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Category: Politics

  • ‘Osun APC needs to put its house in order before poll’

    ‘Osun APC needs to put its house in order before poll’

    The Managing Director of National Inland Waterways Authority (NIWA), Bola Oyebamiji, is a governorship aspirant in Osun State. The All Progressives Congress (APC) chieftain spoke on his achievements as the chairman of Osun State Investment Company Limited (OSICOL), his manifestos and why the chapter should maintain peace, unity, and harmony ahead of next year’s poll. Deputy Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU reports

    You have visited all the local governments in the state ahead of the APC primary. What is your impression?

    I’ve moved round the entire local government to consult and I have discovered that there are lot of infrastructural deficits in Osun. And I want to inform our people in Osun that it will be addressed.

    I’m overwhelmed and encouraged with the preparation of our people towards taking the government from PDP. I’ve seen that the APC members and supporters have worked so hard with love, wanting my humble self to be the flag bearer, so that we can send the present government packing. We won’t disappoint them. We will work hard to deliver, and by the time our leaders decide on who to run, all the aspirants have agreed that we will join hands together to support whoever our elders pick.

    But let me emphasise that as a party, we must present a united front to reclaim our state. We must prioritise party cohesion. The stakeholders must place party unity and electoral success above personal ambitions. A united front is vital for the APC’s electoral success, because elections are won through collective commitment, mutual respect, and shared purpose, not solo efforts.

    We must show maturity in diversity. As a party man, I recognise the beauty of diverse aspirations in a democracy. However, there is need for all of us the aspirants to show maturity, respect for party supremacy, and a genuine desire for the progress of Osun. To this end, actions capable of causing fracture within the party must be avoided. We must embrace dialogue, understanding, and reconciliation to resolve disagreements, while resisting provocations, since our ultimate goal is to ensure that the party reclaims the state by next year, In sha Allah.

    Ila and Boripe local government areas, where Chief Bisi Akande and Alhaji Adegboyega Oyetola hail from respectively, were part of the places you visited last. How were you received there?

    My brother, the consultation visits to Ila and Boripe Local Government Areas once again reaffirmed the unity and strength of our great party, the APC. From Ila Orangun to Iragbiji and Iree, the excitement and massive turnout clearly reflect the people’s readiness to restore purposeful leadership back in Osun State.

    I am profoundly grateful to our party leaders, elders, and members for the warm reception and unflinching support shown to me and my team. The love and enthusiasm expressed during those visits are not just about politics; they are a reflection of collective faith in a renewed Osun built on competence, integrity, and shared prosperity.

    As we visited Ila, the home of our revered father and national leader, Chief Adebisi Akande, whose legacy of principled leadership continues to guide our party, we were reminded of the strong foundation laid by our founding leaders and the need to build upon it with unity and vision.

    I deeply appreciate our party leaders from across all the other local government areas of the state for their confidence, steadfastness, and open endorsement. Their unity and encouragement strengthen my resolve to serve with humility, focus, and total commitment to the progress of our dear state, if given the opportunity.

    We remain loyal to the leadership and guidance of our father and mentor, the Honourable Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, Alhaji Adegboyega Oyetola. His exemplary leadership continues to inspire our unity and shared commitment to reposition the APC for victory come 2026. I must confess, the overwhelming support witnessed in Ila and Boripe and all the other remaining 28 councils plus the Development Area is another divine confirmation that our mission is people-driven and destined for success. With God on our side and the people standing firm, we will reclaim Osun and return our state to the path of progress, peace, and prosperity.

    Read Also: Kwara begins disbursement of N40,000 each to 32,420 female pupils

    You served under former Governors Rauf Aregbesola and Gboyega Oyetola. What have been the major achievements?

    I spent over 28years in the banking industry. I have worked as the MD/CEO of the investment arm of the government in Osun State before I became the commissioner. Honestly, I turned the fortunes of OSICOL around when I was there.

    In OSICOL I was able to revive that company. when I came on board at that particular year, OSICOL shareholders’ fund was N300million negative and before I left to become the Commissioner of Finance, I increased that to N6billion.Together with other investments, I established a gas station for the company and till today, it is the best in Osun State.

    I ventured into property for the state government, we have our property in Ikeja till today. We have almost 32 flats of three bedrooms which I initiated and delivered. We also have another one in Abuja. Also, I delivered the headquarters of Osun State Investment Company. I promoted the establishment of the mall, the only mall that we have today in Osun, I promoted it and delivered it.

    How has it been so far at NIWA?

    Well, so far so good. The increasing human population across the globe including Nigeria requires leaders with vision to evolve strategies to create avenues for revenue generation to cope with demands for basic necessities of life. For me, I believe the above reason informed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s decision to create the ministry of Marine and Blue Economy. Mr President realised early enough that the oceans and their resources contribute greatly to global economy and societal development.

    Based on the statistic released by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, the ocean economy contributed 1.5 trillion dollars to the global economy in the past one and a half decades and it is projected to double in another five years. And to pilot the affairs of this new ministry, Mr. President decided to appoint a vibrant and seasoned administrator, in person of my boss and leader, the former Osun State Governor, Adegboyega Oyetola to take charge.

    Would you say the minister has discharged the responsibility well, so far?

    I am not sure I am qualified to score my boss. But if the push, directives and counsels he gives to us as heads of agencies under the ministry are anything to go by, I am confident to say that he has done well. For instance, the first stakeholders’ meeting NIWA had with commissioners of Transportation from the 36 states of the country was the minister’s idea of helping to stem the tide of boat mishaps in the country. In fact, as he was handing my letter of appointment to me two years ago, the first charge was that ‘go and find solutions to boat mishaps.’ I can report to you that we are doing everything within our limit to achieve that goal.

    If by your claim, the minister has done so well. How come there’s this perception of him not doing much?

    For me, I think it is all politics. For instance, I am aware that the Honourable minister since assuming office has completed most of the projects he inherited from the previous administration and has initiated new ones. The projects that the minister completed are: the Funtua Dry Port, Port Access Roads in Onne and the rehabilitation of some access roads in Tin Can and Apapa ports. In collaboration with the Lagos State Government, an end was put to the multi-billion-naira yearly loss to Lagos ports traffic gridlock on the Tin Can port corridor.

    He was in Lokoja to launch the Water Transportation Code after several years of not being able to pull it together. So far, I can confidently say that the minister has improved on what he met on ground. In terms of revenue, he has upped it by over 90 percent. As we speak, there is a reduction in both the vessel and truck turn-around times. It was all these efforts that earned the ministry overall best performing based on the Presidential Enabling Business Environment Council (PEBEC). The truth is, the agencies under the ministry cannot be adjudge to be performing and someone will now turn around to say he has not seen what the ministry is doing. Does it add up? The ministry plays a supervisory role and it is the minister that leads the charge.

    Talking about NIWA and Transportation code, what are the things you are doing in practical terms to eradicate or reduce to the barest minimum, boat mishaps?

    Let me start with the transportation code. It is part of measures put in place by the ministry, through NIWA to significantly standardise water transportation, minimise accidents, and provide a structured environment for potential investors. We have 10, 000km of waterways, out of which 3,000 are navigable seasonally. So, we want to maximise the gains of water transportation, hence, the launching of the code. On the second leg of your question, we have embarked on advocacy on the need for Nigerians to avoid patronising rickety boats, night travels, and ensure they always put on their live jackets before embarking on any journey. Ninety percent of the boat mishaps are caused by human error. I was at a training session with some boat drivers recently and from my interactions with them, I realised that we have a long way to go in this country. Many of them are not only untrained but also get intoxicated in the early hours of the day. This is unacceptable, and we are already working tirelessly to reverse this trend. Thankfully, our advocacy is yielding results. After our distribution of life jackets across the country, passengers now wear their life jackets because we have also engaged Water Marshals that carry out the enforcement.

    We have also taking steps towards phasing out substandard wooden boats, and to do that, we have intensified our collaboration with indigenous boat builders to phase out these boats from the system. The initiative is aimed at encouraging the production and use of safer, modern boats that meet global standards. We have visited the various riverine communities to raise awareness about the dangers of using unsafe boats and to promote adherence to safety protocols. However, for us to achieve comprehensive safety and security, let me seize this opportunity to appeal to the National Assembly to help prioritise and pass the Coastal Guards Bill into law. This will equip us with the necessary tools to regulate and secure our waterways effectively. Once that is done, Nigerians will find waterways transportation not only attractive but one which will in turn boost our tourism industry.

    How prepared is Osun APC for next year’s governorship race?

    I can conveniently tell you that the people of Osun have tasted the APC government and they are experiencing that of the PDP at the moment, I believe they already know the difference. Under the Oyetola’s administration, where I served as the Commissioner for Finance, our boss championed a course for the development of Osun and better welfare package for workers. The capacity and capability of our boss to bring financial ingenuity and creativity to governance is quite appreciated and even commended by members of the opposition. His Midas touch in administration is top notch and as everyone can see, Osun under our boss, was on the path of resounding economic recovery despite the myriads of financial challenges that we faced at that time.

    Our boss did fantastically well, merging and unifying forces together, strengthening the bond of our party, ensuring equitable distribution of political patronage and developmental projects across the State. Look at the Ede to Ejigbo road and Ede to Ara Junction that we constructed, they were in a state of disrepair for several years before our government intervened. We completed, equipped and made functional 332 PHCs, one per ward. The long abandoned Osogbo/Iwo Road also received attention. Road rehabilitation and construction has today made our boss the long-expected governor of the people. Virtually every part of Osun felt the impact of the Oyetola administration. Most of the roads that were built were the roads that had long been abandoned for decades before our administration brought them back to life.

    For instance, the people of Asipa/ Yakooyo will not forget in a hurry the Oyetola’s impacts on their lives with the new lease of life given to their road which was abandoned for over four decades. Ditto the long abandoned Kelebe-Iragbiji, the Osogbo-Ilobu and Ada-Igbajo roads. The people of those communities are today enjoying fresh lease of life as a result of the Oyetola administration’s infrastructure renewal. When fuel subsidy was still subsisting, the Oyetola’s administration fed 30, 000 vulnerable Osun citizens. I can go and on. But because it is not time for politics yet, I won’t say much about that.

  • The politicians who never stop running

    The politicians who never stop running

    Across Nigeria, a familiar group of candidates always contest, one election cycle after another — undeterred by defeat, driven by ambition, and emblematic of the country’s enduring political cycle. Assistant Editor EMMANUEL BADEJO reports

    In Nigeria’s rough-and-tumble political arena, defeat rarely spells the end. For some politicians, it’s merely another round in an unending contest. They emerge every election cycle—older, perhaps wiser, but always determined to try again. From the presidential stage to state governorships, these serial contenders have come to define a certain brand of political resilience. Their persistence, often bordering on obsession, has shaped conversations about ambition, ego, and the ever-elusive nature of victory in Nigerian politics.

    Below is a look at some of the country’s most consistent contestants—men and women who have made running, even without winning, their political calling.

    Atiku Abubakar

    Atiku Abubakar’s political story began in 1990 when he announced his intention to run for governor of the old Gongola State. Fate intervened a year later when the state was split into Adamawa and Taraba. Atiku, now in the new Adamawa State, went on to win the Social Democratic Party (SDP) governorship primary in 1991, only to be disqualified before the election.

    That setback didn’t deter him. He became Nigeria’s vice president under Olusegun Obasanjo from 1999 to 2007 and has since sought the presidency multiple times—losing each attempt.

    His defeats have come under different political banners: the SDP in 1993 (losing the primary to M.K.O. Abiola); the Action Congress in 2007 (defeated by Umaru Musa Yar’Adua); the PDP in 2011 (lost the primary to Goodluck Jonathan); the APC in 2015 (lost to Muhammadu Buhari); and the PDP again in 2019 and 2023 (defeated by Buhari and Bola Tinubu, respectively).

    Atiku, who turns 79 soon, still refuses to step aside. Despite losing six presidential bids, reports suggest he may try again in 2027, when he will be 81. For him, the race for Aso Rock remains unfinished business.

    Pat Utomi

    Patrick Okedinachi Utomi, better known as Pat Utomi, built his reputation as an academic and economist long before stepping into politics. A former adviser in the Shagari administration, Utomi entered the presidential race in 2007 as the candidate of the African Democratic Party (ADP). He lost resoundingly.

    Undeterred, he tried again in 2011 under the Social Democratic Mega Party (SDMP). That attempt also failed, and the party faded soon after.

    In 2019, Utomi switched gears, seeking the governorship of Delta State under a faction of the APC. Internal party disputes derailed his campaign. Still, his name endures as a symbol of Nigeria’s intelligentsia struggling to break into its hard-nosed political class.

     Jimi Agbaje

    Jimi Agbaje, a pharmacist-turned politician, has become synonymous with Lagos governorship races. Charismatic and respected across party lines, Agbaje contested three times under the People’s Democratic Party (PDP)—in 2007, 2015, and 2019. Each time, he lost: first to Babatunde Fashola, then to Akinwunmi Ambode, and later to Babajide Sanwo-Olu.

    Agbaje rose to prominence through the Yoruba socio-political group, Afenifere, where he served as treasurer. His genteel style and focus on civility in politics won him admirers, but Lagos’ deeply entrenched political machinery has proven unbeatable. To his supporters, Agbaje’s repeated runs are noble; to critics, they’re quixotic.

    Eyitayo Jegede

    Eyitayo Jegede, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) and former Attorney General of Ondo State, has twice run for governor of the state—first in 2016 and again in 2020. Both times, he came close but lost to the late Rotimi Akeredolu.

    Despite his impressive credentials and strong campaign messages, Jegede could not overcome internal party divisions and the APC’s dominance in Ondo. In 2024, he withdrew from another planned attempt. Even so, his calm demeanour and loyalty to the PDP have earned him respect across the political divide.

    Agboola Ajayi

    Agboola Ajayi’s career reflects the fluid nature of Nigerian politics. He began with the SDP in the late 1980s, later joined the PDP, and served in multiple local government roles before representing his constituency at the House of Representatives.

    In 2016, Ajayi switched to the APC to run alongside Rotimi Akeredolu, serving as his deputy governor. However, by 2020, the alliance had soured, and Ajayi contested against Akeredolu on another platform—losing badly. He tried again in 2024 and lost once more.

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    Known for his defiance and political restlessness, Ajayi remains one of Ondo’s most active yet unlucky politicians.

    Osagie Ize-Iyamu

    Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu, a clergyman and political strategist, has twice sought to govern Edo State. In 2016, he ran under the PDP and lost to Godwin Obaseki of the APC. Four years later, in 2020, he switched to the APC and faced Obaseki again, who had by then defected to the PDP. The outcome was the same: another loss.

    Ize-Iyamu’s long association with the late Adams Oshiomhole and his deep roots in Edo politics make him a constant figure in the state’s power game. Still, victory remains out of reach.

    Ovie Omo-Agege

    Senator Ovie Omo-Agege’s rise from Delta State politics to the national stage was fast. After losing early PDP primaries, he became Secretary to the State Government under James Ibori and later won a Senate seat on the Labour Party ticket in 2015.

    In 2023, as Deputy Senate President and APC heavyweight, Omo-Agege contested for the Delta State governorship. Despite high expectations, he was defeated by Sheriff Oborevwori of the PDP. It was a humbling loss for a man once considered his state’s most powerful politician.

    Great Ogboru

    If persistence alone won elections, Great Ogboru would have governed Delta long ago. Known as “the People’s General,” he has contested nearly every governorship race in the state since 2003 under different parties: the AD, the DPP, the Labour Party, and the APC.

    A businessman once linked to the 1990 coup attempt against Ibrahim Babangida, Ogboru returned from exile to challenge the Delta’s political elite. His populist appeal and grassroots support earned him repeated nominations—but never victory. To some, he’s an icon of determination; to others, a case study in political futility.

    Chris Okotie

    Chris Okotie, the flamboyant pastor and televangelist, has made several attempts at Nigeria’s presidency. Running in 2003, 2007, and 2011, he lost each time—first under the Justice Party, then the Fresh Democratic Party he founded.

    Despite his eloquence and national profile, Okotie’s campaigns were largely symbolic. His repeated losses made him one of the country’s best-known “serial contenders,” albeit one who seems to have accepted his fate with humour and faith.

    Bukola Saraki

    Bukola Saraki, former Senate President and two-term governor of Kwara State, was once among Nigeria’s most powerful politicians. But his recent record has been a string of losses.

    He failed to secure reelection to the Senate in 2019, marking the collapse of the once-formidable Saraki political dynasty in Kwara. In 2022, he sought the PDP presidential ticket for 2023 but lost to Atiku Abubakar. For Saraki, who once held sway over national politics, the defeats were a reminder that influence in Nigeria can vanish overnight.

    Andy Uba

    Andy Uba’s name once struck fear into Anambra politics. Wealthy, well-connected, and powerful, he was once seen as untouchable. His troubles began in 2007 when the Supreme Court nullified his governorship victory after only 17 days in office.

    He later lost the APC governorship primary in 2018 to Tony Nwoye, then the 2021 general election to Charles Soludo of the APGA, finishing a distant third. When he challenged the result in court, the Supreme Court again ruled against him.

    Once a political giant, Uba has watched his influence evaporate. Yet, like others on this list, he shows no sign of retreating from the stage.

    Uche Ekwunife

    Senator Uche Ekwunife has fought and lost several major elections, including two governorship and two senatorial bids. In 2023, she lost her Senate reelection attempt for Anambra Central, placing third. Two years later, she was on the APC ticket as deputy governorship candidate in Anambra’s 2025 election, losing again to Charles Soludo.

    Ekwunife’s 2015 Senate victory was also annulled by the Court of Appeal, forcing a rerun. Despite these setbacks, she remains admired for her grace in defeat—often congratulating her opponents publicly. In a field dominated by men, her persistence has earned her respect as one of Nigeria’s most resilient female politicians.

    Tony Nwoye

    Tony Nwoye’s repeated attempts at Anambra’s governorship have made him a familiar face in state politics. He first ran in 2013 under the PDP, losing to Willie Obiano of APGA. He tried again in 2017, this time as the APC candidate, and lost once more to Obiano.

    Ahead of the 2021 race, Nwoye sought the PDP nomination but withdrew from the primaries, citing irregularities. Over the years, he’s also contested various party primaries—sometimes withdrawing, losing, but always returning for another shot.

    Alphonsus Igbeke

    Alphonsus “Ubanese” Igbeke’s political career in Anambra North has been marred by controversy. In 2007, he lost a senatorial race to Joy Emodi but later secured a Court of Appeal judgment declaring him the winner in 2010. That decision, however, remained clouded by legal confusion.

    In 2011, Igbeke’s claim to the PDP senatorial ticket was rejected by the Supreme Court, which upheld Margery Okadigbo’s victory. Accusations of forgery in the primary process further dented his reputation. While Igbeke did serve briefly in the Senate, his victories were pyrrhic—overshadowed by litigation and allegations.

    What drives them? Why do these politicians keep returning to the ballot despite repeated rejection? The answers vary. For some, it’s conviction; for others, ambition—or the belief that the system once denied them unfairly.

    In Nigeria’s political culture, defeat doesn’t always end a career. The electoral process can be unpredictable, and fortunes change quickly. The same voters who reject a candidate today might embrace them tomorrow if party dynamics or public mood shift.

    Persistence can also be strategic. Each contest keeps a politician relevant, sustains their patronage network, and positions them for appointments, negotiations, or influence within their parties.

    But there’s a fine line between resilience and delusion. At what point does perseverance become self-defeat?

    Conclusion

    Nigeria’s democracy is littered with the footprints of these perennial candidates—men and women who refuse to accept that the race might already be over. They embody both the strength and the weakness of the country’s political class: a determination that borders on stubbornness, a belief in personal destiny that sometimes overshadows public service.

    Whether one admires or pities them depends on perspective. Some see unyielding courage in their persistence; others see an inability to let go. Either way, their stories remind us that in Nigerian politics, defeat is rarely final—and ambition, like the election season itself, always finds a way to return.

  • 2027: Kwara South demands power shift

    2027: Kwara South demands power shift

    Monarchs and leaders of Igbomina ethnic stock have united in clamouring for the shift of Kwara South senatorial seat in 2027 elections to their side.

    The agitation, they argued is borne out of political equity, fairness and justice

    The demand was central to a summit convened by the apex socio-cultural organization, Omo Ibile Igbomina, themed: ‘Igbomina lokan for Kwara South Senate 2027.’

    The gathering brought together royal fathers, political leaders, religious leaders, and the council of elders.

    Speaking on behalf of the entire monarchs of Kwara South, Olomu of Omu-Aran Oba Abdulraheem Oladele Adeoti urged aspirants of all political parties to support any of them that emerge as the senatorial candidate.

    Oba Adeoti added that was the only way the desire of the Igbominas could be achieved.

    He added that “it is the turn of Igbomina as our brothers and sisters in Ekiti and Ibolo axis have tasted the power for 12 years each.

    “You know, we monarchs are not politicians, any of you that comes to us for blessing, we will not hesitate to do so.”

    The meeting proceeded under strict guidelines to ensure constructive dialogue, including a ban on partisan campaigns and abusive language, signaling a strategic and unified push to translate the bloc’s demographic strength into political representation.

    In his opening address, Chairman of the Igbomina Council of Elders, Chief Solomon Olaoye clarified the group’s apolitical nature stressing the necessity of political engagement.

    “Omo Ibile Igbomina does not discourage its members from seeking political advantage through any political party of their choice,” he stated, framing the summit as a solution to a “brewing political problem.”

    A detailed position paper presented at the event laid out a compelling case based on historical data. It revealed a stark imbalance in senatorial representation since 1999 among Kwara South’s three blocs: Igbomina, Ibolo, and Ekiti, whilst being the bloc with largest landmass and constituting a significant population and voters base.

    Read Also: Kwara begins disbursement of N40,000 each to 32,420 female pupils

    The data shows that by 2027, the Ibolo and Ekiti blocs would have each held the seat for 12 years. The Igbomina bloc, in contrast, has held it for only one term of four years (1999-2003). This means the Igbomina people will have been excluded from the Senate for 24 consecutive years.

    The summit argued that zoning the 2027 ticket to Igbomina is a matter of “rotational equity,” essential for correcting a historical disparity and fostering a unified political front in Kwara State.

    The document concluded with a firm declaration: “Enough is Enough. Let 2027 be the year we champion equity… It is the right thing to do for justice, and the smart thing to do for a united and prosperous Kwara South.”

  • Imo PDP dismisses Ibadan convention as ‘jamboree’, throws weight behind Wike

    Imo PDP dismisses Ibadan convention as ‘jamboree’, throws weight behind Wike

    The Imo State chapter of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has dismissed the November 16, 2025 convention held in Ibadan as an illegal and futile “Committee of Friends” gathering.

    In a communiqué issued on Monday after a well-attended stakeholders’ meeting on Saturday, the party praised the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) for staying away from what it described as an invalid assembly, noting that the commission’s action aligns with the PDP’s commitment to the Rule of Law.

    “We dissociate ourselves from the ill-fated and unlawful Ibadan convention, and we commend INEC for its decision to boycott the invalid gathering. This stance vindicates our dedication to upholding democratic principles,” the communiqué stated.

    The stakeholders reaffirmed their support for FCT Minister Nyesom Wike as the party’s national leader, Abdulrahman Mohammed as Acting National Chairman; Senator Samuel Anyanwu as National Secretary; and Rt. Hon. Austine Nwachukwu as Imo State Chairman.

    “We unequivocally state that the entire Imo State PDP stakeholders are solidly behind our State Chairman, Rt. Hon. Austine Nwachukwu,” the statement added, insisting that Wike’s contributions to the party since 2015 “cannot be wished away.”

    On Wike’s leadership role, the communiqué stressed that “from all available records, the FCT Minister has paid his dues and supported the party to the point where he deserves to be recognised as the National Leader of our great party.”

    The party also declared support for Senator Mao Ohuabunwa as Chairman of the Board of Trustees and reaffirmed its backing for Senator Samuel Anyanwu, stating that “Imo PDP and her stakeholders are in total support of their son and National Secretary.”

    The communiqué reiterated the call for discipline and constitutional order within the party, urging members to pursue actions that promote due process, internal democracy, and respect for the Rule of Law.

    The stakeholders concluded by commending Wike’s performance as FCT Minister and his contributions to the party’s stability.

  • Ex-Jigawa PDP chairmen urge Lamido to seek new political platform amid party crisis

    Ex-Jigawa PDP chairmen urge Lamido to seek new political platform amid party crisis

    The forum of former local government chairmen of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Jigawa State has criticised the party’s national leadership for allegedly sidelining former Governor Sule Lamido and blocking him from contesting for the position of national chairman.

    The forum stated its position in a communiqué issued after its meeting at the PDP state secretariat. 

    The statement, signed by its chairman, Hon. Ali Idris Diginsa, expressed concern over what it described as the party’s deepening internal crisis and the leadership’s failure to resolve long-standing disputes.

    According to the communiqué, the recent confrontation between Bauchi State Governor, Bala Mohammed, and the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, at the PDP national secretariat in Abuja was “shameful and embarrassing,” further exposing the party’s weakened state.

    “The PDP is no longer a formidable national platform due to persistent divisions, distrust and unending rancour among its members,” the forum stated.

    The former chairmen reaffirmed their loyalty to Lamido, describing him as a consistent party loyalist and a steadfast political figure whose pedigree spans decades—from his activism in the PRP youth wing, to his election to the House of Representatives in 1997, to his leadership roles in the SDP, where he served as national secretary during the 1992 Abiola presidential victory.

    They noted that Lamido remains the only surviving member of the historic G9 and G18 groups who has never abandoned the PDP, even at the height of the Buhari political wave in the North.

    The forum said it has mandated Lamido to “seek a viable political platform” that would allow his followers to pursue “the dream of a greater Jigawa and Nigeria,” insisting that they trust his judgement and leadership.

    They also urged the Jigawa State PDP leadership to facilitate an immediate meeting with Lamido so the group can formally present its position.

    The communiqué ended with a pledge of unwavering loyalty to the former governor: “Wherever he goes, we will follow.”

  • Segun Awolowo’s death, a devastating loss – Ibori

    Segun Awolowo’s death, a devastating loss – Ibori

    Former Delta State Governor, Chief James Ibori, has expressed deep sorrow over the passing of Segun Awolowo, describing his death as a painful loss to the nation and to all who knew him personally.

    Segun, who was one of the grandsons of the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, died at the age of 62.

     In a heartfelt statement he personally signed on Thursday, Ibori said Awolowo’s death is a personal loss to him.

    “I am utterly devastated by the news of Segun’s death,” Ibori said.

    “He carried the Awolowo name with dignity, humility, and purpose. Nigeria has lost one of its finest gentlemen.”

    Ibori paid tribute to Awolowo’s outstanding leadership at NEPC, noting his instrumental role in championing the nation’s export growth and his vision for a diversified economy.

    Under Awolowo’s stewardship, NEPC expanded its support for non-oil exports, nurtured local producers, and opened new global markets—efforts that, according to Ibori, will continue to benefit Nigeria for years to come.

    Beyond his professional accomplishments, Ibori highlighted Awolowo’s character: “He was gentle, soft-spoken, principled—but never weak in conviction. He believed in service, not spectacle.”

    He added that Segun Awolowo’s integrity and calm demeanour earned him respect across political divides.

    Ibori extended his deepest condolences to the Awolowo family, friends, and colleagues, praying for solace and strength in this difficult time. “May his legacy of excellence, dignity, and national service inspire all of us moving forward,” he said.

  • PDP chairmanship: Lamido breaks silence, accuses govs of blocking his ambition 

    PDP chairmanship: Lamido breaks silence, accuses govs of blocking his ambition 

    Former Jigawa State Governor Alhaji Sule Lamido has opened up on his ongoing legal battle with the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), expressing deep concern over the party’s actions that pushed him to seek redress in court.

    Lamido, one of the few remaining founding fathers of the PDP, described the dispute as a “painful and unfortunate situation,” especially given his decades-long loyalty and sacrifice to the party. 

    He spoke during an interview with the BBC Hausa Service monitored in Dutse.

    He said he decided to approach the court after he was denied the nomination form to contest for the position of National Chairman during the party’s national convention—an action carried out without any explanation.

    “I went to court because I was denied the form to participate in the contest for National Chairman. There was no reason given. It was simply blocked,” he said.

    Lamido further alleged that some PDP governors deliberately worked against his ambition because they feared he would not be controlled by any individual or interest group if elected.

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    He also revealed that Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed personally reached out to him, urging him to step down from pursuing the chairmanship position.

    “Bala Mohammed personally called me and said, my senior brother, you are too strong for us. If you become the national chairman, we cannot own and control you.’ I reminded him that when the PDP was formed in 1999, he was not even around. Many of us laboured to build this party from the ground up,” Lamido stated.

    “I told him that, looking at the PDP’s position, contributions, struggle and foresight of the caliber of its people in side it’s and leaders it’s produced in Nigeria to think of gathering all of them completely and owns them at the same time. You know it is not possible”.

    The former Minister of Foreign Affairs said when he arrived at the PDP national secretariat to buy the nomination form only to meet the offices locked, “We went there and found the office locked. There was no means to obtain the form. That was so went to court seeks redress.”

    Lamido disclosed that the court eventually ruled in his favour, ordering the PDP to make the form available to him and provide adequate time for campaigns before conducting the national convention.

    He insisted that the judgment—which he said has been officially served and acknowledged by both the PDP and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC)—renders the recent PDP national convention “null and void” until the court’s conditions are fully met.

    Reflecting on his decades in politics, Lamido said it pained him deeply to drag the party he helped build to court but stressed that the injustice could not be ignored.

    “I am seriously worried and disturbed that I had to take my own party to court. This is a party that has given me opportunities, and I have served it with loyalty. But the injustice was too much to overlook.”

    Lamido appealed to PDP members and stakeholders across Nigeria to put aside grudges, personal interests, and internal conflicts in order to rebuild the party and restore its national relevance.

    “We must forgive one another and put the party and the country first. Only then can the PDP bounce back stronger and help save Nigeria.”

  • TNN plans membership registration

    TNN plans membership registration

    Team New Nigeria (TNN) has said it would commence a nationwide membership registration on December 6, 2025.

    The organisation took the decision during a meeting of the Board of Trustees (BoT) at the weekend.

    The BoT also approved the establishment of a National Conference Organising Committee to oversee the organisation of a befitting national convention for the emerging political movement.

    The BoT resolved that there is a need to review the association’s membership base and immediately resume registration across the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory.

    A statement signed by Prof Morgan Gambo, Secretary, National Communication Bureau, TNN said: “Consequently, the BoT approved that the membership registration exercise will begin simultaneously in all 774 local government areas on Saturday, December 6, 2025.

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    “The registration shall start from the ward level in each of the eight thousand, eight hundred and nine (8,809) council wards in Nigeria. All registration materials will be made available to ward officials by Thursday, December 4, 2025.”

    “TNN leaders at the state, senatorial district, local government, and ward levels have been directed to ensure a smooth, transparent, and credible process. The party emphasised that there shall be no registration by proxy, adding that the registration form is free of charge and not for sale.”

    TNN recalled that its online and physical membership registration first commenced on December 15, 2023.

    It added that since then, a total of 43,607,700 registration transactions have been recorded, making TNN “the greatest crowd-pulling platform in Nigeria today.”

    “We enjoin all members to cooperate and encourage others to join us in our common quest to rebuild a Nigeria that works for us all,” the statement added.

  • We’ve confidence in Yilwatda as APC National Chairman, group replies Zagzaga 

    We’ve confidence in Yilwatda as APC National Chairman, group replies Zagzaga 

    The Northern Ethnic Nationalities Forum (NENF) has applauded the progress made by the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) under the leadership of Professor Nentawe Yilwatda, describing it as phenomenal.

    National Chairman of the Forum, Dr. Dominic Alancha in a statement in Abuja on Monday, said this when he punctured an alleged claim by the leadership of the North Central APC Forum that the region regretted the emergence of Yiltwada as APC national chairman, arguing that the reforms he introduced are yielding positive and progressive results.

    Zagzaga, in a statement on Sunday in Abuja, said the North-Central APC Forum, through its chairman, Saleh Zagzaga, expressed disappointment with Yilwatda’s performance, noting that he has not demonstrated the capacity to lead the party. 

    The Forum equally accused him of promoting a religious agenda and using the office to advance his selfish political interests in Plateau State.

    But Alancha argued that Zagzaga and his group are not in any position to speak for the region, alleging that they are threatened by stability, unity, and the ongoing reforms within the party.

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    The statement reads, “The Northern Ethnic Nationalities Forum condemns in strong terms the deliberately sponsored and poorly scripted publication circulating in the media, claiming to speak for the North-Central over the leadership of the All Progressives Congress. We categorically state that the story is the handiwork of political scavengers and individuals threatened by stability, unity, and ongoing reforms within the party.

    “For the avoidance of doubt, the so-called statement by the acclaimed, unregistered North-Central APC Forum, led by Alhaji Saleh Zagzaga does not represent the opinion, position or sentiment of legitimate APC stakeholders across the North or the North-Central. It is a desperate attempt to manufacture discontent where none exists.”

    Faulting Zagzaga, the NENF leader noted that since his emergence, “Yilwatda has brought intellectual depth, strategic organization, humility, inclusiveness and modern party administration to the APC,” adding that “under his leadership, the party has regained grassroots energy, strengthened internal cohesion, repositioned structures nationwide and renewed public confidence ahead of future elections.”

    Alancha emphasized that attempts by Zagzaga and his group to weaponize religion, ethnicity, or internal political disagreements have exposed their bankrupt agenda. 

    According to him, “The APC remains a national, secular, progressive platform and Prof. Yilwatda has exemplified that principle through fairness, bridge-building, and respect for all tendencies within the party.

    “As the Northern Ethnic Nationalities Forum, we reaffirm our total confidence in the capacity of Prof. Yilwatda led the APC to an electoral Eldorado, victory, expansion, and historic democratic consolidation. 

    “We stand firmly with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the National Working Committee, and all patriots committed to unity and good governance.”

    NENF then urged party members, the media, and the public “to disregard this politically motivated fiction. The APC is stable. The North is united. The future is brighter under purposeful leadership.”

  • Can the ADC still save Nigeria’s opposition?

    Can the ADC still save Nigeria’s opposition?

    Four months after its launch, Nigeria’s opposition coalition, the African Democratic Congress (ADC), has slipped into silence, lawsuits, and regional hesitation. Yet behind the stillness, political realignments may be gathering pace, especially in the North, writes Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI

    When opposition heavyweights converged on Abuja on July 9, 2025, to unveil the African Democratic Congress (ADC) as their new political home, the moment felt historic.

    Former governors, lawmakers, and technocrats from the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Labour Party (LP), and smaller political groups hailed the ADC as a “platform of renewal” — a united front that would finally challenge the dominance of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in the 2027 general election.

    The symbolism was unmistakable: a break from the old rivalries that had splintered the opposition. The ADC’s green-and-orange flag fluttered behind the podium as David Mark, two-term Senate President and ex-PDP stalwart, was introduced as interim leader of what organisers called “The Coalition for a New Nigeria”.

    Four months later, the applause has faded. The ADC, touted as the masterstroke of Nigeria’s fractured opposition, now finds itself trapped between ambition and inertia, between promise and paralysis.

    A coalition gone cold

    Some of those who attended that jubilant July launch now harbour the fear that the movement has lost its rhythm. “The momentum just vanished,” said one ADC youth mobiliser in Kogi. “We thought this was going to be like 2013, when the APC merger changed everything. But now, nobody even knows who’s in charge.”

    The confusion is not just political; it’s legal. After former national chairman Ralph Okey Nwosu and his executive team endorsed the handover to the Mark-led interim committee, several party members and claimants filed lawsuits at the Federal High Court in Abuja challenging the takeover. Among the plaintiffs were Dumebi Kachikwu, the ADC’s 2023 presidential candidate, and state-level officers who argued that the adoption of the new leadership violated internal party procedures.

    In early September, one suit sought an injunction to restrain the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) from recognising the Mark committee. Others followed through late October, producing a tangle of interim orders and justification hearings.

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    A Federal High Court initially directed the Mark leadership to respond to the complaints and briefly restrained INEC from updating its register. Later, other judges declined further injunctions, leaving recognition in limbo. By mid-September, INEC cautiously published the names of the interim executives while stressing that final recognition would depend on the outcome of the pending cases.

    In practice, this ambiguity has paralysed the ADC’s operations. Without full INEC recognition, the coalition cannot legally conduct primaries, open official campaign accounts, or collect regulated donations. Activities remain subdued at its headquarters in Abuja, and its regional offices are still half-staffed.

    “You can’t build a coalition on quicksand. Until the courts settle who the real ADC leadership is, everyone is playing safe,” an Abuja-based political analyst told our reporter.

    The legal fog has drained morale and resources. Several financiers have reportedly frozen support until the party’s status becomes clear. “Everyone is waiting for clarity before they put money down,” said a Lagos-based campaign consultant. “No one wants to fund a faction that might be voided in court,” he added.

    The politics of hesitation

    The ADC was conceived as a big-tent refuge for opposition politicians frustrated by internal crises within the PDP and the Labour Party. The strategy was simple: gather disaffected governors, former ministers, and legislators into a single platform strong enough to rival the APC’s machinery ahead of 2027.

    However, four months in, the defections have not materialised. Early rumours that Governor Ademola Adeleke of Osun State might cross over were quickly debunked. His spokesperson dismissed the reports as “false and mischievous,” signalling that no sitting governor was willing to take the first leap.

    “Everyone is waiting for everyone else. Nobody wants to jump first,” a PDP lawmaker who does not want his name in print told our reporter.

    The hesitation extends across regions. In Rivers and Cross River, local PDP figures who initially showed interest in the coalition have gone quiet. In Lagos, an opposition senator described the July event bluntly: “It was a political press conference, not a merger. People are testing the waters.”

    By October, the ADC’s social media accounts had gone dormant, its policy committees stalled, and even some early organisers privately admitted that “the energy has dissipated”.

    The coalition that promised to unify the opposition has instead exposed how fractured they remain.

    Is the North playing games?

    To understand the coalition’s next chapter, it helps to look northward. This is the position of Chief Chekwas Okorie, founding national chairman of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) and an astute observer of political trends in the country. He sees a deliberate ploy in the silence.

    “The North has been meeting regularly. They are not as noisy as we are in the South,” Okorie told this reporter. “Politically, they are more strategic. Between now and the end of the year, you will see a major realignment in the North that may favour the ADC.”

    According to the APGA founding national chairman, roughly a dozen former ministers from Muhammadu Buhari’s administration have quietly joined or signalled support for the ADC but are keeping their affiliation discreet. “They’re waiting for the right moment — likely when Atiku Abubakar declares his 2027 ambition,” he said.

    Okorie added that several northern lawmakers are “under instruction” from political elders to delay public declarations until the region agrees on a unified stance. “The North is not sleeping. When they move, they move together — and that will change the power equation in Abuja,” he said.

    This approach stands in sharp contrast to the South, where competing blocs and personalities have diluted focus. While southern politicians debate zoning and structure, the North appears to be quietly organising around shared leverage.

    Sectional politics, old and new

    The pattern reveals an enduring reality: that Nigeria’s democracy remains tilted along regional lines.

    “What I’m seeing,” Okorie warned, “is a deepening of regional consciousness. It’s not about religion — both the President and Vice President are Muslims. It’s about ethnicity and power.”

    That perception is grounded in electoral math. In the 2023 election, Tinubu received a substantial number of votes from the North. The result cemented a belief among northern elites that they “made” Tinubu president — and could unmake him.

    A Kaduna-based ADC organiser put it more pragmatically: “This is about relevance, not rebellion. The North wants to negotiate from a position of strength. The ADC gives them a new bargaining chip.”

    “This is power politics, not party politics. The North is negotiating, not rebelling,” he added.

    By early November, multiple meetings had reportedly taken place in Kaduna, Sokoto, and Bauchi to coordinate the northern strategy should Atiku or another northern heavyweight align with the coalition. If that bloc declares en masse before December, it could reposition the ADC as a credible national player.

    A northern agenda or national rescue?

    Critics describe the ADC as a northern agenda masquerading as national unity — a ‘soft landing’ for Atiku loyalists and ex-Buhari technocrats uneasy about rejoining the APC under Tinubu.

    Okorie agrees with the idea. “That’s exactly what it is,” he said. “But it still reflects how our democracy works — through realignment, not ideology.”

    However, the coalition insiders disagree with such a portrayal. Dr Aisha Sadiq, a member of the ADC’s policy advisory group, insists the project is national in intent.

    “We have structures in all six geopolitical zones,” she said. “Before the July adoption, we held consultations in Enugu, Ibadan, and Minna. The legal noise has overshadowed the quiet work.”

    Still, the optics are poor. The ADC’s national secretariat has been largely dormant since September, press briefings have dwindled, and its online presence has almost disappeared.

    “Silence is killing the brand,” a media strategist who worked on Peter Obi’s 2023 presidential campaign said. “In politics, perception is everything. Even if you’re reorganising, you must look alive.”

    The coalition’s contradictions

    Beneath the rhetoric of “renewal”, the ADC carries the contradictions of the political class it seeks to replace. Many of its financiers are veterans of the same establishment politics that dominate the PDP and the APC.

    A young ADC member in Enugu put it bluntly: “We’re fighting old battles with old soldiers.”

    That identity crisis runs deep. The coalition still lacks a full manifesto or campaign framework. Debates over zoning — whether the 2027 presidential ticket should go to the North or the South — remain unresolved.

    “The ADC can’t just be anti-APC,” said a policy analyst in Lagos. “It has to tell Nigerians what it stands for — on jobs, energy, education, and security. Without that, it’s just another platform for ambition.”

    Without a clear message, the ADC risks becoming another “Third Force” that fizzles out — like the short-lived Coalition for Nigeria Movement (CNM) of 2018. It began with fanfare and ended in fragmentation.

    Reform or regression?

    For Chekwas Okorie, the deeper issue is systemic. He argues that Nigeria’s democracy cannot progress without comprehensive electoral reform to break the cycle of regional dominance and voter apathy.

    “Our people in the South don’t vote because they believe their votes don’t count,” he said. “That’s why the North keeps controlling the narrative — they show up during elections.”

    He urges President Tinubu to pursue reforms while he still has the opportunity. “Goodluck Jonathan ignored calls for electronic voting and only embraced it after losing power,” Okorie said. “Tinubu shouldn’t repeat that mistake.”

    The National Assembly is currently debating amendments to the Electoral Act of 2022. Some of the items on the agenda are full adoption of technology, diaspora voting, and campaign finance transparency. Interestingly, both ADC factions — despite their disputes — have called for quick passage of these reforms, one of the few issues that unite them.

    That alignment hints at the coalition’s latent potential: beneath its internal noise lies a shared belief that Nigeria’s electoral process must evolve.

    Rebuilding from the wreckage

    If the ADC is to regain momentum before mid-2026, analysts outline three urgent steps.

    One: resolve the legal fog. The leadership question must be settled — either through a negotiated truce or a fast-tracked judicial ruling. Without full recognition from  INEC, the coalition cannot function as a legal political entity.

    Secondly, it must stage coordinated defections. Instead of scattered individual moves, the coalition needs a single, dramatic moment — governors, senators, and ex-ministers declaring together. “Politics rewards spectacle,” a strategist said. “You have to show strength, not just promise it.”

    Finally, it must craft a national message. Nigerians are weary of “anti-someone” politics. The ADC’s challenge is to offer a programmatic alternative built on economic reform, energy transition, security, and electoral integrity — issues that cut across ethnic lines.

    If the coalition can do those three things by early 2026, analysts believe it could still become the vehicle for a credible opposition comeback.

    A flicker, not yet a flame

    Despite its troubles, the emergence of the ADC coalition is a move in the right direction. It keeps alive the idea of a viable alternative to the ruling APC — and in Nigeria’s political culture, symbolism often precedes substance.

    “Politics rewards patience, but it also punishes hesitation,” said political analyst Chinenye Madu.

    Whether the ADC survives to contest 2027 depends on what happens in the next six months. If Atiku Abubakar or Peter Obi — both still undeclared as of November — choose it as their presidential platform, it could instantly gain legitimacy. If not, it may join the long list of coalitions that promised much and delivered little.

    As December approaches, northern insiders foresee “mass registration” drives and quiet meetings aimed at a collective entry once the legal disputes clear. If those manoeuvres succeed, Okorie’s prediction of a “major northern realignment” may yet come true.

    For now, the ADC stands suspended — between dream and doubt, between a future it cannot yet claim and a past it has not escaped.