former national leader of the Citizens Popular Party (CPP) and the Convener of Save Enugu Group (SEG), said he would embark on the “three Rs”, which are reconciliation, rapprochement and reintegration.

    But his efforts may have suffered a still-birth. One of the party chieftains he mentioned as his primary target in the “reconciliation” process that would have brought immense healing to the festering wound plaguing the party has dismissed the plan as unrealistic. Chief Chekwas Okorie, the first national chairman of the party, who had a running legal battle with Umeh in a bid to retain his seat, until he eventually left the party last year to form the United Progressives Party (UPP), is not impressed by Okwu’s agenda.

    He laughed off the suggestion, saying that the move was a mere grandstanding because nobody, for now, can claim be the leaders of APGA.

    “Maxi is a lawyer of many years. Maxi and I and wrote the constitution of APGA. He was my Deputy Chairman, South. As a lawyer, we asked him to contribute his expertise, which he did. He knows that the constitution of APGA has no provision for Interim Chairman, or Acting Chairman. He knows that the Electoral Act has no provision for Interim or Acting Chairman, just as the 1999 Constitution does not make any provision for such a thing. So, in what capacity will he be coming to me? This is mere grandstanding, to make it look as if he has an agenda for the party. But, if he comes as an individual who knows my home for a very long time, I would welcome him and that is all”.

    Okorie described plans to invite him back to APGA as flogging a dead horse. He said it smacked of a Nollywood show. “How can anybody say he wants to take me back to APGA? The party is dead. I voluntarily handed over the Certificate of Registration to INEC and moved on. Today, the United Progressives Party (UPP) is doing very well. None among Maxi, Governor Obi or Menakaya can look me in the face and say come back to APGA. Which APGA?”

    Okwu told The Nation in an interview that: “What we intend to do is to ensure that, through the three Rs, we will move APGA from its present parlous state to a level where, as a party, it will constitute the third leg of the Nigerian political life.

    “Nigerian politics has been built on a tripod, since the pre- independence period. Let me concede that, if you take the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as one leg and the proposed All Progressives Congress (APC) as the second leg, APGA will be the third leg. This is my vision for now.”

    Okwu said he would embark on massive reconciliation that will involve all stakeholders of the party, who for one reason or another. “Every stakeholder who played a role in the establishment of APGA would have to be brought back. We are going to reconcile all of them, starting with Chief Chekwas Okorie.

    “Then, there are some political groups and stakeholders that are very close to APGA, like the Igbo in the North, the Igbo Ezue Cultural Organisation and other important personalities who played different roles, either by spending their money, time or other resources. They are not necessarily politicians but we have to recognize them and ask them to please stick with APGA. This we will do and move on from there. Enough of marking time,” he said.

    But observers believe that there are many impediments on the way.Apart from the internal crisis rocking the party as a result of leadership squabbles, the clash of ideological leanings among the top members has also polarised the top hierarchy

    To return the party to the path of glory, which it used to be in its early days, Okwu would have to reconcile the warring factions in the party, who are particular about the APGA. Also, the controversy triggered by the recent disclaimer by a faction of the party, as regards the proposed merger with other progressive parties to form a mega party, ahead of the 2015 general election, should be resolved.

    A chieftain of the party, Chief Celestine Dibia, questioned the status of Okwu and asked how he hopes to mend a badly damaged party without taking sides. He reasoned that for the two governors produced by the party to belong to two different ideological platforms is a sign of disunity. “As a lawyer, I know that some things are not just possible. The person who wants to reconcile people knows that he is not empowered to do anything of such because nobody will allow his decision to subsist, if it goes against him because the law does not recognise him. The man who has just been sacked by the court of law is not ready to back down and those who got the judgment are not ready to give up their position.

    “The major problem that is even bigger than that of the warring factions over leadership tussles is that the two governors produced by the party are going in different directions. They are men who dispense favour; they have followers and loyalists. Their conviction is more important to them. While Governor Peter Obi thinks that APGA should remain on its own, Governor Rochas Okorocha is convinced that joining the progressives is in the best interest of the party. And somewhere along the line, their followers and loyalists have queued up behind these men. Okwu’s dream is very good, lofty and to be desired, but the world of dream is different from reality. In fact, I foresee APGA being consumed by the present crisis”, Dibia said.

    Okwu may have acknowledged how far he could go when he observed that APGA constitution has no provision for an interim leadership. But, he said the ‘doctrine of necessity’ could be invocked. .

    “It is not expressly stated in the party’s constitution, but as a lawyer, I know that, if the party is decapitated and there is no provision on what to do in such a situation, won’t we use doctrine of necessity to save the party? It happened in the country and the National Assembly used it to save the country from anarchy. It is a legal concept used to remedy situations when there are no other legal options”, he said.

    In his view, the present situation in the party could be likened to an emergency situation. And given the fact that there are elections that the party would want to take part in, and so must necessarily prepare for them, the doctrine of necessity can be brought to bear on the situation. “The Doctrine of Necessity is known by all Nigerians and beyond. There is emergence situation in APGA now that needs to be addressed and that is what we are doing now”, he added.

    But Okorie disagreed with this view. He said that, with the judgment of the Enugu State High Court presided over by the Chief Judge, Justice Innocent Umezulike, which ordered Umeh to stop parading himself as the national chairman, APGA becomes a party without a leader and the electoral umpire in the country cannot work with any other body than a duly recognized one.

    “As we speak today, APGA has no leader. And because there is no leader in the party, it is like saying APGA is no longer in existence. We can say therefore, that, for now, there is no APGA. Over time, INEC has always made it clear that it can only deal with a party leadership that emerges from the ward congress to the national convention. In other words, the leader must be elected from the ward to the local government level and the state level before going to the national level. So, let us not talk of the doctrine of necessity when there is clear provision for what is to be done.

    “Besides, you can see a trend in the party now that the two governors are not together. Look at the other parties; some have five, like in the Southwest, some have more and some three. But the common thing to them is that they always stand together. Today, as we speak, the two governors are not backing one another in terms of where the party should go. Is that not a sign that the end has come for the party? Let us continue to watch and see how things will pan out. As for me, the UPP has come to be a force to be reckoned with as we prepare for elections in Abuja in March”, he said.

    Okwu is not discouraged by these constitutional limitations. He is optimistic that the APGA will overcome its present challenges and command a large following. He said that, if its enormous potentials are harnessed, APGA can can make it be the “third leg” of Nigerian politics.

    “APGA will rise again, stronger and better. The party has so much potential out there, which has not been properly harnessed. I remember how popular the party was and how large the followership used to be, particularly in the Southeast zone”.

     

     

  • Southwest’s battle against marginalisation

    Southwest’s battle against marginalisation

    With facts and figures, Yoruba elders have cried out over the marginalisation of the Southwest. But while a section wants this anomaly rectified immediately with apology to the people, another is canvassing true federalism as the panacea to all forms of marginalisation in the country. Augustine Avwode and Jeremiah Oke report.

    Should the Yoruba nation waste precious time lament Sing alleged marginalisation in the scheme of things at the federal level or should it push for the realisation of true federalism at all cost?

    This was the poser raised by the former Publicity Secretary of the Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG), Yinka Odumakin, when The Nation sought his reaction to the allegations of marginalization of the Southwest in national politics.

    His position differs significantly from the views of some Yoruba elders. In Odumakin’s opinion, it is no use crying marginalisation, but working assiduously to ensure that the Southwest, with its high level of intelligentsia, does not depend on the centre before the region moves ahead in every aspect of development.

    “We are not interested in talking about marginalisation; we are particular about true federalism,” he said.

    Odumakin argued that, for eight years, the zone had one of its own in the number one seat, but the former President Olusegun Obasanjo failed to lift the region. “Why should we be talking about appointments at the centre, after all we had a President of Yoruba extraction for eight years, what did he do for the Yoruba? It is not about who is there; it is having the structure that will foster unfettered development. So, forget about who is there. What is important is the system that will allow us to function and direct our affairs the way we want it”, he said.

    Odumakin maintained that Nigerians, from all the zones, should make the call for true federalism their watchword.

    “What we should be talking about, irrespective of the zone we are from, is how Nigeria can practice true federal system that will allow each and every section or unit to direct its own affairs. That has always been the position of the Yoruba; they don’t want to lord it over anybody, neither do they want anybody to treat them like slaves in their own country and land”.

    For him, good leadership that will be able to harness the full potential of the people should dominate discourse and not allegations of marginalization. “It will interest you to know that Papa Awolowo was able to make the Western Region a beacon in the whole of Africa when he was not at the centre. Or was he at the centre?” he queried.

    Afenifere chieftain Chief Ayo Adebanjo is worried by the loss of a sense of belonging by the Yoruba. He told The Nation that the President should as a matter of urgency rectify the situation as the figures reeled out by the Yoruba leaders are in black and white. He said that, if they are not true, and anybody feels they are not correct, such a person should come up with what he thinks is the true position of things. But once anybody cannot fault those figure, then, the government should immediately rectify the situation just as it should apologize to the Yoruba race.

    “This is not a matter for logic or semantic. The figures are in black and white, if anybody feels that they are not correct, let him bring his own figures. But once they are found to be incontrovertible, President Jonathan should immediately set about rectifying the situation and apologise to the Yoruba”.

    Recently, some Yoruba leaders under the aegis of the Yoruba Unity Forum (YUF), met in Ibadan, the Oyo State capital. The meeting reviewed the state of the Yoruba nation as the second largest ethnic group in Nigeria.

    Their verdict was damning. With verifiable proofs, the most sophisticated race in the country has been marginalised. The marginalisation, they alleged, is noticeable in the distribution of appointments into the ‘Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs)’ of the Federal Government.

    The convener of the meeting at the Premier Hotel, Ibadan, Bishop Bolanle Gbonigi, the retired Anglican Bishop of Akure, regretted that the marginalisation of the region in the distribution of political positions was an attempt to relegate it to the background in the scheme of things. “Seeing what is happening now is very painful, for someone of my age”, he lamented.

    This is not the first time the region will be complaining about the marginalization of its people. They complained shortly after the inauguration of the Seventh National Assembly when it lost the Speakership of the House of Representatives. The position had been zoned to the region by the leadership of the peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Hon. Mulikat Akande-Adeola, who was penciled down by the party’s leadership, lost it to another lawmaker from the Northwest.

    The President and the party did not see the need to enforce its position; nor were they able to do anything to remedy the loss. With the loss of the number four position, the region was left in the cold. The first six top political offices in the country are held by Nigerians from outside the Southwest. These positions are the President, Vice President, Senate President, Speaker of the House of Representatives, Deputy Senate President, and Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives.

    Apart from Adebanjo, other prominent Yoruba sons feel the alleged marginalization should be rectified by the Jonathan Administration. The founder of the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC), Dr Fredrick Fasheun, told The Nation that the development is dangerous for the country, given the place of the ethnic group in the country. He described the marginalisation as another form of social injustice.

    He recalled that he had on some occasions discussed the issue with the President. But he lamented that, up till now, nothing has been done to correct the situation.

    “The marginalization of the Yoruba race is very dangerous for the county because of the position of the region in the country. Besides, we cannot accept to go back far beyond what we have had in the past. It is not a sign of progress and we are not the type of people that rejoice and clap when no progress is being made.

    “I have spoken to the President on the issue on several occasions and he promised to look into it, but unfortunately, Yoruba people are more and more marginalised. For the stability of this country, sidelining the Yoruba people in the scheme of things could be very dangerous. It is expected of the government of the day to make the country easy for the people to live in with the full sense of belonging, regardless of the area or the part of the country they represent or come from. I have been clamoring for this for long even in my book. This should be looked into and I think the time to do that is now. It should not be postponed”, he said.

    Another politician from the zone, Dr. Olapade Agoro, aligned with Fasehun. He described it as a bad omen for a region not to have any body in the first 12 political offices in a country, despite its rating as a highly educated, and sophisticated ethnic group. He called it a diabolical plot to ‘silence’ the ethnic group by those bent on disloging them from both political and economic relevance.

    “If those who are in power could have their way, they would have silenced the Yoruba form taken part in every sector. But it is bad that, in almost all the sectors, Yoruba is nowhere to be found.

    Agoro hilariously referred to the just concluded African Cup of Nations tournament in South Africa as an apt example of the fear of the zone.

    “Also, if you look at it from the just concluded African Cup of Nations, no Yoruba was among the Super Eagles that represented the nation. We called them supper eagles of the Igbo because no Yoruba was among them. Though, we have one Hausa among them, but where is the Yoruba nation? We may laugh at this, but it is one of those things. Does that mean that we don’t have any Yoruba man who can play football? We all still remember when they first won the cup in 1980. Look at that squad; it was representative of all the major groups in this country”.

    Agoro also blamed former President Olusegun for not doing anything to better the lot of the people. He said that the race has been relegated to the background.

    “Yoruba have been relegated from the scheme of things. This is not the first time the Yoruba are being marginalized. During the Obasanjo Administration, he did the same thing. Why are we now making a noise? It is so obvious that we are not wanted and we are now talking about it.

    He singled out former Lagos State governor and national leader of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Senator Bola Tinubu, for turnig the political fortune of the Yoruba around.

    “If not for the struggle of Asiwaju Tinubu, Yoruba would have been forgotten. We would not have been found, even in the Southwest’s political affairs. Economically, Yoruba are not there; the Igbo dominate Abuja today. So, we have to revisit the national question. If the Yoruba are not wanted in the country again, let them tell us. We are not just marginalized, but we are kicked about. I pray it should not be worse for the race in the future”, he said.

    Apart from the President, Vice President, Senate President, Speaker of House of Representatives, Deputy Senate President, and Deputy Speaker, Yoruba has also lost out in other positions, including those of the Acting President of the Court of Appeal, Secretary to the Government of Federation, Chief of Staff to the President, National Security Adviser, and the Head of Service of the Federation.

    Besides, Gbonigi pointed out that only three out of the 36 principal economic and financial agencies, including key industries, departments and agencies are headed by Yoruba. In the judiciary and anti-corruption agencies, none of the 11 agencies is headed by Yoruba. The positions include; Chief Justice of Federation, Judicial Service Commission, National Judicial Council, Attorney-General of the Federation, National Drug Law Enforcement Agencies, (NDLEA) and the Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC).

    Also, Yoruba is represented only in two of the 17 education management agencies. It has a representative one of the 10 security agencies and one of the four bureaucracy agencies. But it has no place in the three broadcasting agencies and three election agencies .

    Adebanjo warned that this state of affairs could generate nasty thoughts among the marginalised. He said the race is irked by the neglect, although the race accounts for 22 per cent of the total population of the country.

    The question is: will the trend be reversed soon, or will it persist?

  • Patriots write Shagari on national conference

    Patriots write Shagari on national conference

    The Patriots”, a group of eminent Nigerians fighting for good governance, has identified 12 elder statesmen, who should lend support for the convocation of a national conference to make the it a reality.

    The group described them as the “fathers of the nation”, stressing that, if they collectively create a front for the agitation, the federal government may listen.

    The eminent persons identified by the group are Gen. Yakubu Gowon, Alhaji Shehu Shagari, Chief Emeka Anyaiku, Justice Chukwudifu Oputa, Justice Karibi Whyte and Alhaji Ali Mongono. Others are Alhaji Maitama Sule, Alhaji Ahmed Joda, Prof. Alele Williams, Prof. Oladipo Akinkugbe and Alhaji Femi Okunu (SAN).

    The leader of the ‘Patriots’, Prof. Ben Nwabueze (SAN), in his letter to former President Shagari, said he is in a better position to influence the executive and legislative arms and other political leaders to support the push for a national conference.

    The legal luminary stressed that it is the wish of the group that the conference should hold before the next general elections.

    Nwabueze lamented that President Goodluck Jonathan may not have the time to pursue any agenda for national transformation because the political class is now engulfed with partisan campaigns that can compromise and undermine the agenda.

    The letter reads in part: “Before the intrusion of military rule in January 1966, the offices of President/Head of State, governor of a Region, and Head of Government were greatly revered, and the persons holding them or who have held them were equally venerated as individuals. They were so venerated both because of the reverence attaching to those offices and because of the probity, integrity, nobility and principled behaviour that had characterised their life as well as the pre-eminently dedicated and distinguished role they have played in the affairs of the country, by reason of which they command acceptance as “Fathers of the Nation”.

    “The concept of “Fathers of the Nation” carries immense significance and symbolism; in particular, the persons commanding such acceptance are looked up to as representing the collective mind, conscience, ethos and values of the nation.

    “Military rule, by thrusting people into those offices solely by virtue of their positions in the military hierarchy, has eroded the veneration in which former holders of the offices are held. That is part of the tragedy of the intrusion of military rule in this country, which seems not to be fully appreciated by people. The position of “Fathers of the Nations” demands much of you”

    Nwabueze urged Shagari to join other patriots in appealing to the President and members of the National Assembly “to take all necessary steps for convening a national conference for the people of Nigeria to deliberate and agree on the terms and conditions on which they are to live together in peace and unity, to work out a programme for ensuring development, progress, justice, equality and freedom for all Nigerians”

    He said: “ The conference will adopt a constitution whose source of authority, as the supreme law of the land, is the people, acting in a Constituent Assembly and a referendum”.

    The Patriots’ leader also said the ‘fathers of the nation’ should convince the political parties and aspirants to the elective political offices that there should be no elections in 2015, unless a national conference is first convened and held.

    He added: “Judging by the trend of events in the country and by the nature and character of the political campaigns already being mounted for the 2015 elections, any attempt to hold the elections without first convening and holding the national conference will spell disaster and anarchy for the country.

    “Furthermore, the political mobilisation of the electorate at this time, more than two years to the date of the elections, and the preoccupation of the political aspirants with the campaigns, would assuredly compromise and undermine the ability of the President to mobilise the people for national transformation, which is one of the immediate tasks facing him,

    “No national transformation can take place, unless the people are effectively mobilised for it. Political mobilisation of the electorate for elections and the mobilisation of the people for national transformation are antithetical to each other, and cannot be pursued together”