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Category: Politics

  • Southwest and politics of state creation

    Southwest and politics of state creation

    Deputy Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU examines the activities of state creation agitators in the Southwest geo-political zone, prospects and constraints of the exercise.

    Unlike other geo-political zones, agitation for state creation in the South west is not fierce. To the agitators, it is not a do-or-die affair. Their activities are limited to Ondo, Ogun, Osun, Oyo and Lagos states. No new state is being agitated for in Ekiti State, which is still struggling to survive, 16 years after its creation.

    In Ondo State, some people are calling for the creation of Akoko State. Some people from the oil-rich south senatorial district are also lifting their voice in support for the creation of a separate state. But there is no evidence that they have forwarded any memorandum to the National Assembly. In Ogun State, Ijebu and Remo Divisions want a separate Ijebu State to be carved out of the Gateway State. In Oyo, Ibadan and Ibarapa districts are mobilising support for the birth of Ibadan State. In Lagos State, some political leaders from coastal areas are promoting the cause of Lagoon State. The leaders and people of Ile-Ife and parts of Ijesa are rooting for Oduduwa State. Their efforts, sources said, have the blessing of the Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuwade.

    The elite are coordinating the battle. Thus, observers perceive a hidden agenda. Although the agitators hinge their struggles on the need for easy administration and development, observers believe that the elite are clamouring for more access to power and state resources through state creation. Thus, they cannot rationalise the clamour with allegations of marginalisation, inequity and injustice in the Southwest. But they derive motivation from the fact that, if state creation will be possible, each of the six geo-political zones will benefit from the exercise. Therefore, they are leaving nothing to chance.

    When a state was first created out of the Southwest, it had a political undertone. The then Tafawa Balewa Government was not merely responding to the cries of the minority in the Bendel and Niger Delta areas who were later lumped together in the Midwest State. Political historians recall that the purpose also was to cut the wings of the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo and reduce the influence of his party, the Action Group (AG). Awo did not oppose state creation; in fact, he was irritated by the refusal of the Prime Minister to also carve out states from the expansive Northern Region.

    In 1967, when the Yakubu Gowon Administration created nine states, the West was clearly marginalised. The West only had Western State and Lagos State. The distribution was skewed to the advantage of the north. In 1976, when Murtala/Obasanjo created 19 states, the states in the west increased to five. In 1989, Osun State was carved out of Oyo State. In 1996, Ekiti State was created, making the states in the west to rise to six.

    Many Southwest leaders have refrained from making inflammable remarks about state creation. Observers contend that they do not have confidence in the entire constitution amendment, which the Leader of Yoruba General Assembly, Gen. Alani Akinrinade (rtd) described as a charade. Neither have the leaders discouraged their colleagues who are backing traditional rulers and community leaders canvassing state creation. It is because the zone described by analysts as the most politically sophisticated and enlightened zone know that creation of state under a civilian regime is the most problematic and cumbersome process because of stipulated constitutional provisions.

    Akoko State

    Akokoland is inhabited by an important Yoruba subgroup sharing borders with Kwara, Kogi and Ekiti State. But the area is a far-flung expanse, stretching from Owo border to Ekiti and Northcentral states. The people of Akoko are peace-loving. Agriculture is the main occupation. Commerce only seems to boom in their headquarter, Ikare-Akoko. If it is created, it will be another civil service state like Ekiti. Unlike Ondo South, it lacks oil and mineral resources that can be used to develop the state. But advocates of the state are of the view that there are worse settlements and communities in the north which enjoy state status and draw monthly allocations from the national treasury. However, the clamour is not properly coordinated. It does not enjoy the backing of the majority in Ondo State.

    Ibadan State

    Leading the battle is the Olubadan of Ibadanland, Oyo State, Oba Samuel Odulana, his chiefs and elected representatives from Ibadan/Ibarapa axis. Many believe that, by its sheer population, Ibadan is qualified to become a state. Thus, the monarch justified the demand for the creation of Ibadan State, stressing that the metropolis is qualified for the status by population and historical evidences. The Central Council of Ibadan Indigenes (CCII), which had submitted a memoranda to the national Assembly on the agitation, is more vociferous.

    The association pointed out that the people of Ibadan have more claims than the promoters of Oduduwa and Ijebu states. CCII leader, Chief Adebayo Oyero, said the proposed Ibadan State would be viable because of the untapped potentials that would ultimately boost its internally-generated revenue. He said the population of Ibadan and Ibarapa districts, which are larger than many states in the country, have made the basis for the Ibadan State more compelling and convincing. He said Ibadan is the only regional capital that is yet to transform into a state.

    “We want to remind the distinguished senators that Ibadan is the political capital of the Yoruba, having been the capital of the defunct Western Region and Western State. Every honest community in the Southwest must concede to Ibadan the right of first choice. Ibadanland and Ibarapa have abundance of social, economic, administrative and political infrastructure to support and sustain a state. Others will be a distant second”, said Oyero in the memorandum.

    “The population of the three known requests from Oyo, Osun, and Ogun states, that is, Ibadan State, Oduduwa State and Ijebu State are 2,880,569; 1,265,491 and 1,250,435. If population is a criterion, the choice seems obvious. For other criteria of economic, social, administrative, landmass and political considerations, Ibadan State has a very wide edge”, he added.

    Oba Odulana, who was a member of House of Representatives and Parliamentary Secretary to former Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa in the First Republic, said Ibadan is the lone pre-independence administrative capital that is not enjoying the status of a state. The monarch, who had personally written to the Senate President and House of Representatives Speaker, to demand Ibadan State since 2008, pointed out that the two senators representing Oyo Central and Oyo South Districts are from Ibadan, adding that, out of 14 House of Representatives members, seven are also from Ibadan city.

    The monarch added: “Ibadan has 16 House of Assembly members out of 32 and 155 elected council chairmen and councillors. We earnestly hope that the National Assembly will set in motion the necessary legislative machinery that will make the creation of Ibadan State a reality.” Oyero, who shared this view, said: “The total population of the proposed state is 45.61 per cent of the present Oyo State.” He added: “The population of the proposed Ibadan State is more that eight states in Nigeria-Bayelsa, Ebonyi, Ekiti, Gombe, Kwara, Nasarawa, Taraba and Yobe. He said Ibadan and Ibarapa had jointly submitted memoranda in 1989, 1991, 1996, 2003, and 2006 for the creation of the proposed state. I can tell you that Ibadan State will be more viable. We will eliminate waste. In Oyo State, Ibadan is the livewire; 80 percent of the internally generated revenue comes from Ibadan and Ibarapa. Our plan is that in Ibadan State, we will not have a bloated staff. ICT will reduce personnel cost. Currently, in Ibadan, there are untapped potentials. I moved into my house in Ibadan 31 years ago and up till now, I have not paid tenement rate. Ibadan is a gold-mine untapped.

    “Physical development in Ibadan is haphazard today. No policy on planning. No political will till implement planning regulations. Up to now, Ibadan has no master plan. The current administration is trying with the establishment of the Ministry of Planning and urban Development. Ibadan State will lay greater emphasis on this. Ibadan can be a mega city.”

    Ijebu State

    For more than 20 years, Ijebu have been clamouring for state creation. In a memorandum submitted to the government when he was chairman of Ijebu-Ode council, Chief Bisi Rodipe passionately argued that the state would be viable because of the resources available in the state and the sheer enterprise of the people. When Senate President David Mark visited Ijebu-Ode as guest of honour at the annual Ojude-Oba festival, the Awujale of Ijebuland, Oba Sikiru Adetona, told him that its creation is the priority of his people. Senator Mark reportedly backed the agitation, saying that it was in order.

    The geography of the state will not be a puzzle. Remo is joining forces with Ijebu and there is the understanding that Ijebu-Ode will be the capital. That means that, if the state is created, Yewa, Awori and Egba people will cohabit in Ogun State. It was a wide departure from Remo’s clamour for a distinct identity. When the colonial masters created Ijebu province, Remo people led by Oba Williams Adedoyin rejected the label of Ijebu, saying that he was the paramount ruler of Remo, while Awujale’s jurisdiction was limited to Ijebuland. The colonial masters did not see any difference between Ijebu and Remo because it appeared to them that both spoke the same dialect. But Oba Adedoyin fought his identity battle up to the Privy Council in London and the court verdict affirmed his claim to a separate identity. However, Shagamu, his administrative headquarters suffered the tragedy of being rejected as the proposed capital of Ogun State as recommended by the Irikefe Panel. However, the Akarigbo, Oba Michael Sonariwo, and his chiefs believe that Remo is closer to Ijebu than Egba and Egbado.

    Oduduwa State

    The promoters of Oduduwa State are the leaders and people of Ife and environs, including Edun-Abon, Ifewara, Ifetedo, Modakeke, Ode-Omu, Apomu, Osu, parts of Ijesa and former Ife territories in the pre-colonial days. Ife had competed for the capital of Osun State with the steel rolling city, Osogbo, during the Ibrahim Babangida regime. It was believed that the creation of a council in Enu-Owa, Ile-Ife, the palace of Ooni, was part of efforts to pacify the great monarch, after Ife lost the capital to Ataoja’s territory.

    In 1996, the imaginary geography of the Oduduwa State covered some Ekiti/Ijesa towns of Efon, Okemesi, Imesi-Ile, and Esa-Oke. But the Ekiti towns of Efon and Okemesi reiterated their belief in the creation of Ekiti State. Sources said that these towns are not willing to be part of the proposed Oduduwa State.

    Lagoon State

    Opinion is divided on the desirability of Lagoon State, which its proponents said should be carved out of Lagos State. Their first argument is that Lagos State, with a population of almost 180 million, is too large. The agitators are led by an eminent Lagosian from Ikorodu, Chief Babatunde Benson (SAN). In the reckoning of the exponents of Lagoon State, the coastal towns should be carved out to form the new state. Thus, the new state is expected to comprise Ijebu-speaking Epe, Ikorodu and Ibeju-Lekki; Lagos Island, Eti-Osa, Apapa, Ojo and Badagry, the tourist haven. If the prayer is answered, then, Lagos State will comprise Kosofe, Somolu, Agege, Ikeja and Alimoso. But it is doubtful if the agitation has the blessing of the state government.

    Asked to shed light on the position of the government, Information and Strategy Commissioner Lateef Ibirogba said that agitators for state creation were free to express themselves as citizens of Nigeria.

    He refrained from making further comment. Also, at the zonal public hearing on constitution review by the National Assembly held at the Lagos Airport Hotel, Ikeja, Governor Babatunde Fashola (SAN) urged those demanding more states to ponder their viability and financial implications.

  • ‘Internal strife, PDP’s worst enemy’

    ‘Internal strife, PDP’s worst enemy’

    If there is one stakeholder that is troubled to the marrow by the internal crises that have for long remained a stubborn virus in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), he is perhaps Chief Femi Alafe-Aluko, who has thrice attempted to govern Osun State on the party’s platform.

    “Internal wrangling has remained terrible bile in my party, even up to the national level; that is why we have not really done well in the last two elections in particular. But today, I thank God we are singing a different song,” said Alafe-Aluko who has been a key player in the party’s efforts urgent revival.

    Alafe-Aluko, who spoke with The Nation in Lagos did not share in the fear in some quarters that as the much-expected 2015 general elections are around the corner, the PDP may find it difficult to win any state in Southwest, owing to intra-crisis rocking it.

    “I firmly believe that PDP will reclaim the mandate that was giving to it in 2003. People have experienced the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and PDP administrations. After 2007 general elections, PDP was locked in the bottom and after that, they won a House of Representatives election in Oyo State.

    “I am very optimistic that we are bouncing back. Although, there is still much to be done, the way we choose our party’s candidates, but I am sure our current national executive is working hard to instil discipline in the party and I think we can go to the general elections as an indivisible party. If PDP could come second in the recent Ondo state gubernatorial election, with all the factions, imagine if the party was united, they would have given Mimiko a run for his money. We all know what the problem is and I am sure, our elders are doing so much to rectify it,” he said.

    Assessing Nigerian politics as it has been over the years, the politician expressed his view in relation to the welfare of ordinary Nigerians: “Things are improving and we will eventually get there. If you have been watching the American presidential debates, you would find out that the economy has been playing dominant role. The problem with Nigeria is not that we are not making money; I believe that the oil revenue is not properly managed. Nigeria was in the same economic situation with Asian Tigers in the early 60s, and now countries like Singapore, Malaysia and others have moved ahead. India and Pakistan are now nuclear power countries. The per capita income of Singapore is one of the highest in the world. We used to be the giant of Africa and we can only be a giant through economic and military might. But nonetheless, the future is still bright. I think the current government is doing everything humanly possible to ensure that the welfare of the ordinary people is taken care of.”

    But there are both economic and political threats here and there across the country, how do we reconcile these? He was reminded. His reply: “To me, Boko Haram is number-one socio-economic problem with a bit of political undertones. But I am sure Mr. President will succeed. This country belongs to all of us and dialogue will solve it, not by bombing or killing. How many do you want to kill? How do you fight someone who wants to commit suicide, somebody who wants to die? But I believe they have sponsors. So, the option of dialogue is the best.”

    He also spoke about corruption that has over the years, remained a monster in the country: “Yes, we have all the institutions – the EFCC, ICPC and what have you. But I always ask: How many people have been successfully prosecuted? We have seen it recently in America where persons were not just being accused; the first thing they would do is to put them in jail, high-profile names.”

    “It is not when you jail someone who stole N1 million or N2 million and you give someone who stole N20 billion a national award, no! We should fight it headlong and it should start from the top. I believe Mr President is very determined to fight this corruption problem,” he added.

  • PRONACO chief seeks unity of organised labour, ACN

    PRONACO chief seeks unity of organised labour, ACN

    The former Director of Security and Logistics, Pro-National Conference Organisation (PRONACO), Comrade Linus Okoroji has urged the organised labour and non-governmental organisations to join forces with the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) to defeat the ruling party in 2015.

    Okoroji who made the remark during his 62nd birthday at St. Matthew Catholic, Church, Lagos, explained that the organised labour, other non-governmental organi-sations (NGOs) and ACN would unseat the ruling government if they harness their political strength.

    He said: “There is no doubt in my mind that the shortest and easier manner to achieve change in 2015 is for organised labour, Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) to collaborate with the ACN. In our considered opinion, the party remains the most vibrant, vocal and leading opposition party in Nigeria today.”

    The labour activist who suggested that such collaboration could be achieve through negotiation and strategic meetings, noted that if progressive forces took over the leadership of the country, all the hopes that were lost would be rekindled and the ordinary people would benefit for it massively.

    In his words: “There should be strategic meetings and negotiation between leadership of NGOs, labour and CSOs on the one hand and on the other hand, meetings and negotiations with the leadership of ACN with a view to channelling the strength of the party for the benefit of the people.”

    Okoroji, in his address entitled; ‘Towards a Working, Progressive, Development and People-Oriented Nigeria’, said there was the big issue of impunity and lack of rule of law everywhere. “It may not be wrong to state that we are still under the brutal rule of military dictatorship as espoused by the ruling party.”

    He maintained that the federal structure inherited at independence was lopsidedly arranged to meet colonial interests and had projected the narrow interest of some powerful few who were bent on retaining the status quo. He maintained that with another opportunity to tinker with the constitution, the wrongs could be corrected.

    “Some regions since independence assumed the octopus status, they monopolised the political system and power. They made political changes unachievable; sometimes they are referred to as oligarchy or the caliphate nevertheless they have their surrogates all over.”

    According to him, efforts to stabilise the polity since independence have not received adequate attention because of misrule: “It is disturbing that all the political parties that at one time or the other, ruled the country since independence had been sponsored by the old establishment that failed to give room for progressive ideas.

    “Our most profound concern is the fact that this establishment and the political parties they promoted and sponsored lack progressive ideas, development tactics and people-oriented philosophy; this we must guard against now.”

  • Safeguards will prevent state police abuse, says lawyer

    A lawyer, Mr. Ajibola Basiru, has disagreed with opponents of state police who insist that it would be abused by the state government. He said constitutional safeguards will prevent abuse and sustain the security process.

    Basiru, who is Osun State Commissioner of Special Duties and Regional Integration agreed that state police or any form of state institution is prone to abuse at intellectual level.

    However, he said there are safeguards against abuse, urging the opponents of the idea to have confidence in the law and due process.

    Basiru, who spoke with reporters in Osogbo, Osun State capital, added: “Has the federal police not been use to abuse? Should it therefore, be abolished? There are facts to show that the federal police is prone to abuse. It was the federal police that was used to abduct a governor, Ngige, and nothing happened. It was the federal police that was used to terrorise our people in Osun State throughout the purported second term of Oyinlola.

    The legal practitioner further stated: “Every institution has the tendency to be abused. The panacea for abuse is the rule of law and independence of the judiciary. There is what is called Habeas Corpus in law all over the world, developed in England as early as 13th century. Then, there were cases of abuse in England. It was decided that the state should produce the person being detained and give reasons. The only solution to our security problem is state police.

    “Even now, some states still use the federal police to harass opposition. But the rule of law and judiciary will be the bulwark against any abuse. If you continue to post those who don’t understand the language and culture of the people to keep security, we will continue to have problem. How many federal countries have the type of security arrangement we have in Nigeria?”

  • Tambuwal, Shagari step up 2015 plot

    Tambuwal, Shagari step up 2015 plot

    House of Representatives Speaker Aminu Waziri Tambuwal was one of those honoured by the Sokoto State government at its annual award ceremony. Correspondent ADAMU SULAIMAN writes on the politics of the awards.

     

    The crowd was huge. The awardees were accompanied by relations and friends. Governor Aliyu Wamakko was in his best elements. There was exchange of banters among top government officials and traditional rulers. But it was evident that the most important guest of the day was the House of Representatives Speaker Aminu Waziri Tambuwal. He was the only prominent politician on the list of this year’s annual awards by the state government.

    Many observers believed that the ceremony had a political undertone. The governor and Speaker have always enjoyed cordial relations. Many top officials perceive them as partners in progress. Thus, there is also the pervading feeling that he is being positioned as a likely successor to the governor. To analysts, the fight for the governorship has begun, ahead of the 2015 polls.

    Others awardees included the Sarkin Gobir of Gwadabawa and father of the Sokoto State Assembly Speaker, Alhaji Muhammad Zayyanu, a retired civil servant, Alhaji Ibrahim Abdullahi, Dr. Sa’adiya Omar Bello and Detroit, United States General Motors official, Jelani Dogon Daji. But all eyes were focused on the Speaker.

    At the ceremony were representative of President Goodluck Jonathan who is also the Head of Service of the Federation, Bello Sali, Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar, former President Shehu Shagari, Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Deputy National Chairman, Samson Jaja, House of Representatives Speaker Aminu Waziri Tambawal, his deputy, Emeka Ihedioha, , PDP Legal Adviser, Victor Pam, and Minister of State for Youth Development, Inuwa Abdulkadir.

    Other dignitaries included Sarkin Sudan and former Ambassador to South Africa, Alhaji Shehu Malami, deputy governor of Kebbi State, representatives of Katsina, Kano and Niger State governors, former Minister of Tourism, Senator Bello Jibril Gada, Justice A’isha Sani Dahiru among other numerous personalities.

    The ceremony had far reaching implications for governance and unity within the ruling party in the state. While the event lasted, other top politicians in the state, Yusuf Suleiman, Senator Abubakar Umar Gada, and Deputy Governor Mukhtari Shagari were absent, but Shagari’s absence wasattributed to being the state’sAmirul Hajj for this year.

    It was a sort of popularity test for Tambawal. He had served the state in the past and his supporters from all the local governments flooded the venue. Party leaders from his native South Senatorial District pitched tent with him, saying that it was the turn of the zone to fill the governorship slot.

    But observers contend that Tambuwal would now face Shagari at the primaries. The former Water resources minister was had almost emerged as the flag bearer in 2007, but was prevailed upon to stepped down for Wamakko.

    Those supporting Tambuwal for the position are of the view that he rose to the occasion and won the number four position for the north. They said a man who emerged as Speaker under that difficult situation cannot be ignored. Others applauded his sense of humour, saying that he can melt s heart of steel and stone with his gentle attitude.

    In his speech at the occasion, President Jonathan reassured Nigerians of his administration’s commitment to good governance and development.

    “ We are not un-mindful of the challenges which will soon be over”, he said. The President promised to create jobs for the youths. he called for unity, saying that could strengthen the country’s resolve to confront its challenges.

    President Jonathan lauded the progress being made by the Almajiri schools targeted as youths in the north. He commended Governor Wamakko for building hope in his people by rewarding selfless service.

    However, PDP National Chairman Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, who was represented by his deputy, Samson Jaja, said that PDP was proud of Sokoto State because of its monumental support for the party, adding that the state chapter of PDP is a model.

    “ You gave us votes across 244 wards, 23 local government chairmen, three Senators, 11 federal representatives”, he added.

    He observed that Sokoto is the only state that extends free education policy to residents communities.

    “ You have much more to bequeath. Your resilience in appreciation of service to humanity by awarding and restoring dignity of man is a challenge to the awardees. These awards given to you describe you as discoveries made by Wamakko for exceptional feat. Therefore, don’t rest on your ores”, he urged.

    Wamakko noted that rewarding excellence, selflessness and service to humanity was a morale booster for the advancement of the society.

    He said the awardees have in their respective rights and disciplines brought fame to the state and made Nigerians proud with remarkable break-through.

    The governor added: “No positive efforts over time should go in vain. Therefore, their efforts must not go un-recognised and un-appreciated”

    Wamakko explained that hard work and commitment to the sustenance of the ideals and legacies of founding fathers were instrumental to achieving results in the quest for good governance.

    Speaking on behalf of the awardees, Tambuwal noted that only selflessness and detribalised service to humanity would promote unity and strengthen peace among Nigerians.

    “Nigerians should rise to revive its past glory by changing our attitude to service and make it corrupt free nation with full opportunities for all”, he said.

     

  • Ogun PDP: Reconciliation still elusive

    Ogun PDP: Reconciliation still elusive

    An Abeokuta High Court has ruled that Chief Adebayo Dayo is the authentic chairman of the Ogun State Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). But the three factions fighting for the control of the chapter have embraced peace,  reports Deputy Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU.

     

    A High Court sitting in Abeokuta, Ogun State capital, has ruled that Chief Adebayo Dayo is the authentic chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the state. But the court verdict has not paved the way for reconciliation among the three factions locked in supremacy battle in the state.

    Dayo, the embattled chairman, has achieved victory, but he is still incapacitated because his group cannot do without the two factions waging war against his leadership.

    Since the court ruling, efforts to forge unity have collapsed. The national leadership of the party is concerned. Many party leaders expect former national leader, Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, to act as a father and broker peace. But the ex-resident is the pillar of support for one of the factions.

    Early in the year, the leadership crisis rocking the chapter escalated as policemen sealed off its state secretariat. Dayo, an engineer, and other members of the state executive committee, were denied access to the office. They cried foul, saying that certain powerful forces were disturbing the peace of the party. They urged the national chairman, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, to revive the party from its coma.

    At that time, the three factions were up in arms in the party. Obasanjo’s group, which comprises Senator Jubril Martins-Kuye, former PDP governorship candidate in the last general elections, Gen. Idowu Olurin (rtd), his running mate, Mr. Tunde Oladunjoye, and some pro-Obasanjo elders and lackeys, was the most powerful caucus in the party. The group had endorsed Senator Dipo Odujinrin as the state chairman. Today, judging by the court order, it is unlawful for the senator to parade himself as the chairman.

    Members of the second faction who described themselves as the “reformists” were fighting Obasanjo and his group over the lack of internal democracy and imposition of candidates at party congresses. It was led by Dayo, who has now been declared as the chairman by the court. He duly emerged as chairman at the April congress. The pillar of the group is the billionaire businessman-turned-politician and party financier, Chief Buruji Kashamu. The former chairman, Chief Dayo Soremi, handed the baton of leadership over to Dayo, following the hitch-free congress. However, pro-Obasanjo forces rejected his leadership. Now, the group is teaming with the third group to make Obasanjo uncomfortable.

    Former Governor Gbenga Daniel is the leader of the third group. Prominent members of the group are the aggrieved politicians who followed him to join the Peoples Party of Nigeria (PPN), where Mr. Gboyega Ishiak, contested against Olurin and Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) candidate, Senator Ibikunle Amosun, who eventually won the election. The grouse of Daniel’s followers is that they were not given a fair treatment by Obasanjo and his groups. They alleged that they were denied participation at the congress that produced Olurin as the flag bearer. But the former chairman, Soremi also alleged that Daniel was involved in anti-party activities by joining forces with another party, thereby robbing PDP of victory at the governorship poll.

    Many party chieftains are of the view that reconciliation and peace would remain elusive in as much as Obasanjo is unwilling to embrace truce. “Pa Obasanjo should have been in a better position to reconcile us as his children, but he is now entrenched in local politics, instead of calling the shots as a father-figure and national leader. Some elements are using his name to cause trouble in Ogun PDP and he appears to be shielding them”, said Kashamu.

    It is not yet clear whether the national leadership will back the Dayo-led executive committee. Dayo had in the past alleged that the national secretary, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, was behind his nightmare. He accused the former Osun State governor of taking sides in the intra-party crisis. Kashamu had also objected to the sealing off of the party’s secretariat, blaming Oyinlola for exceeding the limit of his constitutional responsibilities as the national scribe. He doubted, if Oyinlola had the mandate of the National Working Committee (NWC) to issue the directive. Also, Dayo believed that the action further worsened the crisis.

    The chairman said Oyinlola was trying to impose on the chapter, those who had been jailed for contempt of court as caretaker committee members, adding that members of the party were injured and consequently vowed never to condone imposition of unpopular candidates.

    The crisis had taken its toll on the party in the state. Many party chieftains at the grassroots dreaded being left in the cold; following the victory of ACN at the governorship election, many of them defected to ACN, attributing their departure to lack of transparent leadership at the state and local levels. For almost six months, party activities were paralysed and wards and local government meetings were suspended in many areas. More time and energy were spent on litigations than party mobilisation, organisation and management. The party went into the local council polls in ruins. Its candidates were defeated with a wide margin by their ACN counterparts.

    Crisis was inevitable in the party after its fall at the 2011 election. But the dimension it has taken was not anticipated. Obasanjo did not expect the kind of challenge he got from party chieftains who trembled before him when he was the President. When power shifted from PDP to ACN, the PDP leaders were downcast because their ego was bruised. The pains of defeat and guilt were collectively shared. PDP leader resolved to put the past behind them in preparation for the future. Some said that the change of guard would not affect Obasanjo like other leaders in the state because the new governor, Amosun, hails from Owu, Obasanjo’s town.

    In post-election period, some leaders believed that PDP still had potentials in the state and that bouncing back would not be too difficult, if there is unity. Some felt that the starting point was reconciliation between Obasanjo and Daniel. Some suggested that the scope of the reconciliation should accommodate all aggrieved key leaders across the camps. Many wanted Obasanjo to play a leading role in the truce.

    But there was a setback. Obasanjo, who is the former Board of Trustees (BOT) chairman wanted Olurin, former Military Administrator of Ekiti, as leader and arrowhead of the party. The suggestion did not go down well with many members. Some said Olurin was new in the party and that he was not endowed with rich political experience. Others said that he lacked structure and might not command acceptance among party members. Obasanjo reportedly insisted on his proposal.

    Some leaders, including Kashamu, Dayo, Dimeji Bankole, Chief Sule Onabiyi, and Daniel were said to have proposed an all-inclusive approach to party administration. They stood against imposition. Other party leaders even pleaded with Obasanjo to be the guardian of the process.

    As the crisis lingered, a war of attrition broke out between Kashamu and Oladunjoye, former chairman of Ijebu East local council. The two men parted ways. When crisis broke out between Oladunjoye and Daniel, he ran to Kashamu for refuge. But since he emerged as running mate to Olurin, the beat changed. Oladunjoye is a popular and charismatic youth leader and many agree that he cannot be ignored in any reconciliation move in the party. But it was said to be a big challenge to bring together Obasanjo, Daniel and other warring leaders at the table of brotherhood.

    Past reconciliation efforts failed because not all the leaders were ready for truce. But the party crisis was just brewing when the former Southwest leader Alhaji Tajudeen Oladipo set up the transition committee headed by Chief Bode Mustapha to conduct fresh congresses. The three factions then engaged in blackmail and the intrigues were confounding to the transition committee members who managed to be above board. Soremi cried out, claiming that his tenure had not expired. He went to the court to ensure that his powers and functions were not be usurped. Although Obasanjo had supported Soremi against Joju Fadairo-led executive committee, the romance failed. The General had turned his back at the Soremi-led executive. The heat was too much for Soremi, but he could not stand it.

    However, Soremi scored a point in the court. A Federal High Court sitting in Lagos ruled that only the Soremi-led executive had the powers to conduct congresses. The current chairman, Dayo, claimed that the judgment was not appealed before the March congress. He recalled that the congress was even monitored by the national leaders, INEC and security agencies. He said the bone of contention was that party members were not ready to endorse the chairmanship aspirant supported by Obasanjo.

    The litigation perisited for months and on May 2, the court also re-affirmed that Dayo was the authentic chairman. On June 19, another Ogun State High Court sitting in Ilaro, Yewa Division, also affirmed the same position. Obasanjo’s faction claimed that it got a stay of execution at the Court of Appeal. Following this, the caretaker committee was set up to conduct fresh congresses. Dayo and his team challenged the stay of execution at the Supreme Court.

    Dayo’s counsel, Ajibola Oluyede, complained that some PDP leaders were wagging a bitter war against the truth in Ogun PDP, warning that the party might be weakened by the leadership crisis.

    Till now, the PDP NEC led by Tukur is yet to make a categorical statement on the court verdict affirming Dayo’s chairmanship. Dayo has urged the national leadership to support equity and fairness, warning that injustice would bring doom to the party. He said that doom can be averted, if the NEC and NWC rise to the occasion. The chairman said, if the breach of due process is allowed in the chapter, the health of the party would be threatened.

    The chairman waved the olive branch in victory. He described Obasanjo as the father of th party in the state whose influence cannot be ignored as a father figure and distinguished national leader. He said the party needed his support and guardian. he urged him to erect lasting legacy of peace i Ogun PDP. Dayo also lauded Daniel for his maturity. He said his footprints in the Ogun PDP cannot be erased. He praised Kashamu for his principled position on justice, equity and fair play. Now, he is also asking Tukur, the zonal leader, Mr. Segun Oni, and other members of the national executive committee and working committee to make their position known on the tussle in the chapter.

    So far, the crisis rocking Ogun PDP has not been doused by the court verdict. Obasanjo/Kuye Group has not normalised relations with the authentic leadership. The national leadership is watching events from the sidelines. The puzzle is: when will peace return to Ogun PDP?

     

     

  • New roles for deputy governors?

    New roles for deputy governors?

    The position of deputy governor confers honour and prestige on the occupant. But the number two position has also been described as an incurable frustration, judging by the power relations between them and the governors. Can deputy governors get more powers and specified roles during the amendment process? Deputy Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU provides insight.

     

    THE Constitution amendment process set in motion last year appears to have thrown up new possibilities. There are open agitations by interests to make changes to the grundnorm. One interest group, however, that has not embarked on open campaign for changes considered necessaries are the deputy governors who were once described as spare tyres.

    Unlike the Third Republic when deputy governors pressed for more powers under the constitution, the 36 deputy governors in this dispensation are somehow indifferent to the proposed constitution review. The Deputy Governors Forum served as the platform for coordinating the agitations of the number two citizen in that dispensation has now become an aberration. Deputy governors now merely exist and function based on the whims and caprices of their principals with whom they share joint tickets during the election.

    It is a hallowed position, nevertheless. Many politicians lobby their parties to get it. Under the presidential system, it commands respect among party followers and general public. The deputy governor, at least, is the nominal second-in-command to the governor. Whenever the governor is not around; either he is on sick bed or annual leave; the deputy governor is permitted by the 1999 Constitution to deputise for his boss. But there ends his power. Unlike commissioners and special advisers, he is not assigned any constitutional roles. Thus, observers deride the portfolio as a spare tyre. The constraints are overwhelming. It is an attractive portfolio, but it is endowed with elusive powers. What makes an office that is often despises as spare tyre important is that, in a rare period of emergency when the governor is impeached or dies in office, the deputy governor instantly becomes the governor.

    Since the idle deputy governors merely warm the seats in the executive chambers, there is usually friction between them and the chief executives. Whenever they raise eyebrows, they are shoved aside by impeachment, the weapon wielded by powerful governors who have domineering influence over the respective Houses of Assembly.

    Throughout the history of presidential system in Nigeria , governors and their deputies have not always maintained cordial relations, despite being active politicians and political leaders in their respective constituencies.

    In the Second Republic , the friction got to a crescendo in Oyo State . The governor, the late Chief Bola Ige, had to withdraw the roles assigned his deputy a the feud and crisis of confidence between them festered. Even, at a time, the deputy governor’s allowances were withheld by his boss. Both the governor and deputy governor were members of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) Federal Executive Council. When the crisis escalated, their mutual friend, Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, waded into the crisis. The two of them were nearly expelled by the party at the Yola Congress.

    It was worse in Ondo and Bendel states. In Ondo, Deputy Governor Akin Omoboriowo was invested with power by Governor Adekunle Ajasin, which he used to the detriment of the governor. When Ajasin later withdrew the powers, the vibrant deputy governor was left in the cold. A maverick, he rallied many key leaders and launched a virulent attack on the administration under which he served as number two citizen. It was worse in Bendel state where the deputy governor also challenge his boss to a duel during the governorship shadow poll. The cabinet presided by Governor Ambrose Ali was polarised for four years.

    In Ogun, there was relative peace. Former Governor Olabisi Onabanjo sworn in his deputy, Sesan Soluade, as Acting Governor before he went on leave. Omoboriowo demanded for the same treatment, but Ajasin refused. Consequently, the second-in-command fought back and intra-party crisis erupted.

    In Lagos State , sources said that Governor Lateef Jakande and his deputy, Alhaji Rafiu Jafojo, enjoyed cordial relationship because the party leader, the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, had sat Jafojo down and assured him that he would succeed his boss in 1987, after LKJ has completed two terms of eight years. At that time, Awori were pushing for power shift. The deputy governor was in charge of pools betting and few parastatals. But men of the State Security Services (SSS) were usually on his trail and briefing his boss about his movements.

    In the aborted Third Republic , the new breed who served as deputy governors were impatient. There were signs that many of them wanted rob shoulders with their governors. The storm was gathering, but they could not hatch their rebellion before legitimate authorities were outlawed by the military putsch. However, between 1999 and 2001, many governors and deputy governors have resumed hostilities. Fed up with the recurrent personality clashes in the Southwest, Afenifere, the Yoruba pan-Yoruba socio-political group, advised deputy governors who could not cope with their bosses to resign from government.

    At that time, former Governor Bola Tinubu and his deputy, Senator Kofoworola Akerele-Bucknor, could not see eye to eye. When, impeachment dangled on her and she hurriedly vacated her seat. In Osun State , Deputy Governor Iyiola Omisore was a thorn in the flesh of Governor Bisi Akande. When her cup was full, he was impeached by the House of Assembly. In Ogun, former Deputy Governor Gbenga Kaka always grumbled about being sidelined. He usually complained that former Governor Olusegun Osoba preferred to saddle the Works Commissioner, Segun Adesegun, with assignments that should ordinarily be assigned by the governor to him. He was imposed on the governor by the Afenifere mafia, although he preferred his erstwhile deputy in the Third Republic , Alhaji Rafiu Ogunleye, as his running mate in 1999. Now, in Ogun State, many Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) chieftains have complained that Adesegun is a political isolate in government who has adjusted to the constitutional limitations of his office.

    In other states, deputy governors were emasculated by the governors and their agents. Recently, Taraba State deputy governor was initially prevented from becoming the acting governor, following the hospitalization of his boss who was involved in a plane crash. In Akwa Ibom, the deputy governor was kicked out for showing interest in governorship, which will become vacant after Governor Godswill Akpabio may have served his two terms of eight years. In Abia State , a deputy governor had to leave the government, following protracted feud between him and his ebullient governor.

    Where wisdom had prevailed were Sokoto and Lagos. Under Attahiru Bafarawa Administration, Deputy Governor Ibrahim Wamakko was also Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs. In Lagos, former Deputy Governor Sarah Sosan doubled as Commissioner for Education. Her successor, Mrs. Joke Orelope-Adefulire, is in charge of the Ministry of Women Affairs and Poverty Alleviation. In addition, she often represents Governor Babatunde Fashola (SAN) at important state functions. In Ekiti, Deputy Governor Funmilayo Olayinka is said to be in charge of local government, although the ministry has a commissioner and special adviser. She is also in charge of emergency situation warranting distribution of relief materials to disaster zones.

    Deputy governors and Vice Presidents have always nursed the same predicament. There are indications that many deputy governors actually suffer in silence.

    In the past, big shots avoided being nominated as presidential running mates. They believed the occupant wields a doubtful influence and his comfort in office is conditioned by the wish and preference of the power-loaded president. When the late President Umaru Yar’Adua was indisposed, few politicians in the land would want to be in the shoe of Vice President Goodluck Jonathan. There was a big vacuum, but Dr. Jonathan lacked the constitutional power to fill the void. His frustration increased as he was enveloped in the heat created by powerful people who took cognizance of the prospects of a traumatized position underrated as second fiddle.

    Many constitutional lawyers contend that Section 130 of the 1999 Constitution is to blame. It created the positions of deputy governor and vice president as an amoeba, a constitutional parasite without a meaningful shape and deep political root.

    First Republic parliamentarian and Trade Minister Dr. Ozumba Mbadiwe had lobbied for the position in 1978, but the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) did not offer him. Later, he said there was no cause for regret. The ‘man of timber and caliber’ described the post of Vice President as ‘a repeater station of a major network’. A senior journalist, Eric Teniola, who had worked in the Presidency, agreed with this assertion. He captured the plight of the vice president when he stated that, though he is jointly elected with the president, he is just a part of the package; a sort of an appendage to the Presidency. “The only reason for keeping the office of Vice President is that it provides an automatic solution to the problem of succession”, he said. Teniola also stressed that no President and Vice President have ever trusted one another because their relationship is usually characterized by antagonism, envy, suspicion and jealousy.

    Ironically, the President nominates the Vice President and the governor nominates his deputy and their fate are tied together on poll day. But, the romance ends there. Former Secretary to Western State Government, the late Chief Augustine Adebayo, said part of the jealousy between the two leading politicians stemmed from the fact that the deputy governor is constitutionally idle and has no security vote. He pointed out that, the African, by nature, has a pathological hatred for the idea of successor. When that office of a successor or heir-apparent to the throne is institutionalized into the system, the renowned administrator said it is a clear invitation to political disaster. He emphasised that the main function of the Vice President is to wait in the wings to be called upon to take over the duties of the Chief Executive. Waiting, analysts content, is burdensome and laced with anxiety. It is a serious matter in a vast and diverse country like Nigeria where the selection into the number two position is done for ethnic balancing. More often than not, it is the party that imposes the running mate on the presidential candidate.

    The governor’s camp or kitchen cabinet often treat the deputy governor as an outcast or external force, if there is a feud or suspicion between the governor and deputy governor. The deputy governor is perceived as a dignified assistant without much to do, beneficiary of the fall or demise of his principal, an automatic successor in a situation of incapacitation of the number one citizen, and a threat to his boss.

    In Nigeria , the Vice President enjoys office at the mercy of the President. His most important role, apart from deputizing for him, is the that of the nominal chairman of the Nigeria Economic Council (NEC). When former President Olusegun Obasanjo moved against Vice President Atiku Abubakar and withdrew his “enormous powers”, his life was full of tension. Endless reconciliation meetings failed to restore peace, trust and harmony. In fact, some notable politicians close to Obasanjo had warned that it was dangerous to allow his deputy to exercise sweeping delegated powers. Their calculation was that the deputy president could grow wings. Obasanjo woke up very late to this reality during the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) 2003 presidential nomination. The retired General had to prostrate before his deputy to get his nod for re-nomination.

    In the states, governors were wiser. They had emasculated the deputy governor’s office. “There were some states where the governors and their deputies were not on speaking terms’, noted Adebayo, who canvassed the abolition of the position of deputy governor, based on his Second Republic experience.

     

  • ‘Lam typified human kindness, fairness’

    ‘Lam typified human kindness, fairness’

    Lam had this dimpled chuckle on his face that afternoon of Saturday, January 9, 1999; he had just been pronounced winner of the governorship election. The teacher from Ikija Village in Oluyole Local Government Area was about to take on the most challenging job of his life. I walked up to him in his modest living room at Felele and handed him the final result. Alliance for Democracy (AD) polled 454,680 while PDP scored 219,220. ‘Happy Birthday Sir’, I said.

    Bemused, he looked up from the tiny piece of paper ‘But it’s not my birthday Dotun’

    ‘I mean happy birthday in advance and this is the best present you can ever have sir’ He got the joke and laughed. He would be 60years in 11 days, on January 20.

    When he was 70years old in 2009 and I was serving in the PDP Administration of Governor Akala, I placed a personal full page adverts in his honour, though he was in the opposition.

    Our relationship transcends partisan politics. When irate striking workers attacked me on July 18, 2000, Governor Adesina insisted that the NLC National President come down to Ibadan. Comrade Adam Oshiomhole came and personally apologised to me in the Governor’s office on July 20.

    He liked to philosophise a lot about life and you could see that he had that intrinsic insight into the true definition of service. On our way back from an engagement where Bishop Ayoade Ladigbolu was honoured in Ilesha, Governor Lam asked the driver to pull over at Popoola Hotel in the outskirt of Ife. There were three of us when he bared his mind on many issues and in conclusion, he said, ‘I have made many enemies because of my convictions and utterances. Winning this election was my saving grace.’ That was how close we were. On another occasion at the Oyo State Liaison Office in Abuja, he asked “Dotun have you been to the Villa before?” I said no. The following Monday, August 28, 2000, he deliberately included me in his team to attend a meeting presided over by Abubakar Atiku at the Presidential Villa.

    He was that kind of person; he wouldn’t shield you off any privileges. As Governor, Lam was not money-minded and many people close to him took the advantage to the fullest and he attached a great deal of importance to issues concerning the less privileged. In fact, one of the first things he did as Governor was the setting up of an empowered Committee on Disability and Welfare, with me as secretary.

    Soon, his antecedent as a civil rights activist and a foremost Governor came into play as the Arewa Forum, consisting of the cream of northern elites, politicians, industrialists and retired generals invited Lam to deliver the keynote address at its anniversary, coinciding with the first coup that killed Sardauna Ahmadu Bello, the Northern hero.

    Always finicky with details, Lam and I went through his address with a fine-tooth comb and took off to Kaduna on Tuesday, January 15, 2002 to deliver an audacious address that left the hall reeling with a bitter-sweet sensation. I remember very well the crowd included Gen. Buhari, Yakubu Gowon, IBM Haruna, Liman and Adamu Ciroma, Balarabe Musa and a host of others. Lam was unsparing in his criticism of the assumptions of Northern leaders and the docility of the rest of us. The master of ceremony described the speech as ‘daring and practical’ and described Lam as the next Yoruba leader.

    On our way back to the guest house later that evening, Lam told me ‘That is why I made you my Private Secretary’. Lam did his best as Governor and the most edifying testimony of his tenure was that he meant well. Just before Easter of 2002, configurations on the next election, barely a year ahead, reared its head. The Nigerian Labour Congress went on strike. There was tension in Government as accusing fingers went back and forth. Lam waded into the issue energetically but it was clear that those who already had their focus trained on the April 19, 2003 gubernatorial race were stoking the fire.

    Meanwhile, Ogbomoso became restive. There was popular clamour that the cameo role that Ogbomoso land played in Lam’s Administration 1999-2003 be reversed. The Secretary to the State Government, Chief Michael Koleoso was from Oke-Ogun, the Deputy Governor Barrister Iyiola Oladokun was also from Oke-Ogun.

    Ogbomoso land was given two fringe ministries managed by two young people who were barely 30 years old. So, on January 8, 2003, Ogbomoso leaders in and out of Government met the Secretary to the State Government, Chief Koleoso who in his blunt manner told them that the Senate slot for Oyo North Senatorial District comprising of Ogbomoso and Oke-Ogun had also been zoned to the latter!

    The visitors were livid to say the least and left the SSG’s door ajar when they were leaving. Two days later on Friday January 10, 2003, Ogbomoso leaders including Chief Sunday Adewusi, the former Inspector General of Police, foremost industrialists like Chief L.A. Gbadamosi, Prince Abidoye Ayoola, retired Major General Oladayo Popoola and a host of other prominent Ogbomoso citizens met Governor Adesina himself who did not commit himself to anything. Then on March 6, Governor Lam Adesina came directly from the airport to a rally organised at the Governor’s office to announce that he was retaining his running mate.

    The implication was very clear, a second term for Alhaji Lam Adesina will mean a continuation of lack of notable position for the whole of Ogbomosoland.

    Coupled with the awesome combination of the Ladoja/Akala ticket, pockets of disenchantment among workers and profound consternation from Ogbomoso land, the journey to re-election became far more tenuous. Of course, the secret deal which the South-West Governors reached with President Obasanjo was also an albatross.

    When the results were announced on Sunday, April 20, 2003, it was PDP 635,000 AD 395,000. The following morning, myself and then Commissioner for Justice, Barrister Bayo Lawal were in the Government House living room with Governor Lam when he got a call from President Obasanjo who just secured a second term. He offered Lam a place in his Government but in our presence, Great Lam cooly declined the offer and thanked the President for the call.

    After the call, he told us he did not want what happened to Uncle Bola Ige to befall him.

    And that sums up the man. He truly wanted to serve but not at all cost and on his own terms.

    Lam typified human kindness and fairness but could also take tough decisions even when they were inconvenient.

    On May 22, 1999 both of us were rehearsing his swearing-in speech which would come up on May 29 when he suddenly paused, lit his pipe and said ‘Dotun, I am not going to make you a Commissioner in my cabinet. You will be my Private Secretary’.

    He asked me to go to Ogbomoso early the following morning to meet Chief Ayandele Afilu, his Action Group chum and collect the C.V. of my substitute.

    ‘What do you think’ Lam asked.

    ‘I am privileged to work with you sir’ I replied. He put a hand on my shoulder and went back to his room.

    That was a bond that lasted till he died.

    I stood up and threw myself at the job and to my surprise, I had more influence in government than many others because I had the confidence of my boss.

    Only twice did we have open disagreements throughout the four years.

    When the heat was on and it became clear that Ogbomoso was turning away from our government, Lam summoned me to Exco on March 27, 2002 and accused me of being ‘overzealous’ on the proposed controversial Ogbomoso Market.

    Lam had a huge sense of humour. One of the soft jokes among close associates was his determination to dump smoking.

    In a relaxed mood one late evening in the Governor’s office, I reminded him of the quotation of one of his literary heroes, Sir Walter Raleigh. ‘Smoking passes the time, improves the jokes and turns all problems into smoke’.

    Lam burst into laughter and warned me ‘Don’t let my wife hear that’.

    I dared not.

     

    • Oyelade was Private Secretary to late Lam Adesina

     

  • Saraki: Benefactor of the poor departs

    Saraki: Benefactor of the poor departs

    “Death is more universal than life; everyone dies but not everyone lives.” – A. Sachs

     

    Dr Abubakar Olusola Saraki(Waziri Ilorin), a university of London medical doctor graduate was an epitome of selflessness commitment characterized by democratic zeal. He was mistaken to have ventured into politics by accident but it was instinctive. He was so predetermined by nature, going by the enormous success and many lives he touched in his life of politics than in the field of medicine.

    The nation has certainly lost a great political gladiator and in fact, it is presumably the end of an effective old brigade political era. His capacity to awaken joy and a sense of serenity in others, often at the expense of his own was a marvel to watch. A life governed by selflessness and a high moral rectitude carried out with unparalleled enthusiasm and optimism that proclaimed that life was worth living for.

    When I reflect on my long period of direct involvement in the Saraki dynasty in both business and politics, I feel sad to miss a father figure, a visionary leader, a detribalized Nigeria Politician, disciplined, sagacious and honest business mogul. I feel sad to miss a leader acclaimed even by his foes as a man with uncommon spirit of true charity. Oloye was a benevolent leader and politician, he ensured that many though not from his immediate family, became Governors, members of National and State Assemblies, as his name was enough ticket to any political post.

    In the Second Republic (1979 – 1983), many colleagues of his, in both Houses of the National Assembly enjoyed his large heartedness when he took care of their medical bills and in some cases took a number of them on vacation, this was across party lines. He repeated the same gesture to many members of the Constitutional Conference in the Abacha era where he acted as the facilitator.

    He was truly a man of the people, a grassroots politician admired by big and small in his hometown and countryside. He was a source of inspirationto political practitioners and politicians across party lines. Indeed, for many years, Oloye remained the only leader who could boast of delivering his state on time in any election without suspicion, debate or argument. This, he achieved, because his people always believe in him and he never failed them.

    I recall several meetings with political leaders across the country regarding the certainty of our political success and fortune in any forthcomingelections; it was always a consensus among us all whenever Oloye was in such a meeting that we had Kwara State in the kitty for a take-off. That was vintage Oloye.

    Oloye was always giving without counting cost, being able to fight for others and not heed his own hurt; labouring and toiling without asking for any reward. He was a staunch advocate of adherence to rule of law, transparency and good governance. In fact, nothing captures more precisely his spirit of resilience and doggedness than first stanza in Maya Angelo’s poem “Still I Rise”. It reads as follows:

    “You may write down in history

    With your bitter, twisted lies,

    You may trot me in the very dirt

    But still, like dust, I’ll rise”.

    My experience with him during 1992 electioneering season under Social Democratic Party (SDP) gave credence to the claim when he said,” I am a medical practitioner but by accident, I found myself in politics and I don’t regret it in the sense that I am satisfied that I am doing what I like. I am happy with it even though the road has been very rugged and rough. But if you are honest and sincere, and this is what has happened to me, you will feel fulfilled.”

    In 1998, when we founded the All Peoples Party (APP) in which Oloye was a major financier, late Senator Mahmoud Waziri was the National Chairman and my humble self the National Secretary, we flowed easily with Oloye in terms of providing resources for the party since the three of us were shareholders and directors of Societe Generale Bank. As time went by, in preparation for primaries of our party to produce the party’s presidential candidate, there was a conspiracy by some former military leaders who successfully infiltrated members of APP leadership, including, unfortunately the Chairman which led to them to successfully denyingOloye from picking the nomination form, talk less of contesting the primaries. That was the first time I noticed Oloye being politically disturbed and unsettled. However, he soon regained his fighting spirit and went ahead to mobilise support for the emergence of the first set of nine governors of the All Peoples Party.

    However, as a good man heaven rewarded him before he left the stage of Kwara politics leaving a strong political legacy with a son as two times Governor in the State now a Senator of Federal Republic of Nigeria after the younger sister had served as member House of Representatives and a Senator respectively.

    Alas! – Nigeria has lost a master political tactician, a benevolent capitalist, and grassroots leader, benefactor of the downtrodden and generational strongman of Kwara politics. Oloye, will live in the hearts of many for his good deeds to humanity and legacies he left behind.

    To the family, we can only say that there cannot be enough words to comfort you in this great loss of yours. Your loss is our loss, too. Kindly allow this hero and a people’s man to go to his last resting place in peace and tranquillity. He has seen more of the world because he stood on the shoulders of democrats and republicans, yet he himself, is ironically, an advocate of justice and equity.

    Adieu Oloye. May your soul rest in peace

     

    • Obi is Special Adviser to the President on Inter – Party Affairs

     

  • Is transformation agenda on course?

    Is transformation agenda on course?

    There are two major categories of stakeholders in the Nigeria project today. The few, who call the shots at the highest rung of the ladder in the nation’s political over on one side. On the other are the helpless masses at the receiving end of the (mis) actions of the former.

    The privileged category is being led by the nation’s number-one citizen, President Goodluck Jonathan, who holds the knife and the yam, deciding the beleaguered nation’s fate. This category believes it deserve some applause for putting the sick nation on a “steady path to full socio-economic and political recovery”. However, to the suffocating majority in the other category, who knows where the shoe pinches, the country has been doing a ballroom dance – a step forward and two backwards!

    In a manner suggestive of chest-beating, last Sunday, the President gave his administration a tacit pass mark. It was while responding to questions from some select journalists on a Presidential Media chat in Abuja.

    “The future of this country is quite bright. The outlook is positive and we’re committed. By the time we get to May 29, 2015, Nigerians will know that Jonathan and his team meant well for the country,” he maintained emphatically.

    Of course, not a few Nigerians, who have had their own shares of the quakes in the various sectors of the nation’s life, notably insecurity, high-profile looting, poverty et cetera, would doubt that submission by the President.

    In trying to explain the “wonders” his administration had been performing to checkmate activities of the Boko Haram sect that had made a habit out of bomb throwing in the northern part of the country, the President “bombed” his predecessor, former President Olusegun Obasanjo who had dubbed his handling of the Boko Haram crisis, “slow,” citing the dispatch with which he handled the infamous Odi invasion in 1999 in Bayelsa State. “It was old men and women and children that were killed. None of the militants was killed,” he had replied.

    Contrary to the popularly held view in the public arena, he said that his government was not into dialogue with the troublesome group. Reason: Its is a faceless group. But he was not forthcoming as regards what his government has up its sleeves to put a stop to the mindless waste of precious human lives in that part of the country.

    On the ripple in the oil sector that has never ceased to midwife fuel scarcity, Jonathan promised that the problem of fuel scarcity would be solved. How? The sanitisation of the oil sector, he hinted.

    In an I-deserve-some–credit posture, he disclosed that his administration had begun the cleansing of the nation’s stinking oil industry even before the House of Representatives inaugurated the Farouk Lawan-led Committee on Subsidy Regime.

    “By the time we’re done with sanitising the oil sector, the issue of fuel scarcity will be a thing of the past,” again, another promise by Jonathan.

    The terrorism of hunger is, no doubt, why most Nigerians won’t go to bed today with their hearts in proper place. And the speculation is rife in various quarters that food crisis is imminent. But to the President, it is nothing but false alarm. The nation, he assured, would never experience a food crisis, but would rather record bumper harvests through massive dry season farming.

    Trying to explain his government’s perceived siddon look stance while the monster of corruption is threatening to completely overrun the nation to the disadvantage of its defenceless victims, the President, as would be expected, gave his word that the fight against corruption “is still ongoing”; another promise. In his wisdom, it is sometimes better to move slowly and do the right thing than move too fast and do the wrong.

    This government, he said, was tackling corruption frontally, adding that his administration had solved the corruption problem that bedeviled fertiliser subsidy, and had shifted focus on the oil sector.

    It is incontrovertible that the President conceded in a way, that the nation is currently suffering some rheumatism on all fronts when he warned that the ongoing constitution amendment and people’s call for a referendum must align with the provisions of the constitution. He also spoke on the vexed issue of Sovereign National Conference (SNC), saying that “when you mention the word ‘sovereign,’ people get frightened. But he added: “People need to know that the President swore to an oath to defend the constitution. Whatever we do should be in line with the constitution.”

    The collapsing state of infrastructure across the country has for long remained another sore in the heart. Only God knows how many souls had been helped to an early grave by the decrepit Lagos-Ibadan Expressway. Jonathan fumed at developments on the route and pledged to do something. On Tuesday, he announced a change in the handlers of the road. Judging from the disclosure that he had directed some agencies to resolve the oil well disputes between Rivers and Bayelsa on one hand, and Kogi, Anambra and Enugu states on the other, the fact remains that there is a major crisis to resolve there.

    On the lingering unemployment in the country, the President scored himself high, saying that there had been “positive trends” in job creation, adding that the textile and footwear industries “are coming up” as power supply stabilises.

    “Of course, for power, it is one area that I know that Nigerians appreciate that we are moving. We are yet to get to power all our cities, but … the difference is clear. There has been improvement, significantly. And we will continue to improve. The only problem we have is that our transmission lines are weak. We have a lot of infrastructure projects that are going on and we believe that before the end of the first quarter of next year, we would have completed a number of infrastructure. We moved from approximately below 2000 megawatts to above 5000 megawatts but because of weakness of infrastructure we cannot evacuate and we have seen a reasonable stability. So, before the middle of next year when most of the transmission infrastructure might have been completed, power will stabilize tremendously,” Jonathan said.

    Yet, most of the stable power-dependent companies across the country have packed up, with their premises giving way to churches as the latter proliferate.

    His ruling party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), he enthused, is the best thing to happen to the nation in its dire quest for recovery. “PDP is doing wonderfully well,” he submitted among other things.

    His pledge did not leave out the somersaulting standard of education in the country as he said no stone would be left unturned to return it to the golden era of those good days of yore.

    Admitting that the situation with the nation’s aviation industry is not straight of legs, the President hinted that a retreat was being planned for January next year where the challenges militating against the sector would be ironed out.

    However, ostensibly worried that 18 months into his administration, Jonathan had been dancing round the nation’s woes, no fewer than 50 eminent southern and northern Nigerian leaders left their homes for Abuja on Tuesday. Their mission: To deliberate on the cheerless state of the nation. It was at a closed-door parley held at the Yar’Adua Centre. They resolved to meet with Jonathan and the leadership of the National Assembly. The elders met under the aegis of Project Nigeria. It is being chaired by Prof. Ben Nwabueze.

    Present at the meeting were: former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Mallam Adamu Ciroma; a former head of the Nigerian Security Organisation, Alhaji Umaru Shinkafi; ex Senate President, Iyorcha Ayu; former Delta State Governor, Chief Felix Ibru; a former Education Minister, Senator Jubril Aminu; the spokesperson of the Ijaw Republican Assembly, Annkio Brigg; former President of the Ijaw National Conference, Prof. Kimse Okoko; activist lawyer Dr. Tunji Abayomi and the Secretary, Project Nigeria, Wale Okunniyi.

    Alhaji Bashiru Dalhatu; Solomon Asemota (SAN); Prince Tony Momoh; Sen. Adamu Abdulahi; Hajia Nahatu Mohammed; Nkoyo Toyo; Sen. Ewa Henshaw; Alhaji Yayale Ahmed and Chief Mike Ozekhome (SAN) also reportedly attended the meeting.

    A source from the meeting revealed the concern of the elders: “The essence of the meeting was to build national unity and consensus. The country is fast declining; we must save this country from collapse. We must close ranks and ensure that things are done properly.”

    Participants at the meeting, it was gathered, faulted the ongoing constitution review, saying it would bear no fruits, and restated the urgent need for a national conference on corruption and good governance.

    On the Abuja parley, Abayomi was quoted as confirming: “There was a meeting of eminent Nigerians in Abuja on good governance, and the concerns of the people about corruption which is the consequence of poor governance. We are concerned about the rising frustration of the people, the high level of poverty and the gap between the governed and the leaders, between the people and government officials. Those are the issues that preoccupied the meeting. It was quite an interesting session about the desires of ordinary Nigerians.”

    Besides the frightening indices of retrogression starring Nigerians in the face as the nation totters on the precipice, mutual distrust is one daunting problem in the hands of Jonathan and his lieutenants. Thus, the deafening calls for a discussion of the nation’s future.

    Affirming the need for a national conference, Abayomi said: “There is need for a national conference because what the National Assembly is trying to do is not actually a national conference; rather, they are embarking on a piecemeal review of some sections of the constitution. The issue at stake is beyond the National Assembly, because it has to do with the very structure of the Nigerian state … it is pertinent that a national conference should hold so that the component nations that make up the Nigeria state can seat down amicably and agree upon the structure which shall become part of Nigeria.”

    Who is that Nigerian that matters that has not spoken in support of the calls for a national parley, across all professions? Agitation for the creation of more states has remained a major feature of people’s daily discourse. Kidnappers and armed robbers are still feeling good. Just two days ago, Oyo State Governor, Senator Abiola Ajimobi restated call for state police as an effective panacea for the insecurity plaguing the country. Now, the latest poser is: With the seeming imperfections of the President and his administration, will he run again in 2015? If he does, what hope for the oneness of the nation as an entity? All these point to one fact: That most Nigerians are not having a good laugh, contrary to feelings in government quarters.