Category: Politics

  • ‘Our anti-corruption fight is total’

    ‘Our anti-corruption fight is total’

    Text of an address given by His Excellency, President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, gcfr, on the occasion of the 52nd Independence Day anniversary on Monday, October 1, 2012

     

    Beloved countrymen and women, on this day, fifty-two years ago, our founding fathers brought joy and hope to the hearts of our people when they won independence for our great country. Nigeria made a clean break with more than six decades of colonial rule, and emerged as a truly independent nation. That turning point was a new beginning for our nation.

    Those who witnessed the lowering of the Union Jack and the emergence of the Green White Green flag continue to relish the memory, because that ceremony was not just about the destiny of a nation, but the future of a people.

    That future is here; we are the inheritors of a great legacy that goes even much farther into the past.

    The worthy patriots who made this possible were young men and women in their twenties and thirties. They worked together to restore dignity and honour to the Nigerian people. Their resolve united a multicultural and multilingual nation of diverse peoples, with more than 250 distinct languages and ethnic groups.

    In 1960, our diversity became a source of strength, and the new leaders resolved to carry the flag of independence for the benefit of future generations. They had their differences, but they placed a greater premium on the need to come together to build a new nation.

    It is that resolve, and that glorious moment that we celebrate today. We also celebrate the patriotism of our heroes past: Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Sir Michael Okpara, Chief Anthony Enahoro, Herbert Macaulay, and several others who made the case for our independence.

    We remember as always, their contributions to the making of the Nigerian nation, and the efforts of their successors since 1960. We also celebrate the unfailing optimism and resilience of Nigerians who remain proud of our national identity.

    On this special day, I call on every Nigerian to remain steadfast, because our nation is indeed making progress. I call on every Nigerian to rediscover that special spirit that enables us to triumph over every adversity as a people:

    We weathered the storm of the civil war, we have refused to be broken by sectarian crises; we have remained a strong nation. I bring to you today, a message of renewed hope and faith in the immense possibilities that lie ahead.

    Fellow citizens, I have an unshaken belief in the future of our great Country. I consider it a priority and sacred duty to continue to strengthen the bond of unity that holds our nation together and to promote and nourish the creative energies of our people. This is a central objective of our administration’s Transformation Agenda. Nigeria, I assure you, will continue to grow from strength to strength.

    Since I assumed office as President of our dear country on the 6th of May 2010, I have continued to work with our countrymen and women to enhance our nation’s growth and development.

    Our vision is encapsulated in the Transformation Agenda. We are working hard and making progress on many fronts. We have cleaned up our electoral process; our elections are now globally acclaimed to be free and fair. Nigeria is now on a higher pedestal regarding elections.

    Over the past five years, the global economy has been going through a weak and uncertain recovery. During the same period and particularly in the last two years, the Nigerian economy has done appreciably well despite the global financial crisis. Nigeria’s real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has grown by 7.1 per cent on average.

    It is also significant that the GDP growth has been driven largely by the non-oil sector. In pursuance of the main goals of the Transformation Agenda, a number of reforms and initiatives are being pursued in key sectors of the economy with a view to consolidating the gains of the economic growth.

    Our country’s power supply situation is improving gradually. We are successfully implementing a well-integrated power sector reform programme which includes institutional arrangements to facilitate and strengthen private-sector-led power generation, transmission and distribution.

    We have also put in place a cost-reflective tariff structure that reduces the cost of power for a majority of electricity consumers. I am pleased with the feedback from across the country, of improvements in power supply.

    We are continuing to improve and stabilize on our crude production volumes; our 12-month gas supply emergency plan, put in place earlier this year, has produced more than the targeted volumes of gas for power generation. A robust Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) has been placed before the National Assembly. Its passage into law will ensure far-reaching reforms, transparency, accountability, increased government revenue and predictability for investors in the Oil and Gas sector.

    Several government programmes and projects are creating wealth and millions of job opportunities for our youth and general population. Such programmes include: You-Win, both for the youth and for the women, Public Works, the Local Content Initiative in the Oil and Gas Sector, and the Agricultural Transformation programme.

    We have improved on our investment environment; more corporate bodies are investing in the Nigerian economy. Our Investment Climate Reform Programme has helped to attract over N6.8 trillion local and foreign direct investment commitments.

    Nigeria has become the preferred destination for investment in Africa. It is ranked first in the top 5 host economies for Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Africa, accounting for over 20 per cent of total FDI flows into the continent. We have streamlined bureaucratic activities at the ports to ensure greater efficiency in the handling of ports and port-related businesses. Specifically, we have drastically reduced the goods clearing period in our ports from about six weeks to about one week and under. We have an ultimate target of 48 hours.

    We have put in place, a new visa policy that makes it easier for legitimate investors to receive long stay visas. We have achieved a 24-hour timeline for registration of new businesses, leading to the registration of close to 7, 000 companies within the second quarter of 2012.

    The Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) has disclosed that, as at July 2012, 249 new members across the country had joined the Association, and that capacity utilization has also improved. The multiplier effect of this development on our job creation programme cannot be over-emphasized.

    In the last two years, we have put in place structures for an upgrade of the country’s health sector, to promote in every respect, the individual citizen’s right to quality, affordable and accessible healthcare.

    In this regard, we are devoting resources under the Subsidy Reinvestment Program (SURE-P) to reducing malaria incidents, dramatically reducing maternal and child mortality, and eradicating polio.

    Fellow Nigerians, in recent times, we have witnessed serious security challenges in parts of our country. We have taken pro-active measures to check the menace. This has included constant consultation and collaboration with our neighbours and other friendly nations on issues relating to internal and cross border security, and the sharing of information on smuggling and illegal dealing in small arms and light weapons.

    Our security agencies are constantly being strengthened and repositioned for greater efficiency. Many Nigerians have acknowledged that there has been a significant decline in the spate of security breaches.

    While expressing our condolences to the affected families, let me reiterate the commitment of this Administration to ensure the safety of lives and property of all Nigerians.

    Even as we remain focused on the issue of security, the fight against the scourge of corruption is a top priority of our Administration. We are fighting corruption in all facets of our economy, and we are succeeding. We have put an end to several decades of endemic corruption associated with fertilizer and tractor procurement and distribution. We have exposed decades of scam in the management of pensions and fuel subsidy, and ensured that the culprits are being brought to book.

    In its latest report, Transparency International (TI) noted that Nigeria is the second most improved country in the effort to curb corruption.

    We will sustain the effort in this direction with an even stronger determination to strengthen the institutions that are statutorily entrusted with the task of ending this scourge.

    I have given my commitment of non-interference in the work of the relevant agencies and I am keeping my word. What we require is the full cooperation of all tiers of government, and the public, especially civil society and the media.

    This Administration has also introduced for the first time in Nigeria’s history, a Performance Contract System for all Ministers, and other officials of government. This is to further place emphasis on performance, efficiency, and service delivery.

    Fellow Nigerians, our determined efforts on several fronts not-withstanding, our country still faces a number of challenges.

    Those challenges should not deter us. In the last few weeks, for example, many of our communities have been ravaged by floods, resulting in the loss of lives and property, and the displacement of persons.

    I want to reassure all affected Nigerians that I share in their grief, and our Administration is taking steps to address these incidents, in collaboration with the States and Local Governments.

    I have received the interim Report of the Presidential team that I set up to assess the flooding situation across the country.

    The Federal Government has taken measures to assist the affected States, while considering long term measures to check future reoccurrence.

    We must continue to work together, confidently and faithfully, to ensure that our country’s potentials are realised to the fullest; that our dreams are translated into reality; and that our goals are achieved.

    Let me reiterate that our administration is committed to the pursuit of fundamental objectives of an open society: the pursuit of freedom, security and prosperity for the Nigerian people, and the rule of law.

    In the next few days, I shall lay before the National Assembly the 2013 Federal Budget Proposal so that deliberations can commence in earnest on the key policies, programmes and projects that will mark a decisive year for our development and transformation.

    I have no doubt that by the time I address you on our next independence anniversary, many of our reform efforts would have yielded even better results.

    Over the years, several leaders have built on the foundation laid by our Founding Fathers. The baton is now in our hands. Let me assure all Nigerians that we shall not fail.

    I am confident that Nigeria will continue to be a source of pride to its citizens; to Africa and the Black Race and to humanity; a land that is known for progress, freedom, peace and the promotion of human dignity.

    May God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria. May God bless you all.

     

  • Nigeria since independence

    Nigeria since independence

    January 1960 – HOR passed motion demanding independence by October.

    May 1960 – Metcalfe, first Speaker of House of Representatives, resigns;

    Jaja Wachukwu succeeds him.

    October 1, 1960 – Nigeria obtains independence

    January 15, 1966 – First military coup, P. M. Northern and Western Premiers,

    ministers and high ranking military officers killed.

    July 29, 1966 – Counter coup, Gowon becomes Head of State.

    May 30, 1967 – FMG announces creation of twelve states.

    July 29, 1975 – Gowon’s regime toppled, Murtala Muhammed takes over as Head of State.

    October 4, 1975 – Constitution Drafting Committee headed by Chief FRA Williams, set up.

    August 6, 1975 – FMG inaugurates the Irikefe Panel to make recommendation on

    criteria for creating new states.

    February 3, 1976 – FMG creates seven additional states.

    February 7, 1976 – Decree establishing new Federal Capital Territory released.

    Septemb 14, 1976 – CDC submits report.

    October 6, 1977 – Constituent Assembly inaugurated; members receive charge to review

    and fine- tune draft constitution.

    Septem 21, 1978 – FG lifts ban on political activities.

    July/August 1979 – General elections to usher in the Second Republic held across the country.

    March 30, 1980 – J. S. Tarka dies in a London hospital.

    June 24, 1981 – Governor Balarabe Musa of Kaduna State impeached.

    July 6, 1981 – Chief Adeniran Ogunsanya, national chairman of NPP, gives notice

    to termination of his party’s accord with the NPN.

    May 18, 1982 – President Shagari grants pardon to Ojukwu.

    April 1983 – Alhaji Aminu Kano passes on.

    Decem 31, 1983 – The military sacks the Shagari regime. Maj. Gen. Buhari assumes power.

    August 27, 1985 – Palace coup announced. Babangida replaces Buhari as Head of State.

    May 9, 1987 – Awo passes on.

    August 1987 – Two new states, Akwa Ibom and Delta, created by FMG.

    October 1989 – FMG floats two political parties, SDP and NRC.

    August 1991 – Nigeria now has a 30 State structure as FMG creates nine additional states.

    August 1991 – Governorship election in all the 30 states.

    August 1992 – Abortive primaries to select presidential candidates for the two parties.

    April 1993 – SDP, NRC hold primaries to elect presidential candidates. Chief M. K. O. Abiola emerges in the SDP, Alhaji Bashir Othman Tofa in the NRC.

    June 12, 1993 – Presidential election held in all 30 states.

    June 23, 1993 – General Babangida annuls the election after it had become

    clear that Chief Abiola had own.

    August 26, 1993 – General Babangida steps aside; appoints Shonekan as successor.

    Nov 17, 1993 – Gen. Sani Abacha, ING’s Defence Secretary, sacks the Shonekan

    government; takes over.

    May 28, 1994 – Elections nationwide to elect members of Constitutional Conference.

    June 27, 1994 – Constitutional conference convenes.

    June 27, 1995 – Constitutional Conference submits report to FG.

    May 11, 1996 – Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe completes his earthly assignment. End of another era.

    October 1997 – The Abacha regime creates six additional states.

    December 1997 – Gen. Shehu Yar ‘Adua dies in prison.

    May 1998 – All the political parties adopt Gen. Abacha as their presidential candidate.

    June 8, 1998 – Gen. Abacha dies. He is succeeded by, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar.

    July 7, 1998 – Chief MKO Abiola dies in custody.

    July 20, 1998 – Gen. Abubakar announces exit date, lays out transition plan.

    Febru 27, 1999 – Presidential election, Obasanjo emerges president.

    May 29, 1999 – Gen. Obasanjo assumes office as second elected President of

    the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

    May 29, 2003 – Obasanjo’s first term ends, earns another tenure.

    May 29, 2007 – Alhaji Umaru Yar -Adua sworn-in as Obasanjo’s successor.

    February 2010 – Dr Jonathan sworn-in as Acting President.

    May 5, 2010 – Yar ‘Adua dies after prolonged illness; succeeded by Jonathan.

    April 2011 – General elections nationwide.

    May 29, 2011 – Jonathan takes over as elected President.

  • Nigeria at 52: Matters arising

    Nigeria at 52: Matters arising

    At 52, Nigerian patriots cannot but speak truth to Nigerian power?

    Why is Nigeria a failure and a failing state? Why has Nigeria remained a national and global embarrassment as its huge national endowments (human and natural) cannot be reconciled with the status of its socio-economic and political achievements?

    Why is it that the sixth or eight largest exporter of crude petroleum, with huge petro-dollars, remains part of the 10 poorest nations, with some of the worst statistics in Gross Domestic Product (GDP), Infant Mortality Rate (IMR) and Human Living Index (HLI)? Why is the existing reality of the Nigerian State still revealing that the more petroleum dollars it earns, the worse the economic misery, deprivation and poverty of the people remain?

    Why is it that most Nigerian Public Officers and Officials (both military and civilian) have not exhibited honour and integrity in public offices, to the extent that their greatest numbers are usually devotees at the altar of inordinate power, rapacious greed and selfish interest? The list of politically exposed persons – Governors and Ministers and members of National Assembly, whose criminal prosecution have been stalled through undue influence on the Judiciary, remains a national disgrace.

    Why is the Nigerian state ever a lie to itself in that while it proclaims to be running a Federalism, it is in truth and practice crippled as a unitary and centralized state? And why is it that Nigeria exports what it does not have and imports what it has (e.g. free and fair election, and petroleum respectively)?

    Why is government office so lucrative to the extent that the political jobbers and political contractors are willing to do anything and everything (including murder and assassination) and contrives falsehood so as to be awarded electoral victory? Their awarded elections have always empowered them to have unhindered access to state and national fund and resources, which they loot, misapply, misuse, and corruptly appropriate for their personal and group purposes.

    Why is Nigerian politics the most lucrative globally and why do our politicians earn even much more than political office holders in the USA and in most states in the European Union earn? Our ruling elite have expanded the base of government with too many departments and posts, yet Nigerians experience very little productive governance? By the current statistics, Nigeria now spends about 80% of its total earning to run the political bureaucracy. This over-bloated public service as well as high-level corruption leads to underdevelopment. The USA, with the biggest economy in the world, is being run with less than 25 secretaries (ministers). In the First Republic, Chief Obafemi Awolowo ran the Western Region (now broken into eight states) with 14 Ministers and 14 Parliamentary Secretaries.

    Again, why is it that Nigerian rulers carry on business as usual and yet they expect different results? Also, why is the Nigerian state so contemptuous of its citizens, with our leaders usually rejecting the popular wish and demand of the greatest majority for their selfish agenda? When will the popular wish of the electorates become the guiding signals of public policies? For example, the Nigerian state continues to shun the clamour of the greatest majority of our people in the last quarter of a century for the convocation of a Sovereign National Conference to discuss and resolve the National Question and thereby repackage the lopsided national structure, which is the main reason for our retardation, stunted growth and development.

    Why is the Nigerian state refusing to change course when it has long found out that Lord Lugard’s 1914 forceful coupling together of many ethnic nationalities christened Nigeria by his mistress is not sustainable and has deepened mutual suspicion, mutual hatred and mutual animosity, thereby making the forceful union a failed project?

    Why are our political office holders pretentiously behaving as if they can continue to force their unity agenda when the reality is that there are deep cultural, traditional, religious and customary differences between and among the many ethnic nationalities in Nigeria, differences that have led to our very deplorable socio-economic and political conditions?

    Why is it that our leaders’ hypocrisy about our “forced unity” daily manifests in variety of different choices, preferences, and perspectives? For example, is it not a fact that while some ethnic nationalities are willing to spend their fortunes on their children to acquire quality Western education, some others have cynical regard for it? In fact, there are at least a dozen core northern states that have imposed Sharia law, thereby subjecting people of other faiths to be forcefully governed by Islamic legal system. To further highlight our incredible national contradictions, the BOKO HARAM phenomenon has descended upon us. The violent group has declared that it will only lay down arms whenever the Nigerian state decides to adopt Islam nationally. BOKO HARAM followers don’t want to be governed by our Western-style constitution, Western-style government, Western-style civilization and Western-style education. Period.

    On another level, why are members of the Nigerian elite swimming in vain glory, annually spending over N500 billion on their wards’ education overseas and in neighboring Ghana? Why is it that the ruling political elite conspired to under-fund education so that the quality and quantity of education in our country in recent times has been on the slide? It is to our national shame that since the United Nations Education and Scientific Organization (UNESCO) prescribed to member nations that they should spend 26% of their national budgets on education in the 70s, successive Nigerian Governments have never spent up to 10% on the sector. In fact, it got so ridiculously low that education at a point received three percent of President Olusegun Obasanjo’s budget. The result is the current deception being called education as offered by Nigerian government. Many Nigerian graduates are unemployable and a significant number cannot even write a presentable Letter of Application. Our government is devoting a measly amount of resources to education, perhaps their children are not beneficiaries of public education.

    Equally true is that in the last five years, the results from WAEC and NECO have revealed that less than 30% of school leavers (many of them eyeing admission into tertiary institutions) score a pass in the mandatory English and Mathematics. Our tertiary institutions too have not delivered on their core values. I don’t know of any of them that is using its theoretical and applied research to radically change old crude methods of doing anything e.g. agriculture. An individual private engineering firm in Lagos has radically packaged a technology that makes it possible to pound yam within 45 seconds. The old method of pounding yam that takes a great amount of sweat and energy has been revolutionized.

    Furthermore, can our ruling elite explain why Nigeria sits pertly in the Third World class, whilst nations like Malaysia, Singapore and India (our old 1960s classmates in the development agenda) have grown so well that they are today rubbing shoulders with Western nations? One interesting example to illustrate one’s agony is this. The Nigerian Defence Industry (DICON) was set up the same year with the India Defence Industry. The Indian institution has been producing about two-thirds of its army’s domestic weapons requirement, and even selling to interested foreign buyers. Meanwhile, its Nigerian counterpart (until recently when it had Gen. T.Y. Danjuma and Brigadier-Gen. Buba Marwa supervising its operations) succeeded in only producing salt and furniture, with no remarkable production of weapons. How can we explain the disparity DICON and its Indian equivalent?

    At 52, Nigeria and her political office holders must provide honest responses to the numerous WHYs above if we are ready to turn the page in order to reclaim our country. As far as some of us are concerned, the most important reason for our national failure has to do with its structure. The current lopsided national structure has created a dubious ruling elite, a class that has usurped the Nigerian commonwealth, while reducing other citizens to beggars and spectators. The fact of our national history reveals that Nigerian security leadership has been monopolized by a particular section of the country to the disadvantage of others. This reality, perhaps, can be the explanation for the fact that there remain highly lucrative categories of public offices that are preserved for some sections of the country.

    Whichever side of the argument you may be on, it may be much more than cynicism for anyone to deny the fact that our 52-year old forcefully delivered baby became deformed before its sixth birthday. Little wonder that our country is always treading the path of opposites like a crab, with no end to its zigzag journey?

    The impact of corruption on our socio-economic and political life has been very negative. A very significant portion of appropriated money ends up in private pockets. Rampant corruption is evidenced in innumerable abandoned projects, wasteful white elephant projects that the promoters never wanted to completely execute from the beginning.

    Nigerian leaders have deliberately refused to establish comparable medical centres of excellence in Nigeria for the care of the majority. But our privileged few spend fortunes to take care of their medical needs abroad, sometimes ferried our abroad in air ambulances. It’s not a secret that some poor Nigerians today die because they cannot afford 500naira to buy their necessary drugs. The nouveau riche patronize qualitative medical centres in the Middle East, Great Britain, the United States of America and others, while a large pool of their highest class in government enjoy free medical care in Germany courtesy of Julius Berger.

    Again, the fact that our country at 52 lacks basic social services, like power supply, good road networks and functional railway, is a painful reminder of the reality that we have been governed mostly by a succession of opportunists and perverts.

    We remember that on January 1, instant, the Nigerian state announced another hike in petroleum prices. The spurious reason the central government gave was that fuel subsidy was unsustainable and that it was negatively impacting on the national budget and finance.

    Nigerians, in a rare display of public anger and disapproval, organized civil protests to vent their disgust and discontent with President Jonathan’s Greek Gift on New Year Day. The Nigerian Labour movement and civil societies united to make open statement, asking government to revert to the old 65 naira per litre or face civil action. Government, the president, his economic team organized several propaganda public relations and talk shows to attempt to convince Nigerians, but they failed abysmally.

    When the Labour/Civil Society street action commenced, the protest took on a life of its own, it became very popular and significantly successful to the extent that local and global communities became interested in the civil societies’ rare determination to reject an obnoxious public policy.

    For a week, the various strata of the Nigerian public thronged the centres of the public campaign against the price hike. Nigerians steadfastly displayed their opposition until the leadership of the Labour/Civil Societies committed a blunder by suspending the campaign at the weekend to enable protesters “refill and re-strategize.”

    The Nigerian state typically and forcefully drafted a contingent of soldiers and mobile policemen to occupy both the venue of the campaign (Gani Fawehinmi’s Park) in Lagos and the road leading to the venue.

    That President Jonathan misused the state apparatus of coercion to prevent Nigerians from resuming their protests is illustrative of what civilian dictators are capable of doing to enforce their oppressive policies on their citizens. President Jonathan current’s inappropriate statement that the people protesting his anti-people’s price hike were sponsored by his political enemies and exposed him to ridicule and showed that he is significantly disconnected from the people he governs.

    The Nigerian Parliament, particularly the House of Representatives took up the gauntlet by conducting a public hearing on the so called unsustainable subsidy on petroleum. The revelations contained in the report of Honourable Farouk Lawan’s ad hoc committee were very spectacular. And readers will remember that they included among others, that:-

    (i) Many oil marketers falsified their records. Quite a number of them claimed subsidies for PMS they did not import, or in excess of the quantity they claimed to have imported.

    (ii) Many business men and women who had nothing to do with the petroleum business were sponsored and approved by friends and associates of the PDP in power.

    (iii) Nigerians were being raped and forced to pay for a non-existent subsidy.

    (iv) Nigerians were being asked to pay for demurrage due to criminal neglect and gross deficiencies of government services. And more.

    Nigerians expected the Jonathan Presidency to officially apologize to Nigerians for imposing a punitive policy on them on a very spurious claims of subsidy when in fact, the former N65 itself was comparably higher than what citizens of other oil exporting countries are paying for their domestic oil usage. The expected policy government should have adopted was to reverse the unjust 97 naira price hike to the old price of 65 naira. When it does this, then this government will be truly legitimate, and recognized as governing in the public interest.

    To make matters much more worrisome, the Nigerian government is busy implementing the favourable recommendations of Chief Aig-Imokhuede, the ACCESS BANK PLC’s Chief Executive Officer. One wonders why the Jonathan Presidency is regularly and typically tactless and miscalculating in its choice of people saddled with one job or the other. Is it that the presidency is unaware that some oil marketers with huge subsidy claims are ACCESS BANK Customers? How can the CEO of such a bank find faults with its customers indicted by the Farouk Committee?

    I believe that President Jonathan is wrong to imagine that the multi-dimensional cases of inequality before the law, the fact that many nationalities have limitations for their national aspirations while some are even permanently disempowered have long been settled. There is no opportunity yet for democratic discussion and resolutions of the many cases of mutual mistrust and suspicion that can convince many nationalities that they are co-owners and joint inheritors of the national wealth.

    That is why it happened that even though Nigeria earned enormous petrol dollars because of the crises in the Middle East, yet Nigerians’ living condition, since the period of Obasanjo’s presidency, has quickly deteriorated. It’s a fact that Obasanjo grudgingly gave a minimum wage, but that was just a small fraction of the huge petroleum dollars the country earned at that time. You will also remember that Obasanjo failed to build any refinery during his time. And because he based domestic consumption of refined petroleum on importation, he regularly hiked prices depending on the prices at the international price levels.

    The USA remains the largest market globally. If the government of the USA decided to inject 20 billion USD into any of its national social services, be it, on education, health, road, power supply etc, the impact will be visible to Americans and visitors. Why must you sustain this wicked structure that only benefits a tiny cabal and their collaborators? Mr. President, seize the initiative now to dismantle the perverted structure that has held Nigeria down, painfully making it an embarrassment to the Black Race whose destiny has been placed in Nigeria’s care for progress and development.

    What Nigerian leaders must appreciate is the certainty of the unalterable laws of life, part of which is the legal maxim that: You cannot build something on nothing. Nigeria remains in peril because of its artificial creation and forced existence. Perhaps the ruling elite and the preponderance of its middle class, who are mostly fun seekers and pleasure lovers, will turn around for good –given the desperate state of Nigeria’s socio-economic and political outlook today. WE CERTAINLY CAN DO BETTER THAN WE ARE DOING NOW.

     

  • Africa: Five decades of snail-like walk

    Africa: Five decades of snail-like walk

    In the march of democracy and nation-building, African countries are birds of a feather. Ethnic tensions, religious acrimonies, leadership crises and poverty, which gripped them since independence 52 years ago, have continued to abort their dream of national cohesion and prosperity. Military rule, under which many of them fret for decades, has left permanent scars of self-destruction, delusion and wasted hope and expectation. Credible democratic institutions and signs of good governance are still scarce and relative political stability has not catapulted the poor nation-states into the envisage horizon of progress.

    What do African states that gained independence from European interlopers have in common? If they are not sliding into the failed state status, judging by Western indices, it is doubtful if they are not assailed by circumstances of history that has reduced them into fragile nations. It is a precarious situation, for state fragility is a stepping stone to state failure. Unhealthy competition for state power and resources, large-scale corruption which has made government the greatest corrupter of society, infrastructural decay, weak democratic institutions, ethnicity, and disarticulated constitutions have set landmines for them in their difficult journey to a perilous future.

    The colonial hangover and legacy have also shaped the response of the countries to emerging social, economic and political challenges. Not only have the freed countries leaned on their colonial masters for economic reasons, they have also been manipulated by the former colonial overlords in international politics. The manifestations are the advanced countries inclinations to sign defense pacts with former colonies, threats of withdrawal of aids, and promotion of divide and rule by taking sides in domestic politics of former colonies.

    At home, the ethnic struggle and class competition for state power manifested in military coups. The military had positioned itself as the alternative force to reckon with, following earlier successful putsch in Egypt and Sudan. In fact, in Nigeria, political leaders in the north encouraged young people to embrace soldiering as a career, with the hope that the region would still have a strong bargaining power, if kith and kin were dominant in the Armed Forces. The development of the military was perceived through ethnic lenses, for what emerged, especially after the first coup of 1966, was not a national army but a divided military busy defending ethnic positions.

    Between January and December 1960, independence days broke in 17 sub-Sahara African nations, including 14 former French colonies. It was an eventful year characterised by the lowering of the Union Jack in British West Africa. The rise to independence was the culmination of a chain of events from the World War 11 years. It was a long process. After the war, African nationalists who were eager to take over from the colonial masters evolved pro-independence movements which mounted pressures on the colonial powers to honour their promises to implement a phased independence process.

    African countries that achieved independence in that year were Algeria, Mauritania, Mali, Niger, Chad, Senegal, Sierra-Leone, Ivory Coast, Upper Volta, Togo, Dahomey (Republic of Benin), Nigeria, Cameroun, Gabon, Congo Brazzaville, Central African Republic, Congo Leopoldville, Uganda, Kenya, Somalia, Rwanda, Burundi, Tanzania, Zanzibar, Zambia, Malawi, Madagascar, Gambia, Equatorial Guinea, Botswana, Swaziland and Lesotho.

    However, before 1960, Egypt, Ethiopia, Liberia and South Africa, which was under apartheid rule, were free. They were not role models to those trying frantically to put off the colonial yoke. Egypt, for example lacked the experience of a durable democratic rule. Ethiopia had no experience of the colonial rage, but its stable leadership for decades exhibited subtle dictatorial tendencies. Liberia had the advantage of the same stability, until Tolbert was murdered by Samuel Doe. Ironically, the same former colonies had to play great roles in the war against minority rule in South Africa, many years after they achieved independence.

    The tragedy of the dark continent is that, more than half century of independence has been devoted to prolonged crises of leadership and nation-building. “Africa remains the world’s poorest continent, and it suffers from high rate of illiteracy and disease, including AIDS, which has ravaged many nations in southern Africa”, noted British political analyst, Michael Mines in his work’ ‘1960: Africa’s year of freedom’. It is an understatement. African population is increasing and there are resources to meet its needs, but mismanagement is the bane in many poor countries. State capitals are show piece of emerging civilisation, but rural areas are like slums; without electricity, good roads, water, medical facilities and basic conveniences. African university graduates flood the cities in search of ever elusive jobs, no thanks to the collapse of industrialisation drive. Now, many of them are also not insulated from insecurity.

    What is more worrisome is that Nigeria, which was rated highly as a future medium-ranking world power, dampened the hope. Its characterisation as the giant of Africa mocks the reality on ground. Assessed against indices of development, the most populous black nation on earth has emasculated itself. Its pride is its human and natural endowment and not their translation into improved wellbeing.

    But there are cheery news. The prospects and potentialities have not vanished. Putting this into perspective, Dorina Bakoe, an official of the United States-based Institute of Peace, submitted that African countries have moved beyond the legacy of colonialism, adding that, while there are some formidable challenges, there are also positive trends.

    Civil societies have not relented in the pursuit of good governance in Africa. Building strong institutions have been acknowledged as part of the framework for development, although the will and capacity must still be mustered. One of the countries on this path of revatalisation is Ghana, which is gradually restoring public confidence in governance. Electricity is now stable in Ghana, and this is critical to the growth of both formal and informal sectors. According to its new leader, President John Mahama, there is a campaign against theft and graft and accountability is being promoted.

    In Mozambique, Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is growing. After many years of dictatorship, Mali was proving to be a resilient democracy until the recent time when its army disrupted civil rule once again. War-torn Rwanda, despite its misfortune of ethnic rivalries, has not ceased to be a foreign investment haven, South Africa has moved on as a model of stable democracy and free market economy.

    Africa’s over-reliance on foreign aid, instead of attracting foreign investment is an obstacle. Foreign aid may not translate into direct growth in the economy; neither does it give jobs to the jobless. Echoing this burdensome reality, Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame said Africa needed to encourage private investment, stressing that, in the end, that is what is going to decide the future of the continent. What he did not add was the conditions that made investment to thrive. Wars, internal crises, lack of social infrastructure, huge debt, high cost of business operations, high bank interests, and insecurity often scare away investors who turn to saner economic climates for investment.

    Historically, there was no assumption of tempestuous rush to independence by the far flung former colonies, although armed campaigns were obvious in few countries, especially Algeria and parts of Congo. It was relatively easier for French West Africa to fast-track the independence process. In 1944, French President General de Gaulle declared in Brazzaville that it was time for France to take “the road to a new era”. Thus, in 1946, the French colonial empire was replaced by the French Union, which later became the French Community in 1958. Around the same time, Morocco, Tunisia, Sudan, Ghana and Guinea won their independence.

    On January 1, 1960, Cameroun, a former German colony divided between France and Britain in 1918, acquired its independence, aided by armed movements. When the United Nations announced the end of French control, French Cameroun proclaimed its independence in 1959. The following year, the southern part of the country under the British control merged with the north. On May 5, 1960, Ahmadou Ahidjo became the country’s first elected President. The circumstance of independence had altered the native map of Africa, with consequences for strained relations between Cameroun and Nigeria as reflected in the fight over the oil-rich Bakassi Peninsula by the two countries.

    On April 27, former German colony which was subsequently under French and British authorities since World War 1 became free. The part of the country administered by the French had a status of “associated territory” in the French Union established in 1946. The country became an autonomous republic within the French Union by the referendum of 1956. In February 1958, victory for the Togolese Unity Committee, a nationalist movement, in legislative elections heralded independence. However, tragedy befell the young, small country barely three years after independence when its first President, Sylvanus Olympio, a vibrant politician, was killed in January 1963 by soldiers. Thus, civilian rule was short-lived, right from the onset.

    In the Democratic Republic of Congo, June 20 was the date with history. Patrick Lumumba was in charge in Leopoldville, where riots had broken out in 1959, making Belgian authorities to call nationalists to Brussels to map out a withdrawal plan. Later, the country was re-named Zaire under the strong man, Mobutu Sese Seko.

    Somalia had independence on July 1. Somaliland became the Somali Republic. It raced into a turbulent future, transformed into a country of guns, blood, tears and pains. Its refugees are burden to its neighbours . Development came to a standstill in the face of massive blood letting, making investors to shun the hitherto promising country. It is curious that feuding leaders have survived and intensified the conflicts by diverting state resources to war mongering, instead of yielding to an agenda of peace in national interest.

    On August 1, Dahomey, renamed Benin Republic, gained independence. The forerunner was the referendum of September 28, 1958. President Hubert Mapa was its first leader. But the country has had a tumultuous political history since independence. It has practiced both presidential and parliamentary system, recycled old leaders and organised a successful national conference. But it is one of the poorest in Africa. When Nigeria closed its borders along Seme-Badagry Road, the economy of the country nearly collapsed in two weeks.

    Niger became independence two days after Benin became independent. In 1974, Humani, its first President, was overthrown in a military coup.

    Upper Volta, renamed Burkina Faso, won independence on August 5. In 1984, a patriotic soldier, Thomas Sankara, was in the saddle. He was assassinated in 1987.

    Ivory Coast has a different story. In June of 1960, its pro-French leader, President Felix Houphouet-Boigny, proclaimed independence. But he maintained close ties between Abidjan and Paris. It was one of the most prosperous West African nations.

    Chad became independence on August 11 and its Prime Minister, Franpolis Tombalaye, became President. However, the country became deteriorated rapidly into civil war between the Muslim North and the Christian-majority south.

    On October 1, Nigeria, a federation of three regions, achieved independence. Its population was put at 34 million. At infancy, it was considered as the giant of Africa. But deep ethnic and religious divisions have prevented the development of a national outlook required for nation-building. For over 30 years, it was politically unstable. It survived a devastating civil war foisted on it by competing military interest, aided by forces of tribalism. Now, civil rule is in place, but the dividends of democracy are still beyond reach.

  • Tragedy of a groping nation

    Tragedy of a groping nation

    THERE is probably something about the foundation of Nigeria that continues to haunt its march to maturity. Prior to the October 1,1960 lowering of the Union Jack, the symbol of subjugation to British suzerainty, controversy had marked the process all the way. First was the dispute over who moved the motion for the nation’s attainment of freedom. It is popularly credited to the late Chief Anthony Enahoro who, in 1953, moved the historic motion in the House of Representatives. He proposed that the country should become self-governing by 1956. However, some scholars and historians have queried the credit since Enahoro’s motion was just to bring self government, not full independence. Besides, even when no one could question the historic import of the proposal within the context of 1953, it was not carried and thus failed to usher in independence.

    Then came the Remi Fani-Kayode motion in 1957. The son of that legendary figure, Chief Femi Fani-Kayode, has of recent made strident efforts to call attention to the fact that his father’s motion succeeded and eventually led to the 1960 independence.

    But then, there was a third. In May 1960, the man who later became the Prime Minister, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa-Belewa, formally moved that the British transfer power to Nigerian leaders. That came after series of constitutional conferences and an agreement by leaders of the political parties and regions. It heralded the activities of October 1, that year.

     

    The First Republic

     

    Only the deep and discerning could have perceived from the wording of the first national anthem that there was fire on the mountain. Nigeria we hail thee, the anthem said and went on to acknowledge that it is our dear native land. But the next line suggested that it is a land of disparate people who may not easily become a nation by the mere lowering of the British flag. It announced, “though tribe and tongue may differ…” It was an indication that there could be trouble going forward and it did not take long before the differences manifested and led to tension in the system.

    Within two years, the sore had turned to cancer. Two major political parties had drawn the battle line. The Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) that controlled the Northern region and in power at the centre, decided to finish off the Action Group (AG), led by the methodical Chief Obafemi Awolowo. The instruments of state came in handy as weapons for the ruling party. A crisis was provoked in the AG and Awolowo, the Leader of Opposition in the federal Parliament, had to battle for his political life. Challenged by the Premier of the western region, Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola who was also his deputy, Awolowo’s administrative acumen was put to test. Akintola, backed by the NPC, was at the same time hauled before the Coker Commission of Inquiry and sent to the Justice George Shodeinde Sowemimo court to answer charges of treasonable felony.

    The more Awolowo was buffeted by the NPC-NNDP alliance, the more the Nigerian state tottered and the deep knew that it was a question of time before the boat capsized. The eventual jailing of Awolowo, census of 1963, federal election of 1964 and Western parliamentary crisis of 1965 exposed the immaturity of the political class and their utter lack of grace. It was no surprise when the military seized the occasion on January 15, 1966 to take over power.

    For 13 years, an unprepared and ill-trained military, lacking in the necessary experience, sought to tend the political machine. Again, the result was predictable. One counter coup, one other successful coup d’etat, a failed putsch, a civil war, another failed census and one riveting purge of the public service took the toll on the health of the country. By October 1, 1979 when the military rolled back the tanks to the barracks, the tremors had weakened the foundation of the country.

     

    Shagari’s Second Republic

     

    Alhaji Aliyu Usman Shehu Shagari was a man of modest ambition. He had looked forward to being a Senator in the Second Republic, but was persuaded by the lords of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) to try his hands at managing affairs as the Chief Executive and first Executive President. He contested against five more qualified Nigerians who were, however, made to fail the electoral test to pave the way for the man from Shagari village. The reluctant President could not manage the affairs of a troubled country. It took only 27 months for the experiment to fail.

    Once again, the civilians kissed the dust as the military made a show of power with Gen. Buhari, then a barefaced dictator assuming control of the reins of power on December 31, 1983.

    A palace coup in August 1985 brought Buhari’s Chief of Army Staff, an ever-smiling General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida who later accepted that he was an “evil genius”, to power as he toyed with the fate of the distressed country. Thrice, he altered plans to transfer power to elected leaders and reneged. Eventually, when he held a presidential election, he fell to his own antics as resistance to his game led to his unceremonious exit from power on August 26, 1993. A selected Chief Ernest Shonekan was served power ala carte and pretended to be the Head of an Interim Government until a more determined and invidious General Sani Abacha shoved him aside on November 17. Abacha continued the broken military service and was succeeded on death by General Abdulsalami Abubakar in June 1998. In nine months, General Abdulsalami was out of the scene, leaving a constitution that was more of a labyrinth.

     

    The Fourth Republic

     

    There is a Third Republic, but was there a Third Republic? This remains a puzzle. Could there have been a republic without a constitution and an elected leadership at the centre? Another question. On May 29, 1999, the military handed over to a former military Head of State, General Olusegun Obasanjo, as the new President.

    In 13 years, election has become the mode of recruiting leaders, but democracy is yet to take roots. Three Presidents have been elected. First to take power was Obasanjo who remained in power for eight years. He started as a reluctant leader and was forced to yield place to Alhaji Umaru Yar’Adua on May 29, 2007. Yar ‘Adua died prematurely to grant opportunity to the first President of Southsouth descent, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan.

    The history of the Fourth Republic is pot-marked by crises. A major constitutional crisis first ensued with the power game nearly consuming Vice President Atiku Abubakar who chose to enlist the support of the courts to save his career. He won, but the President continued to subjugate the Office of the Vice President. In the National Assembly, the banana peel led to a flurry of activities that led to the fall of a succession of Senate President. From Evans Enwerem to Chuba Okadigbo and Anyim Pius Anyim, three presiding officers graced the leader’s seat in the upper legislative chamber at the centre. The instability was certainly not good for lawmaking.

    Adolphous Wabara started the journey in 2003, but soon lost control and was replaced by a more popular Ken Nnamani who held sway in the second stanza of the Obasanjo tenure because he had learnt lessons from his predecessors, but he had an overbearing and unfriendly President to contend with.

    The House of Representatives had been more relatively stable. Except for the sudden change of Salisu Buhari, who was found to have forged the certificates by which he was elected, the presiding officers had little trouble holding on. Whereas Obasanjo took exception to the Ghali Na’Aba administration, he could not effect a removal. Between 2003 and 2007, it was the turn of Aminu Masari who had a chummy relationship with the President. The post-Obasanjo years, however, saw Patricia Etteh imposed by the departing President. She lasted only five months before falling out of power, and was replaced by Dimeji Bankole. The current Speaker, Aminu Tambuwal has continually been threatened with removal by an unimpressed executive since the preferred candidate of the presidency and ruling party fell to popular forces that installed Tambuwal.

    Could anyone have forgotten the crisis that attended the illness, power tussle and death of Umaru Yar’Adua? What about the strife in the PDP?

    There is danger ahead. What would happen in the run-up to 2015? What would happen if President Jonathan decides to seek another term? Is he constitutionally empowered to do so in view of the constitutional provision that anyone who has been elected twice is barred from contesting? Having been sworn in twice, what is the position of the law? More importantly, would the North accept another spell of being kept out of the powerful seat? What would become of the attempt to alter the structure of the country to cede more powers to the federating units? What is the place of the local governments as the tier of government closer to the people?

    The future is as cloudy as the past. The overriding question is, has the political class learnt enough lessons to keep the military at bay, promote a healthier polity and mobilise support for the quest for development?

    Failed or failing, whither Nigeria? The task of keeping Nigeria out of the list of failed African states is for all. It is beyond leaders and politicians who have proved that they are only good at sharing a shrinking cake.

  • ‘Nigerian system needs overhaul’

    ‘Nigerian system needs overhaul’

    Chief Deji Fasuan, retired Permanent Secretary in the old Ondo State and frontline social commentator and critic, spoke with Sulaiman Salawudeen about the need to introduce Parliamentary  System of Government, restructure and run Nigeria along the six regional line, while merging the states and local governments into a third tier.  

    There appears to be so many problems in Nigeria. What is your feeling as a stakeholder?

    I think Nigeria is fundamentally in trouble. Basic issues affecting the nation are not being addressed or at best are being inadequately addressed. It continues to surprise me that Nigeria is what it is to day. One can conclude even without any long argument that God loves this country, otherwise just a fraction of what had happened in Nigeria has torn apart other entities. My view is that unless the vital issues are addressed, we will continue to grope in the dark.

    What are the issues

    One is the pervasiveness of corruption. The institutionalisation of corruption. It is the most pervasive element in Nigerian society today. There is no aspect of our life that has not been debased by corruption. It appears the whole structure of the society is even formulated on corruption. The whole stratum of society is based on fraud.

    Are you suggesting Nigeria is the equivalent of fraud?

    Perhaps. Talk of any institution that is not being debased by corruption. It appears the whole strata of society is based upon and formulated on corruption. The whole concept is fraudulent. Look at the civil service, look at our political arrangement.

    Is the geographical division of Nigeria itself not fraud?

    Geographically, the constituents are incongruous and fraudulent. How can a place across the border here, I mean the next village to Otun-Ekiti here be regarded as North Central. The people there are Ekiti people, point blank! How can you call my own very brothers there northerners. They say they belong in the north central. They are in the original domain of the Oore. There are four sections of the Oore that were taken away.

    What about Kogi, Kabba, Ilorin?

    Those ones are even a bit far-off. Of course, they are Yoruba as well. Let us consider the immediate contiguous town to Moba. You say that is north central. They are Yoruba. Such mal-arrangement, if not corrected, will continue to haunt Nigeria. Somebody two kilometers to Erinmope yoked with another in Jos, in what you now call the North Central? The whole idea is fraudulent, including the title ‘Nigeria’, with the geographical configuration. It is easy to dismiss what I’m saying as mere theorising. Take our judiciary. Much of it is sickening. Let me give practical example. There are some people who two, three years ago, were paraded, taken to court in a ceremonial way, got them exposed to the media only to hear that they are on bail. And that was the end of the whole thing. Billions of naira went down the drains. Just two or three in that group of hundreds are unlucky. The Group Managing Director of a bank, who stole more than N100 billion was sentenced to 1 or 2 years in prison most of which he spent in a comfortable hospital apartment; a former Inspector General of Police who also admitted to stealing billions was sentenced to six months imprisonment most of which he too spent outside the four walls of a prison yard; the most recent and possibly most spectacular is that of the so-called party big wig, Chief Bode George. He was sentenced to two years and was actually made to spend the two years where he should spend it in a drama which most believed was punitive, bearing in mind the treatment given to others.

    The real sinners who stole our money are today roaming the streets. They are warming up for election now. And the malady cuts across the whole Nigerian landscape. Most saddening of all are politicians who get clean judgments here only to be sentenced, condemned and jailed off-shore, based on and considering the same allegations of corruption, precisely fraud. Can you imagine someone being charged for 171 offences and those offences being cleared 2 or 3 days? The issue is about having judiciary that is completely honourable which would deal with issues as they are presented not on the basis of ‘this man is too important’. Nigeria will not be where it is. People will eschew corruption and criminality.

    The problems bedeviling the country like corruption, maladministration seem like a spiral. How can Nigeria break away from this cycle?

    And that is a tragedy. It is actually a cycle and one being operated by just about five per cent of the population. Less than five per cent of the population have cornered well over 80 per cent of the collective wealth of all of us – the resources of this nation. The imbalance in the arithmetic will be entirely irrelevant when the trouble comes. We only pray.

    How can we begin to actually address these problems. The basic, fundamental, primary steps we should take?

    There are two ways to fundamentally address the problems. One is changing the system of government completely. Federalism is bare fraud. we should change it to parliamentary system. We should also make legislative duties/functions part-time. Nigeria’s administration should be parliamentary and legislative duties part-time. You will therefore reduce the retinue of special assistants, senior special assistants, special advisers; even chairmen of local governments have advisers, senior special assistants, assistants, in all departments of life. No local government in Nigeria reaches the so-called grassroots. Not one of them.

    Why?

    Because the funds are not available for them. The funds that are available are taken up by overheads, salaries and allowances. Go to the local governments, 95 per cent of all monies that come to them go on overheads, salaries and allowances with little for development.

    What place do you envisage for the local government in that new arrangement?

    There should be no local government at all in the restructured Nigeria in the course of time. The restructured Nigeria should be in this shape: a parliamentary system of government and regionalism should be brought back. A maximum of six regions. Then the state and local governments yoked in one should be the third tier.

    Can you make that clearer ?

    Okay. The new arrangement should be like this: federal, region and the state and local government merged as the third tier of government. Certain things should be specifically exclusively limited to the federal government; small percentage again to regional government and the bulk of the resources to state governments. I have thought about it. If you have a parliamentary federal system with defined, limited powers with nothing more than 20 to 25 percent of the country’s income available to them, then a regional government, comprising six regions, with another 20 to 25 made available as resources to them as well. Then the bulk of the resources between 45 and 50 per cent of our entire wealth conceded to states. There is no reason the state government in Ado-Ekiti cannot know, should not know and ought not know what we need in Afao-Ekiti. Why do we need a local government in another area? Ekiti State government, hypothetically, is a local government; local to me because it is within my reach.

  • ‘State police is sure answer to insecurity’

    ‘State police is sure answer to insecurity’

    Pius Ewherido represents Delta Central Senatorial District in the Senate. The only senator elected on the platform of the Democratic Peoples Party (DPP),  speaks on the state of the nation in an interview with our Correspondent Polycarp Orosevwotu at Ewu, his country home in Ughelli South Local Government Area.

    On the security, what do you think will become of this country if state po-lice is introduced?

    I am one of the first persons that generated this debate over state police and my position at still remains that every crime is a localized one because it happens in a local environment and the best way to it is the participation of the immediate people in that area. The security problems in Delta is not the same as the security problem in Borno State; and the Borno people have a clearer understanding of what their security challenges are.

    So, if we allow state police to function, it will act in such a way that it will be the best in fighting crime in this country. I believe that unless we have an arrangement like that, it will be difficult to reduce crime in Nigeria, but some persons will argue that it will be open to abuse and I tell you, everything is open to abuse.

    I am for state police and I have not seen any reason to shift from that position. I believe that Nigeria will be a more secured environment if we have state police and this security thing we are talking about is the bedrock of development as it attracts foreign investors and believe only state police can arrest the security problems of this country.

    So, you think the state police if introduced, could be influenced by the governors?

    My argument is that everything can be abused; but the process can be controlled with provisions for checks, even the governors you are talking about will be shown their boundaries. On how it will be funded, l asked if all the money we are spending on security not part of the funding, I see it as a fundamental thing as long as we all need security to develop, provide jobs, encourage investment and to even live your everyday life.

    Don’t you think if we legalize the local vigilance groups and if properly funded will be better than the issue of state police?

    I am even talking beyond state police. You can have state police and have what is called community policing. All we need do is to refine some of them. You know we need to refine these vigilance groups because some of them operate operate crudely as if we are in a country without laws. We are supposed to be law-abiding citizens so there must be set of laws that you must obey.

      A lot of people are of the view that administration of Dr. Goodluck Jonathan has not done much in curbing the Boko Haram sect unlike when Obasanjo was in power …

    I think government should step up intelligence, not necessarily violence because something tells me that no amount of  threat can win Boko Haram war with guns. You must look into a whole lot of factors and you look at their operations and work more towards prevention.

    A lot of Boko Haram people are being killed now. But unless you want the President to commit genocide which you too will not advise, as Boko Haram people are also Nigerians. The only difference is the brutal manner they have descended on fellow Nigerians. I believe part of the reason for the slow arrest of the Boko Haram problem is that it is a new kind of problem with massive operation.

    The federal government says they are talking already; they should take that negotiation seriously. Some people don’t believe that there should be negotiation, but I believe that when your children are misbehaving, you must hear them out, then see whether or not you can resolve the problem. I support the negotiation going on, but let it be genuine.

    You have been there for about one year now, how many bills have emanated from you and how are they going to affect the lives of Nigerians?

    The process of lawmaking is such a cumbersome one but so far, l have presented two bills and submitted the third for presentation. The first one is on devolution of powers and the amendment of the constitution to remove areas of fraud in some government agencies; an amendment that will separate the office of the Auditor General of the Federation from that of the Auditor General of the Federal Government.

    Hitherto, the Auditor General of the Federal Government which up till now and until the amendment has no power to audit some federal agencies. And that was the problem we faced with the oil subsidy regime. You recall that Auditor General of the federation has no power to audit the account of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) but can only approve an external auditor. The Auditor General of the Federation takes care of those accounts that are common to the states and the federal government. That one is the distribution pool from where you have both the states and the federal government. Auditor General of the Federal Government should be a separate Auditor concerned with only Federal Government Account. The Auditor General of the Federation should preside over those accounts that are both federal government and the states and it should be rotational from state to state.

    By section 85.3 of the constitution, the Auditor General is precluded from auditing the account of certain government corporations and bodies which I believe is an anomaly because if the Auditor General of the federation had the responsibility of auditing those accounts, I am not sure that we will run into those kinds of problems that we ran into in the oil subsidy problem. The Farouk report although troubled today, also detected that, and that is why they recommended that the Auditor General should now be allowed, but even the report of the House of Representatives Committee saying that, the Auditor General should be allowed cannot be implemented in the face of the provisions of section 85.3 of the constitution; so you must amend this section to make it possible for that to happen.

    Second one is the welders’ regulation council bill that has to do with the industries, the welding profession industries especially in the oil sector. Hitherto, there has not been proper standardization of the welding profession in Nigeria in terms of standard.

    The third one I have submitted is that of co-rporate manslaughter and we had to do that after the Dana air crash. You know there were early reports that the air craft was certified by experts from Ghana, but administration overruled it. If that is true, it means that somebody whodecided to put an unfit air craft on air caused the loss of over two hundred and fifty lives. So, I decided to work on that bill so that both companies and the individuals will not escape subsequently and that will deter such actions. It will place people on guard and make them more careful.

    How has it been as a Senator, considering the fact that you are the only elected Senator from the DPP?

    The Senate has been a challenging place, though interesting this past year. This is one of the most turbulent years in Nigeria’s history in terms of internal strife especially by the Boko Haram sect; and so, the senate spent most of the time on security issues than issues like unemployment and poverty, including trying to correct some of the ills perpetrated by privatization and the subsidy regime. But my status as a senator from a party has not affected my legislative works as such. What I have observed in the senate is that across political parties we have always been at peace. May be issues may crop up later that will make them show some of us that we are a microscopic minority, but for now I am not sure that there is a discrimination that has made me feel minority status.

    But how has your one year in the Senate affected the lives of the people you represent?

    I have started in terms of empowerment and other things and you know there is a limit to which a legislator can go, but within the limit of means as a legislator and with other agencies, we have been able to do something substantial. I think I will call it a good start.

    You are aware Delta central comprises eight local government areas and as l speak, we have just finished training of 80 women – 10 from each local government area in various trades. It is ongoing; the next batch will be 100 boys that will be trained in various trades. We have also done a lot in terms of empowering those who are good craftworkers and others to set up productive ventures that will earn them a living apart from those we have helped to get employment.

    We also have a scholarship scheme that has been there with over 150 students as beneficiaries of N100,000 each per session. Those in law school get N200,000 per session. I put a lot of premium on education. I believe we should encourage education by giving scholarship to indigent students, especially those student that their parents are very poor and cannot afford to pay for their education.

    During the election, I did promise that we would revive the Urhobo language. Thus, we have set up a programme, which examination will be written this month and it is tagged ‘Urhobo language competition’. The essence is to encourage our youths and young ones and we have a brand new car as the star prize and other consolatory prizes.

    The issues that we brought to fore in the senate also include the troubled Delta Steel Company and I am sure that with the intervention of the senate, there will be progress and its aggrieved pensioners will smile at last.

    the Urhobo had oftentimes cried of marginalization by the federal government. With the fact that you are a lone voice in the Senate, how do you intend giving them full representation?

    First, I have interacted with Mr. President on the state of Urhobo nation and he gave some assurances, but one of my biggest worries is the place of the Urhobo people in Nigerian politics at the federal and state levels going by its numerical strength in the state. Though it beats my imagination to think that Urhobo, the fifth largest ethnic nationality in Nigeria, has no representative in the federal executive council, boards and not even appointee or having anybody over the 400 parastatals in this country. It calls for concern, but as I said, we are doing work on it and we hope that we will get some response very soon. I will continue to interact with government on it so that we can get our proper place in the polity.

    The Niger Delta region has been expressing discontentment with slow pace of the construction work on the East-West Road, what have you to say?

    The Senate Committee on Niger-Delta has once questioned the Minister on it and he said that the funds provided were inadequate. I think it is the desire of the both the committee and every well meaning Niger Deltan that more funds be provided as the road is crucial in terms of linking the East-West road. We are all concerned about it and whatever we can do within our power, even appealing to Mr. President for more funds to speedy the completion of the project, we will do.

    Still on the Niger Delta, many Niger Deltans are of the view that Mr. President is not doing much that region, more so that he is from this region?

    If you ask me, the question of development of the Niger Delta region is not just an issue for Mr. President alone. Yes I believe that Mr. President should do more, but I also believe that our various state governments from the 13% derivation money should do a lot to complement the effort of the Federal Government.

    What is your reaction to the sale of oil blocs in the country?

     My worry is the way and manner it is being carried out as if our people should not have been saying things on matters that concern them. There is no way you can just sell oil blocs as if we are in a community of idiots. I say this because of the safety concern that has been raised by the people and the clandestine manner some of the sales were carried out without the knowledge of those inhabiting the area. I think we have come to a state in this country where people should not believe they can take people for granted in their areas and get away with it. Well, they may succeed for a while, but I foresee a major uprising unless our people are carried along in the sale of some of these oil blocs. So, my advice is that if we are serious, we must first carry the people along.

  • ‘Osun will be envy of other states’

    ‘Osun will be envy of other states’

    The State of Osun will soon become the envy of other states going by the transformation agenda of Gov Rauf Aregbesola, Special Adviser to the

    Governor of Osun State on Land, Physical Planning and Urban Development, Dr. Ayodele Owoade, has said.

    According to Owoade, Gov Aregbesola is 150 per cent committed to the state, a bug which he said had infected the people working with the governor.

    He disclosed that the people working with him had also caught the bug. “Those of us working with him have been infected with his vision, his enthusiasm, passion and his aggression. Everything about Ogbeni, if you have to work with him, is infectious. He wants this state to be the envy of the world,” said Aregbesola’s aide.

    “He wants this state to be an example of what black men could do. He wouldn’t accept for one second that black is an inferior concept. His vision is clear-cut. He wants to transform the state completely – socially, economically and politically. He wants to transform the whole state such that we would be the reference point of what black people could do, “ he said.

    Expatiating further on the infrastructural development initiative being embarked upon by the state government, he said: “Recently, the dualisation of Osogbo/Ikirun/Okuku to Kwara State border was signed. It is N17.5 billion worth of contract and the financing was thorough. “

    He disclosed that the Aregbesola administration had made tremendous re-engineering of the economy of the state through impeccable approach to revenue generation.

    . “We inherited a pathetic economy with an Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) of N300 million per month, and just by blocking leakages, the IGR has increased to N600 million. The target before the end of the year is to increase IGR to N1 billion.”

    “We want to make the State of Osun the economic hub of this region. We have a plan that anybody from Kwara, Delta, Ekiti and other places can bring their luggage here for onward transportation to Lagos for free. We are building the facility at Dagbolu now and when that is completed, invariably when people bring their things here, opportunities will rub off on all. Also, the government awarded contract for the dualisation of Osogbo to Gbongan junction and the expansion of the road to Ogbonyinfa, Ago Owu to Ijebu Igbo and to Lagos.

    “We are making Osun the preferred route, even if you are coming from the north, Ilorin or wherever on your journey to Lagos. Things are being done so that in the next two years, IGR will expand. Once economic activities boom, many people will have the opportunity to come home and engage themselves. Apart from road expansion we have invested heavily in education with about 30 billion splashed on improvement of school infrastructure.

  • Reluctant leaders, Nigeria’s problem, says Kalu

    Reluctant leaders, Nigeria’s problem, says Kalu

    The unborn baby in Nigeria today is not oblivious of one fact:

    That solving the nation’s leadership crisis has remained as hugely problematic as the Gordian knot.

    However, an eye-opener came to the fore last week. It was at the thought-provoking presentation by Kalu. The event was the Professor U. A. Ijalaye Annual Lecture held at the Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), Ile-Ife.

    The chief hosts were members of Equity Chambers who used the occasion to mark the chambers’ 25th anniversary. Kalu’s presentation was entitled, ‘Leadership: Key factor to a better Nigeria.’

    To the hugely successful businessman-turned-politician, leadership transcends rhetorics. “It is something we have to fundamentally inculcate at all levels if we really want to make Nigeria work again without crutches,” Kalu, Member of the Order of Niger, affirmed.

    His position is perhaps explainable by his humbly turning down of his hosts’ offer of a befitting lavatory when he was pressed up before the presentation which held at the Ogunbanjo Hall. “As a leader, you must be on the side of the people; I will use your toilet here, no matter how bad,” he said amid applause.

    Thunderous ovation shook the venue of the event to its foundation when Kalu’s “intimidating” profile was read by two law students in an entertaining fashion. Then, time for Kalu to unveil what appeared his panacea for the nation’s leadership woes.

    The Dean of the Faculty of Law, Prof. Olu Adediran; the Alapetu of Ipetumodu, Oba James Adedotun Adegoke; Kennedy Amos, former President, Equity Chambers, and other dignitaries at the event hanged on Kalu’s lips as he dissected what he called the “collapsing” nation’s inept leadership.

    “At 52, there has been consensus of opinion over the years that the problem of our country is largely leadership. Professor Chinua Achebe put it succinctly in his seminal work. ‘The Trouble with Nigeria’, published in 1983: “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership. There is nothing basically wrong with the Nigerian character. There is nothing wrong with the Nigerian land or climate or water, or anything else. The Nigerian problem is the unwillingness or inability of its leaders to rise to the responsibility, to the challenge of personal example, which is the hallmark of true leadership,” he opened up, agreeing with the erudite professor on his lamentation about 30 years ago.

    He re-echoed the frustration of late Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and Dr. Dozie Ikedife, former president of Ohanaeze Ndi Igbo on leadership in the same way. So he did on Mr. Herman Cohen, one-time United States Assistant Secretary of State for Africa.

    Amid nods of affirmation, the ex-Abia governor expressed agreement with James A. Autry’s position as enunciated in his book, ‘The Servant Leader’, that: “Leadership is not about controlling people; it is about caring for people and being a useful resource for people.”

    The late President Umaru Yar’Adua, as a servant leader, he said, had a good vision and a good approach to leadership in Nigeria. To him, he would have been a servant leader in the real sense of it if his health did not fail him.

    Again, to Kalu, General John Pershing of the U.S Army made an incontrovertible point when he described leadership thus: “A competent leader can get efficient service from poor troops; while on the contrary, an incapable leader can demoralize the best of troops.”

    An admixture of shock, gloom and despondency descended on the gathering when Kalu recalled painfully how, since 1966, the nation had been struggling for a breath of life in the claws of unwilling leaders who, ab initio, had no plans for the country.

    “In 1966, the military struck through Major Kaduna Nzeogwu, and some other young military officers. At the end of it all, they could not seize the reins of power. It was Major-General J.T.U. Aguiyi-lronsi who became head of state. Did he prepare for power? No. It was just thrust on him by fate.

    “In 1976, the military struck again, through Lt. Col. Buka Sukar Dimka, and the head of state, the charismatic and inspiring Murtala Muhammed, was assassinated. The then Chief of Staff Supreme Headquarters, Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, became head of state. Was he ready for the responsibility? No. In fact, according to Gen. T. Y. Danjuma, the then Chief of Army Staff, Obasanjo had to be cajoled and threatened, before he accepted the responsibility of being head of state,” Kalu said

    “In 1979,” he continued, “Alhaji Shehu Shagari wanted to just be a senator. He ended as president, unprepared for the big task. Chief Ernest Shonekan was a corporate chieftain at the UAC. Ruling Nigeria was the farthest thing from his mind. In 1993, he was drafted into office as leader of the Interim National Government (ING).

    “In 1999, Obasanjo had just returned from prison, when he was drafted into leadership again. I remember he asked: “how many ‘Ps’ do you want to make out of me? I have been president, I have been prisoner; yet, you want me to be president again.” Obasanjo ruled for eight years, despite not being prepared to be president initially and even planned for a third term.”

    Amid pin-drop silence, he revealed further: “My friend, Umaru Yar’Adua had been governor in Katsina for eight years, and according to him, he was preparing to go back to the classroom to teach Chemistry. Suddenly, he was drafted to be president. Goodluck Jonathan had become Bayelsa State governor when his former principal, D.S.P Alamieyeseigha was impeached. All he wanted in 2007 was a full term in office as governor. But he was drafted to be Vice President, and within three years, he became president.”

    His hearers who had listened with rapt attention were almost in tears as he asked: “Why does Nigeria get reluctant leaders? Is this country cursed or jinxed? Why do those who scrupulously prepare for leadership never get it?” Continuing, he said: “We know of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, “the best president we never had.” We know of Bashorun M.K.O. Abiola, the man who wanted us to bid farewell to poverty. We know of many others who had prepared and groomed themselves for leadership. They never got it. But the reluctant ones got shoved into office and power. What is the matter with Nigeria?” “Researchers in our academia, please help look into this and tell us what the problem is,” he pleaded passionately.

    Heaping praises on African leadership icon Nelson Mandela of South Africa, whom, according to him, once asserted that “quitting is leading too,” Kalu expressed sadness that many African leaders do not appreciate and understand it, adding that one of Mandela’s greatest legacies today is the fact that he left just after one term, a feat that according to him, positioned him as a globally respected icon.

    He boiled with anger that in Africa, particularly in Nigeria, attempts to subvert the constitution and sit tight in office has become the norm. At that point, he had harsh words for Obasanjo over his attempt to extend his term in office beyond 2007, after he had fulfilled the constitutionally prescribed maximum of two terms.

    Heads shook in obvious pity for Kalu when he recounted how his businesses were virtually grounded by the Obasanjo administration because he dared to speak against his sit-tight bid. “Till today, some of us are still paying heavy price in terms of economic losses for stopping Obasanjo from getting a third term,” he hinted.

    The he gave an advice which many easily conjectured was meant for Jonathan in view of the prevailing cataclysms in the country: “Quitting is leading too. If you find yourself incapable of discharging the duties and responsibilities of your office, then quit. If the entire country is complaining about your tenure in office, throw in the towel. Bow out gracefully if the country is about to break into pieces under you. We must learn to quit when we are unable to discharge the trust, which leadership is all about.”

    Quoting from his book, “Orji Kalu: Leadership Lessons from a Master Strategist” he said: “In leadership, you can’t always run faster than the people you are leading. While a good leader should not be led by the people, he also must not ignore the people. There must always be a meeting point. I see leadership as both inborn and acquired through some form of tutelage or experience. You can be born a leader. You can also be groomed as a leader.”

    He referred to the words of ex-President Ibrahim Babangida in his 31st independence speech in 1991, thus: “We believe and do affirm that what the nation requires is a leadership that recognizes the problems at the roots of our national life; a leadership which decides to risk its will and reputation to solving these problems. We hold firmly to the belief that our Nigeria of tomorrow is precious enough for us to sacrifice our today.”

  • 2015: Truth about my ambition, by Senator Abe

    2015: Truth about my ambition, by Senator Abe

    Senator Magnus Abe, a lawyer, represents the Rivers Southeast Senatorial District in the Upper Chamber of the National Assembly. He is the immediate past Secretary to the Rivers State Government (SSG). A former Rivers Commissioner for Information, an ex-member of the Rivers State House of Assembly and the Chairman of the Petroleum Downstream Committee in the Senate, the Senator is being rumoured to have interest in Rivers governorship in 2015. In this interview with BISI OLANIYI and CLARICE AZUATALAM, he speaks about the rumour and some national issues.

    How many versions of the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) are now before the National Assembly and when will the authentic version be passed into law?

    Only one copy was presented to the National Assembly. We have not started work on the PIB because it was brought in the very day the members of the National Assembly were proceeding on vacation. The important bill will pass through the normal processes of the National Assembly before it becomes law.

    The PIB will resolve most of the challenges in the downstream sector of the petroleum industry when it eventually becomes law. Everybody knows that Nigeria substantially relies on Niger Delta’s hydrocarbon resources for survival. Any legislation that will substantially affect how we relate to our hydrocarbon resources, will receive the highest scrutiny from everybody, not just from members of the National Assembly. I believe that all of us in the National Assembly are aware of the interest the people of this country have in the PIB. What we have now is the executive version, presented to us by the executive. I assure all Nigerians that everybody who has something to contribute to the PIB will be given opportunities because it will be an open process.

    Therefore, I sincerely cannot say how long the PIB’s passage will take now. Everybody in the National Assembly knows the importance of the law. I believe that we will all work together to see that it is dealt with expeditiously. I thank the people of the Niger Delta for the contributions and the sacrifices they have made and will continue to make for the improvement of our country. Nobody, including the people of the Niger Delta, should depend on crude oil and gas alone. All of us in this country need to look beyond crude oil and gas.

    As an Ogoni leader, are you satisfied with the steps taken so far by the Federal Government in implementing the recommendations in the report of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) on Ogoniland?

    The Federal Government started the action it is currently taking on the UNEP report before any statement of any kind was made by anybody. A daughter of Ogoni, Joy Nunieh-Okunnu, a lawyer, was appointed to head the efforts. Like any other responsible Ogoni son, we are not making public comment at this time, because we want to give her every opportunity to clarify her position and do what she has to do. When we understand what is going on and how the process is being run, we will make our contributions.

    Also, the process of consultation must be seriously looked into by all the stakeholders, so that nobody feels left out of whatever processes are being brought into the area. So, if all of us start dictating from the sidelines, even before we understand exactly what is going on, will not be helping Nunieh-Okunnu. She has been part of the struggle. She knows the pains and we believe that she will do her best.

    Are members of the National Assembly satisfied with the number of persons being tried for fuel subsidy scam?

    There are laws in this country and if anybody flouts the law, our understanding within our constitution and our system of constitutional democracy is that such a person should be tried in a proper court of law and if he or she is convicted, the person should be punished.

    If we try people until the members of the National Assembly are satisfied or not, that is not the proper way. What needs to be done is that all those that have questions to answer should go and answer those questions.

    Is it true that you have interest in contesting as Rivers governor in 2015?

    Ordinarily, there are some things you do not respond to. We are in 2012. I have just been elected into the Senate. What we need to do in Rivers State at this point is to support what Governor Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi is doing and not to distract him. I can say with certainty that if there is anything that pains me, sometimes, it is a lot of these speculations.

    I went round some parts of Rivers state and I came back and told Governor Amaechi that a lot of people are not using the newly-built model health centres in the 23 council areas of the state. A lot of people are going to churches to give birth, while right behind them are health centres, with doctors, paid for with Rivers people’s money. Let us focus on things that are ongoing. Let us see how we can help to bring out maximum value and make those things part of our people. That is what we should be doing at this point, instead of speculating on things that are not yet before us.

    Senator Abba Ibrahim, a former governor of Yobe State, recently alleged that almost all Nigeria’s wealth has been cornered by Niger Deltans through the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), amnesty programme, 13 per cent derivation and the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs, among others. What is your reaction?

    There is nothing new in what Senator Abba Ibrahim has said. He has always said it. One question I have always had for him is: why is it that every time Nigerians gather, all we talk about is how money is being spent and not how money is being made?

    Unless we change and stop talking about where this money comes from, we won’t make any progress. Even if you carry the whole money that is in the Niger Delta and give to the North, it will not solve the problems of the North. If you carry all the money in the country and give it to the Southwest, it will not solve the problems of the Southwest.

    The challenge of Nigeria is that the country is not productive enough. We are not generating money. We are not working and that is the issue that all of us must begin to address seriously. To keep fighting over 2.7 million barrels per day of crude oil will not help this country. It will bring intractable problems. At the end of the day, even if you give the entire money to one person, he won’t be satisfied. Crude oil is not a business that can take care of the needs of everybody. If you give people money and they do not work, their lives will not be fulfilled.

    So, what should be done?

    We must look for ways to engage people. The oil industry is not even a labour-intensive industry. How many people work in the oil industry? What is the population of Nigeria? What are the other 150 million Nigerians doing? There is so much in this country that we can tap, including resources in Abba Ibrahim’s Yobe State, to contribute to the development of Nigeria. Why doesn’t he bring those ones to the people instead of quarrelling over what is happening in the Niger Delta?

    I understand the challenges in this country but we must begin to think on a national basis. We cannot solve the problems of Nigeria by solving the problems of the Niger Delta, the Northeast, Southwest or other zones and regions of Nigeria. We can only solve the problems of Nigeria by viewing the problems of Nigeria as Nigeria’s problems and dealing with them as such. We actually need to raise leaders who understand that Nigeria is one and for it to be one, every part must not only get, but they must bring.

    Since Niger Delta has crude oil and the value is higher, of course, Niger Delta will bring more resources. Those with cattle can also pay tax on the cattle and we will get something. It is applicable to other resources. Everybody must bring in equal strength, in equal percentage of what you are producing. We will share and everybody will benefit because everybody will work.

    You are saying that it is time we diversified the economy …

    If all the arguments in Nigeria continue to be about crude oil, I do not see how it will help this country. I can take you to Ogoni. We are living where even the air and water that have been tested unsafe. We have Benzene level over 900 times what is allowed by the World Health Organisation (WHO). The water is unsafe for drinking. What is Senator Abba Ibrahim’s own problem with bringing money to solve the problems for fellow Nigerians? Must we die before Nigeria can live? That type of argument does not help this country. If you ask the people of the Niger Delta, they do not think they are getting anything, given the challenges we have been facing in this region. They do not think they are getting a fair deal from the country, but we do not want to keep harping on things that will divide the country. Let us look for things that will help every Nigerian to make progress. If Nigeria is a productive country, this crude oil we are arguing over, will constitute less than 10 per cent of our income.

    Is it true that the current representatives of Nigerians at various political levels are actually representing themselves, without quality representation and what do you expect from people of the various communities?

    The quality of representation will continue to improve as people begin to understand the challenges that a representative faces. Every time, we talk about the United States and the developed democracies. But development is the quality of the human beings in the country. We have not invested enough in trying to raise the quality of the average Nigerian. We need people that have personal integrity, sense of service and a population that understands that the way to grow wealth in a society is by everybody contributing and not by everybody taking. Our representatives need to also learn that lesson when the general population is learning the lesson.

    As it is now, members of the National Assembly are Nigerians thrown up by different dynamics from across the country. There is no way all of them can be bad and there is no way all of them can be good because not all Nigerians are bad and not all are good.

    What I will agree to is that we actually need to raise the quality of our citizens. And we can do that by investing in education and by picking out the examples of the things we like and celebrating those qualities. If we stay in a society where we only celebrate wealth and we do not celebrate other services, everybody will go after wealth that the society celebrates.

    This society needs to begin to celebrate things, more than just the ownership of property. We need to celebrate ideas, character and honesty, which will make people to give up something to get something.

    How can the security challenges be addressed?

    In Nigeria, there are so many people who have issues and will like to discuss. We should discuss the issues. We should not wait until people begin to throw bombs because if we do that, we will be encouraging everybody to throw bombs. All Nigerians need to be alive to their responsibilities. Security is everybody’s business. Anybody who throws a bomb, whether in Yobe State, Ogoni, Lagos or Sokoto should be arrested and prosecuted. We should not make excuses for violence. If we do, we will encourage more violence.

    Charity begins at home. You are from Bera-Ogoni in Gokana Council area of Rivers State. Are you relating well with Ogoni people in the four council areas – Khana, Gokana, Tai and Eleme – since some people describe you as a government person?

    As a human being, you are answerable to your God. It is God who gives life and opportunities. In whatever you do, if you are satisfied that with the opportunities that God has given to you, you have done the best that you can do, you will go and sleep.

    Everybody who is in politics, even in your village, you have opposition. If you come out today, you will face it. If depends on the strength and the noise of the opposition. There is opposition. What we pray for is for God to give us the grace to do the things we do, in such a manner that at the end of the day, even your opponents will agree that you have tried. There is no way I can please all Ogoni people. Even in the village of President Goodluck Jonathan, he has opposition.

    As long as we are able to make sure that majority of our people get something from us, driving on our roads, drinking our water, using our health centres, attending our schools, they are being paid regularly and they are getting jobs, PDP will continue to win elections. That is how it works.