• Excerpt from Bayo Osiyemi’s new book, Wilderness Trodden, due for launch soon
The words of God are true and eternal. It is an empirical statement that I am first to embrace.
In the early 90s, I was drafted to run for the chairmanship of Mushin Local Government Council, against my wish.
I had joined others in our Social Democratic Party (SDP) to back a senior official of the PZ Industries Limited, Councillor (Clr) Obafemi Sunmonu to pick our party’s ticket and run against Chief Willy Akinlude for the chairmanship of Mushin Local Government.
Then, the boundaries of Mushin Local Government of 14 wards extended to Itire-Ikate, Oshodi-Isolo up to Mushin-Alimoso border at Ejigbo.
But when the race became fierce, it was glaring to party leaders that Clr Sunmonu might not be able to summon sufficient financial muscle to face Akinlude in the party primaries and win. Of course, then in the Progressives camp in Lagos, winning the party primaries was tougher than winning the general elections against opposition candidates. That was then.
The party chairman in Lagos State, Alhaji Muniru Baruwa, summoned me to his Ikate-Lawanson home in Surulere area to inform me that the SDP was having a rethink about fielding Sunmonu against Akinlude who was being backed by a reformers group intent in ending Jakande’s “Baba-so-pe” leadership caucus in Lagos; and that the leaders, ostensibly with the imprimatur of Jakande himself, felt I had been considered enough to be a better alternative to face Akinlude.
I was lost in thought as to how I became the party’s new choice, honestly contrary to my wish.
Though I was hesitant, I knew one would be marked down for destruction if one refused party orders. I was caught between the devil and the deep blue sea – courting Sunmonu’s ire for standing to block his chance or provoking stern reprisal from the party; I chose to avoid the party’s big stick.
The reasoning of the party leadership at the time was that Sunmonu, as a salary earner, would not be able to summon the huge resources needed to upstage Akinlude, an affluent pool punting promoter, being backed in the background by better financially-able leaders intent of sweeping off Jakande’s leadership hold on Lagos politics. Of course, everyone in Lagos then knew that Jakande group was not that financially strong.
How the party zeroed in on me, remained a mystery to me until later, although I had frightfully accepted to be drafted to the race.
It was much later I learnt that one of the outspoken leaders in the Jakande camp, Chief Tele Olukoya of Ibowon, Epe Division, had squealed, that after my tenure in government with Jakande, I had set up a PR communications company of my own, that was already doing well; and that he was sure I’d have the required funds to face Akinlude squarely, instead of Sunmonu.
It was true at that time that I had warmed myself to the heart of an up-coming young businessman who entrusted his companies media and PR assignments to my Penby Communications Limited.
I was in charge of Otunba Mike Adenuga’s businesses, media wise, such as Worldspan Holdings, Consolidated Oil that eventually won Oil drilling licence and later acquired Shell, that became National Oil before its name changed to Conoil; Devcom Merchant Bank and Equitorial Trust Bank.
I made good money from those companies, aside from Mike Adenuga’s large heartedness.
I therefore had huge war chest to prosecute my party’s primary electioneering campaign in Mushin and defeat Willy Akinlude in the process.
That victory was disputed by Willy and his backers, and their sulking made them embark on anti-party, to move ahead to vote against the SDP and elect Babatunde Odele as chairman for a three-year term then.
I challenged that contrived election victory at the tribunal and won, due to the quantum of evidence I adduced through my agents. That victory was short-lived as it was aborted at the high court by the shocking verdict of the heavily-bearded Justice Desalu, now deceased.
There are takeaways from this experience. They include:
1. Sunmonu, after initial protestations, eventually and fully supported my candidacy;
2. Working against one’s party for whatever reason is unarguably bad and usually comes with adequate consequences sooner or later.
In this particular instance, Willy Akinlude fell victim of the ill-thought executive power-wielding of the man he helped into office; just as Governor Agbolade Otedola did not adequately reciprocate Jakande’s group efforts in getting him elected into office instead of their partyman, Yomi Edu of the SDP.
3. Ill-gotten electoral advantage does not confer on its beneficiary, enduring happiness; just as electoral wrong, perpetuated at any time, will be redressed, if not by man, but by God, sooner or later.
Odele realised this to his chagrin, when his three-year scheduled term of office, was truncated after only one year by the military that created Oshodi/Isolo out of the old Mushin Local Government council and eventually appointed me to complete the remaining two years of Odele’s term as chairman, caretaker or not.
4. God is all-knowing and all-powerful, hence His words are always true and eternal.
While my electioneering campaign against Odele was peaking up to election time, my late wife, Esther, had a dream which she revealed to me that I would not win the election but that she still saw in the dream that I eventually became chairman, after that foiled first attempt. Because my own level of faith was not as strong as my wife’s at the time, I couldn’t comprehend how I would still become chairman after an election she had dreamed I lost.
But, “God moves in mysterious way His wonders to perform, His purposes ripen fast, unfolding every hour”. It eventually happened that without another election, I still became a beneficiary of the same election held two years earlier!
“Your word, LORD, is eternal; it stands firm in the heavens” (Psalm 119:89).
“The grass withers and the flowers fall, but the word of our God endures forever” (Isaiah 40:8).
The Olukare of Ikare-Akoko Oba Akadiri Momoh, has said the traditional institution in Akokoland will continue to strive for the unity, peace and progress of Akoko land through the rotation arrangement of the Akoko Northeast/Akoko Northwest Federal Constituency seat.
Oba Momoh said this when he endorsed the standard bearer of the People’s Democratic Party ( PDP) for this weekend’s bye-election into Akoko Northeast/Northwest Federal Constituency. He advised politicians to always honour whatever agreement they entered into.
He said the rotation arrangement had worked perfectly by preventing disunity and breakdown of brotherliness and unity of the two local government areas.
Oba Momoh raised the hand of the PDP candidate, Olalekan Bada, as the preferred successor to Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, who is now a minister He called on the electorate to vote for Bada, who is going to spend only three and a half years in the House of Representatives to maintain the rotation policy of the political leaders of Akoko land.
Oba Momoh at a simple ceremony to demonstrate his commitment wished the candidate success. The monarch urged the electorate in the constituency to vote massively for Bada ,stressing that the candidate is tested and trusted.
Bada promised to represent the constituency to the best of his ability with a solid commitment to attracting the dividends of democracy.
He said he would network with his colleagues, lobby where necessary and negotiate with members of the executive to attract infrastructure and employment to youths in the constituency
Oba Timothy Oluwole Sunday Mosaku is the traditional ruler of Arigbajo in Ewekoro Local Government Area, Ogun State. Besides the residential estate of the multinational Lafarge Cement Company, his community also hosts the 18-hole Ishofin Golf Course which sits on 52 hectares of land. In this interview with GBENGA ADERANTI, the octogenarian monarch talks about his battles with some elements determined to unseat him, his plans for the community’s development and why he remains a monogamist even as a monarch.
What was your early life like?
I was born in 1936, here in Arigbajo. I attended United District Central Primary School, Arigbajo, I went to a modern secondary school in those days in Abeokuta, Government Trade Centre, Ijebu Ode and Institute of Management. I did journalism. I embrace all the religions — Christianity, Islam and traditional religion, because I am king over all.
Were your parents responsible for your education?
That is private to me. But for the modern school, they were responsible. Growing up, I had a lot of challenges because my grandfather had four wives, among them the late Hubert Ogunde-styled Ojuyemi.
How was life after your education?
After my education, I went into paid employment, and during this period, I started developing myself educationally. I can tell you that I am a management scientist I worked at Vono Plc. I was the president of Vono Plc workers’ union. I spent 12 years working in Vono. I also worked at the CSS Bookshop, now known as Bookshop House, four companies in one. I was at the commercial department.
In my early employment years, I underwent tutelage under Europeans and Nigerians. However, my finest master was not a European; he was an African called Allen Taylor. He called us during one of our training sessions and said: “Gentlemen, let me tell you a philosophy of life. You may be a carpenter and your classmate is a carpenter. But your classmate is making it and you are not making it. Change your course. Before you change up to five courses, you will make it out there.” So, I started following that principle.
We gathered that you are the first ruler of Arigbajo to be crowned an Oba. What would you tell us about the history of the community?
Arigbajo was founded by my forefather, Kusi Mamowolo; a great hunter. He came here in search of animals. After killing an animal, he would eat, give others some and take the rest to Itoku Market in Abeokuta for sale.
Before this place was founded, he had founded one Arigbajo very close to Wasinmi. They call that Arigbajo Ehin, I’ve gone there to officiate on many occasions. They have not had an Oba, only an Asipa. They cannot have an Oba without my permission. My domain here and Arigbajo Ehin, we are all Egba.
The people of the town speak Egba, Owu and a variant of Oyo. What could have been responsible for this?
(Prolonged laughter) We are all Egba. The relationship is that we have four sections in Abeokuta. They are Egba Ake, where you get the paramount ruler today who is Oba Adedotun Aremu Gbadebo,; the only accredited Oba to give a crown to any Oba. So anyone installed by Adedotun Aremu Gbadebo is the only Oba recognised.
Considering the complexities that are involved in choosing a monarch, how were you able to surmount the challenges?
I had a sister whose name was Mobolaje Ajala nee Mamowolo. She was the one who took it upon herself to appeal to me to come and become the king. I initially didn’t want to accept because I knew that being an Oba would be a problem, given the way I wanted to live my personal life. But she prevailed on other members of the family to persuade and convince me.
I didn’t want to bear the burden. These family members came to Lagos several times in their bid to convince me. Many slept over for many days trying to persuade me. My sister, on one occasion, lamented that if she had been a man she wouldn’t have needed convincing a reluctant person like me. My wife (now the Olori) begged me that I should listen to her.
To manoeuvre and also to be sure I was the right candidate for the throne, I told them to go and consult the oracle. They went as far as Oke Nla, a very thick forested area in Ifo Local Government Area. I didn’t go with them. The reason my sister was concerned that the right person should become the king was because she had discovered then that some of our forefathers’ tenants were also agitating to become the king and at the same time sponsoring my younger brother so he could become their puppet.
These tenants originally came to Arigbajo to beg my grandfather- Mamowolo, to give them land and a chance to stay in the town. He even told them that they should go to other places but they persisted. Thus, my grandfather allowed them to stay, and in a show of ambition and ingratitude, they now wanted to occupy the throne, for which they have no right!
What did an oracle tell those who went to consult him?
The Ifa oracle told them that this man (referring to me) is not only a Baale (clan head); he is also a king even if he has little money now. They came back to me with this report, but I still ran away to Lagos but they followed me. One of the people that came to call me is still alive. He is Baale Adewole. So, I finally succumbed to their pressure and came home for installation.
Were there others who contested the throne with you at that time?
Yes, our forefather’s tenants. It is these groups of people that I call chief tenants that are giving me and my domain problems up till today. They wanted to become the king or promote one of my brothers to become the king.
Are you saying that some of the people contesting the stool are not natives of Arigbajo?
They are tenants. They came to beg Mamowolo to give them land to stay with them. He even told them to go to other places but they begged. He allowed them to stay and they now want to become the king of the town.
At 88, your memories are still sharp enough to recall the past vividly. What is the secret?
It is like that because I’m married to one wife.
It is generally believed that a king must marry more than one wife and even inherit other people’s wives if they want. Why is your preference for one wife?
There is no Yoruba tradition that says a monarch should have many wives. However, some circumstances, like pity for some unattached women or other local reasons may persuade an Oba to marry more than one woman.
Anyway, the impression that an Oba must have many wives does not apply to me. That is their own. The Alake of Egba, as of now, is a monogamist. Maybe I copied him.
What are the things that have changed in the town since you assumed the throne of your forefathers?
I have brought different developments to the community and I still have plans to do more.
Even when I had not become the king, I had formed a society in Lagos in 1965, which I called the Arigbajo Improvement Union. We worked hand in hand with our people here from Lagos. The purpose, as the name sounds, is to improve the town. We recorded some successes and this is what I have continued with on the throne.
I was the driving force behind the building of the police station, although it is yet to be commissioned. I’ll say it was built with government money. I, however, gave them the land. There is the golf course along the Lagos-Abeokuta Expressway. There, it is like Europe, where white men who work in Lafarge Cement recreate. I donated the land too.
I went there and they said I should come and play golf. I did and they were surprised that I could play golf. You know that once a soldier is always a soldier.
The Arigbajo Market attracts people from all over the country. What is that thing that makes it tick?
The Arigbajo market was founded by my grandfather, Egunleti Mosaku. He worked relentlessly to build it, and that is what has worked for its resilience up to date. Let me tell you, everybody from far and wide does come there to ply their trade. It’s the largest market in this area.
I thank God that I formed a society in Lagos in 1965 and I called it Arigbajo Improvement Union. We were working hand in hand with our fathers here.
Let’s talk about your other sporting activities…
I am also a footballer and soccer enthusiast. I started playing football in Arigbajo here. It was my Igbo teacher in school who set me on the path of football. One day, he just sent me to the field. At the end of the day, I became a very good player. When I was at Abeokuta, I was a very popular and well-sought-after footballer at a place called Four Corners.
What are the challenges that you are facing?
The biggest challenge is from our chief tenants. Up till today, they still want to be part of the ruling house.
What do you want the government to do for this community?
Education is paramount in the development of any nation or community. I appeal to the government (local and state) to support my domain with more primary and secondary schools. Also, we need more health centres for all the more than 20 villages under my domain. We lack potable water, so, we plead for public-spirited individuals and the government to construct more boreholes in the villages.
Our main market is the famed Arigbajo Market, but we want more markets and commercial development. Erosion is threatening the livelihoods and houses of many of my community members and even their farmlands. It has dug gullies everywhere to the river bank. Lack of drainage on some of the inner roads is part of the reason erosion and flooding is prevalent in Arigbajo. Government should help us grade our rural roads and even the tarred Trunk B and C roads are becoming impassable.
As I told you, those people who are making trouble do not want Arigbajo to grow. But as a monarch, you have to be cool. What they want is to destabilise the town. You said the town is not as developed as Epe. Yes, where there is a problem, there cannot be progress. Ten wards make up Arigbajo, but they had made nonsense of it before I came. It was terrible.
The problem of Arigbajo is traceable to these chief tenants. They have sold Arigbajo Market to one Igbo chap. That is the only factory my grandfather instituted. Egunleti Mosaku founded the market in 1951. Many of them were still sucking breasts when the market was founded. I have told everybody including the Ewekoro Local Government Chairman. I have gone to the police station with a lawyer over the issue.
It is the non-natives that are dragging the town backwards.
I’m calling on all the natives of this town home and abroad to join me in developing the town.
Being a Centenarian – attaining age 100 – is a special privilege, not gifted to many. Also, it is not gifted to many children to live long enough to witness this centenary milestone of their parents. So, when you have a septuagenarian son being alive to celebrate a centenarian mother, it calls for hailing – Ogo Eledumare, Halleluyah and Alhamdidulai.
The Almighty breathed life into my mother on February 7th, 1924 in Ijebu-Isiwo, Ijebu-Ode local government area of Ogun state , the daughter of a Catholic father, Anthony Dairo, and an Anglican mother, Beatrice Adejoke, who belonged to the Mogoosu Royalty in Ibido-Ogbo, near Ijebu-Ode, the royalty that crowns the Awujale of Ijebuland.
Young Oladunni lived with her maternal uncle, a teacher, but came home annually to celebrate Christmas/New Year. It was on one such homecoming that mother met cupid, or put differently, mother was offered to cupid. My maternal grandfather had two sons first, then four daughters, my mother being second. Parents, we all know, want the best for their children, especially their daughters, when it comes to marriage which was why arranged marriages were the norm then, after evaluating a prospective suitor and his family pedigree. I was told that Dad was a close friend of my grandfather’s first son. Now, in his youth, I learnt my father was a toast – a handsome, affable, ebullient, likeable person with good comportment: a quintessential Omoluabi. He already had a wife. As told by my mother, on one Christmas/New Year homecoming, her father, a Christian, offered all his four daughters for my father, a Muslim, to make a pick of a wife!!! My father settled for my mother, and as they say, the rest is history. Obviously, grandpa must have been very pleased in my father, both in character and his family background. On that note started a union that produced four of us from my mother – an elder sister and two younger sisters. Two of us – me and my immediate younger sister are Christians with the first and last born being Muslims. We celebrate ‘Ileya’ and Christmas in harmony. It is a tragedy that some people have weaponised religion to create conflict. My father added three more wives. He passed on in 1988.
Celebrating my mother at age 100 is a celebration of Grace in her life. She beats the odds. Among the 42 members of her Age Grade and the five wives of her husband, she is the last person standing. She has been abundantly blessed, for Mom has enjoyed robust, good health all her life, bringing great financial relief to the children, as against the financially draining burden and stressful care some other children have had to endure with their aged parents. She does not have high blood pressure, walks around unaided, retains sharp eyes, strong voice and no diabetes or sugar problem, in spite of using six cubes of St. Louis sugar in a cup of Milo drink!! Mom is also lucky to be in the care of family members – a daughter and a great, great grandson, as against artificial care of hired staff.
Mother was a devoted wife who converted to Islam, the religion of her husband, and worshipped faithfully according to its tenets that she was installed as “Atoyegbe” of Idera Mosque, Imowe quarters, Ijebu-Isiwo.
In her prime, mother was a workaholic and had engaged in multiple ventures – from food selling, including the famous Ijebu delicacy, Ikokore, in Ibadan, palm oil at Mamu, near Ijebu-Igbo, to being a fish merchant in Akotogbo, in the riverine area of Ondo state from where the family returned to the roots in Ijebu-Isiwo.
My mother is the most organized person I have known. She is a human alarm clock and a most time conscious person. Tell Mom you need to wake up four o’clock in the morning, she will wake you at precisely four o’clock. Most times I go home to take her on visits to her daughters and grandchildren. If I tell Mom we shall leave by 7am, she would be fully ready by 6.30am. If constraints of time is making it difficult for me to go home and take her on a visit, Mom would just go on the visit, without notification but with a pot of soup, fufu, garri, and of course, her beverage – Milo ! Asked why she goes to such bothers when visiting a daughter or an adult grandchild, Mom would tell you that when visiting someone unannounced, you must have at least two-day food supply so as not to put undue pressure on your host. She would not want to create an emergency situation where the host/hostess would have to just rustle a food for her. The point is that Mom is finicky with what she eats – live fish, not oku eko, and fresh pepper/tomato as soup ingredients, which she must see before grinding ! At home, you remove your shoes before entering the sitting room and ladies must keep their handbags in their hands, or on their laps, not dump on a seat. She does not tolerate littering of space.
My mother is blessed with the sharpest memory imaginable. Imagine recalling, in details, those present, and who said what at a meeting 60 years ago when my father bought land from a family in the town ! Mom is a dependable monitor. When I was building my house in the village 33 years ago, Mom would resume with the workers at site in the morning, pack her lunch along, and close with them in the evening. She counts the number cement bags and blocks used and the lorry loads of sharp and soft sand delivered!! Since completion of the house decades ago, Mom has been the one getting those who live in a two-room section of the building – free of charge – but with the proviso of keeping the compound clean. However, once my mother determines that the premises is not being well maintained enough, the person is out.
Finally, I remain eternally grateful to my mother for saving my son from being a cripple for life. It was in the early 1980s. My son, the last born, took ill and could not walk again. He was just one year plus. I was with the News Agency of Nigeria in Lagos and took the child to the official hospital on Bode Thomas Street, Surulere. He was admitted and my Mom came to stay with him in the hospital. After about a week, my Mom started expressing doubt about the efficacy of the treatment being given in restoring mobility to the child and pleaded with me to allow her take the child home to my father for native care. The Indian lady doctor who was attending to him objected to the request to discharge him. Eventually, I had to sign that I forced a discharge of the child, against medical advice. I took my Mom home, with my son, on a Saturday. When I was returning to Lagos that day, my father had assured me that when I come back a week later, the child will be walking, again. It was one week of harrowing anxiety.
The following Saturday, as I was parking in front of my father’s house, behold, my son was running out of the house shouting: Daddy! Daddy!! I literally jumped out of the car, leaving the engine running, lifted him up, restraining tears of joy. I went inside the house and prostrated, full length, before my father and mother. The efficacy of African traditional medicine has just been demonstrated, so convincingly!!!
Two weeks after returning to Lagos, I took the boy back to the Surulere hospital. When the Indian doctor saw him walking in, she stood transfixed, as if seeing an apparition. Then, she blurted out: how did it happen? Imagine, she had concluded that the child will not walk again, yet, supposedly giving treatment! Fear Western-trained doctors o.
On New Year Day, January 1, 2024, my mother was in my country home – she lives in her husband’s house – to share in the festivities of the season when call came through that the little boy of 1984 just had his third child in London earlier in the day. My mother went into celebrative dance steps on being told the news. I celebrate my mother on attaining this landmark age of 100 and wish her many more happy days. She is a Mother for All Season.
•Dr. Olawunmi, a Mass Communication Scholar and Public Affairs Analyst, is former Washington Correspondent of the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) and Fellow, Nigerian Guild of Editors. Email: olawunmibisi@yahoo.com Phone ( SMS ONLY ) 0803 364 7571 Tuesday, 23 January, 2024
Born on January 12, 1940, Chief Rasaki Okoya, is a billionaire industrialist with the Midas touch. The Aare of Lagos is the owner and founder of Eleganza Group of Companies and RAO Investment Properties whose tentacles have spread across Nigeria and West Africa. With his experience as an industrial magnate spanning over six decades, he has seen it all. Chief Okoya’s journey from humble beginnings to becoming a billionaire is a testament to his unwavering vision, strategic insight, relentless and perseverance. As he turns 84, Okoya talks about the secret of his success, and how government can make the youth productive using industrialization in this interview with Oluwatosin Ojo.
Life lessons at 84 and secret of his success
Consistency, perseverance, hard work commitment, passion and integrity are the only vehicles that can drive you to success and not by cutting corners. Also, it is by being true to oneself in what one is doing. I am passionate about my business. I am committed to it and I have been consistent over the years by getting involved all the way by not playing the boss. At Eleganza, we try to work within our means particularly by working with the local market. It has helped the business to grow this far.
Recommendation for job creation for the youth
I have decided to use this opportunity to propose a recurring vision that has plagued me. My warmest regards and congratulations to our President, His Excellency Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the Vice President, His Excellency Kashim Shettima, for their steady management of the economy. We pray for peaceful and successful terms ahead. From working in and monitoring the manufacturing industry for over 60 years, my hope is that the current administration makes the industrialisation of Nigeria a cardinal goal. This they can do by utilising our youths and empowering increased incorporation of manufacturing through the establishment of many cottage industries and factories during their term. Did you know, a significant percentage of the country’s GDP is derived from MSMEs and it can be approximated that majority of these enterprises are youth-owned?
Making the youth productive via industrialisation
Our youth have potential and can be stronger with greater empowerment. If you open the eyes of a blind man, he will never want to go back to the darkness. I think to myself regularly on how do we utilise our dominant working population. The picture in my mind places all 36 states and the federal capital territory as industrial hubs, varying in speciality where the average Nigerian citizen should be able to live, work, shop, have access to healthcare and other conveniences (e.g., recreational, worship facilities etc.); all without leaving their state of origin, within their industrial hubs. Bringing this into realisation could be initiated through investment in incubation centres, in each state (dispersed based on the requirements and geographical advantages of the state). Preparing one-unit warehouses of approximately 5,000 square metres per cluster, having 10,000 of each unit/micro industry in each state including the federal capital territory, Abuja. Similarly, provision can be made to private estate developers to create infrastructural extensions in areas with existing low- income housing to include warehouses. This will enhance the appeal of opportunities in our rural states, transforming them into vibrant economic zones and serving as significant Industrial infrastructure for each state.
Leveraging on international connections
In addition to the above, the government can invite specialists and international machine manufacturers (e.g. China/India etc.) to train our graduates in vocational skills and provide crucial technology transfer through the sale of machinery, and equipment for daily need products in exchange for local minerals via the use of a barter trading system. By opting to further facilitate local manufacturing of products, the government can consider onward sales of the above mentioned machines to the youth on a long-term basis. The government should protect our industries by imposing strict prohibitions of imports and policing the markets to enforce the ban on importation. With these, I believe we can conserve our precious foreign exchange, increase GDP, and strengthen our local markets/producers.
Making electricity available will turn the economy around
Power supply should be made available to our youths and other existing industries. If small-scale factories could work without generators, it would solve majority of the country’s crippling problems. Requiring each unit to adhere to contemporary demands of sustainability, preservation of natural capital and utilisation of renewable energy will ensure longevity and create backups to the national grid power supply. Incorporating training to pre-empt and prevent environmental degradation, learning from the case of China. This will provide practical experience that would give our youth a strong sense of belonging, and a promise of hope. It is our duty as Nigerian seniors, to help our youth the truth to know.
Thoughts on wealth creation and urban migration
Ultimately, promoting urbanisation in the rural areas of the country, and stemming rural-to- urban migration by wealth creation in our rural communities will prevent overcrowding in urban areas; keeping our youths off the streets, by encouraging them to get a house and job opportunities. We need to instill a sense of pride and dignity through respectable labour in our youth. The creation of varied and sustainable industrial cities will be pivotal in the national stimulation of progress. All this could be financed in the government budget with the aid of private sector investment schemes and the youth could be required to pay back within 10 to 25 years, and/or enjoy grants to support them. This will unleash and enable patient capital required to catalyse economic growth, jobs and entrepreneurship for our youths. Better to light the candle than curse the darkness. Give light and the darkness will disappear of itself. This vision enacted would enable us to manufacture a better Nigeria. To ensure the success of this proposed economic remedy, Nigeria, the economic powerhouse of Africa should entirely and unitedly embrace a propensity of population utilisation, to supercharge the entire African continent. I believe more technical details and possibilities have to be discussed on the above ideas.
Appraisal of the Tinubu administration
Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu is a visionary leader who is passionate about Nigeria. I am sure this administration will promote commerce and industry. I pray for the President and Vice President, with the aid of Allah SWT, to consider this and include it in their good programme as a blueprint for the rebirth of our great nation.
Why Eleganza is still standing six decades after
We believe in Nigeria and we have promoted Made in Nigeria Products over the years. The Eleganza Industrial City Limited is a testament to our vision as an established. It is place where you find various products under one roof. Under the new industry, the company produces luggage/bag that can be branded for companies, pilgrimage, government parastatals and family trip. It also manufactures over 68 different designs of standard chairs for churches, parties, eateries, hotels etc. It also has sets of coolers and food warmers in different shapes and design. This attests to the fact that consistency, not compromise on standard and quality, has been the guiding principle that kept the company going in the past four decades
Many of my activities revolve around religion and service to humanity through philanthropy. This cuts across the various sectors of the society. At various times, I have supported medical establishments and hospital homes by donating lifesaving equipment. With modesty, Eleganza is one of the biggest employers of labour by giving employment to thousands of Nigerians. I also believe in quality education and the foundation under my name in recent years has thrown its weight in support of the Nigerian educational sector. Several undergraduate students have benefited from his Alhaji Akanni Okoya Scholarship Awards.
His advice for the youths
As said in my previous interviews, it took me 60 years to build the Eleganza conglomerate through dint of hard work. Nigerian youths are hardworking and resilient. If they can embrace hard work more and more, they will be successful because they have what it takes with enabling environment.
Acting Director-General, National Commission for the Co-ordination and Control of the Proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons (NATCOM), Otunba Adejare Rewane Adegbenro, speaķs about his organisation’s plans towards curbing insecurity and accessibility to arms in this interview with GBOYEGA ALAKA. He also speaks about his recent appointment as commissioner by the Switzerland’s Human Rights Commission.
WHAT are NATCOM’s plans towards achieving its objectives?
As we speak, a bill has been passed and we are waiting for President Bola Tinubu to put pen to paper. This will enable us actualise the dreams and aspiration of NATCOM, one of which is making sure weapons don’t go into the wrong hands. And when this happens, it means we are curbing crime to the barest minimum. It means Nigerians can sleep with both eyes closed because right now Nigerians can’t sleep due to high rate of insecurity. Take for instance the recent killings in Plateau State, Benue State and other parts of the country.
There seems to be three factions of NATCOM. How does one separate the original from the fake?
There are no factions. It is the creation of the media. Some people do not want NATCOM to come to fruition and they will do anything to thwart our sincere efforts and it is evident that they use the media. We have an individual parading himself as D.G. One even called himself interim D.G. You can verify. The former DG was duly removed from office by the council of commandants. And for the other one calling himself interim, what an illegality. These are interlopers, intruders who do not want the current administration to actualise its dream of putting an end to insecurity, because an enemy of NATCOM is an enemy of peace and security in Nigeria. With my specialty in security and with the blueprint of NATCOM, we will bring insecurity to its knees God willing.
There is said to be another agency under the National Security Adviser (NSA) dealing with proliferation of light arms. Are you going to work in tandem with the agency or stand alone?
You have to realise that there’s no monopoly of power. The office of the National Security Adviser is very big and it is saddled with a lot of responsibilities. The only way for the office to succeed is to delegate duties.
Yes, there is a ‘Center for the Coordination and Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons under the office of the NSA. But we are coming as a commission in line with ECOWAS treaty to work in harmony with the center to fight the proliferation of arms in Nigeria. The NSA, Nuhu Ribadu, is very competent, intelligent and calm. You can attest to this when he was the EFCC chairman. Despite the litany of death threats, he was unperturbed. And since he assumed office as the NSA, he has hit the ground running. We are set to benefit from some of his underground works. We are coming on board to help him mediate a lot of problems concerning light arms, ammunition, pipeline vandalism and the likes. We are going to work with him; I mean the bill already made provision for that harmony.
The NSA oversees all security agencies, so ours won’t be an exception. We will also tap from his wealth of wisdom. He is the first policeman that will serve as the NSA since the return of democracy. I trust Mr. President, who I have known since I was 16 and who is like a father to me to do well to this harmonisation and inter agency cooperation.
You said you have known President Tinubu since you were 16 and he has been like a father to you. As a grandson of Pa Alfred Rewane, the then financier of NADECO, how capable do you think Tinubu is to restore the fortunes of the nation?
There is nobody that can bring Nigeria out of this mess better than President Bola Tinubu. I call him the Jagaban of the world. I have learnt a lot from him. He inspires my doggedness, and I’m working day and night to ensure NATCOM comes into fruition. I am doing this for the love I have for my nation. Terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, assassination, arson, smuggling, etc can be ended in Nigeria.
Talking about smuggling, NATCOM will work with the Customs. We will cross-fertilise ideas on how to better secure the porous borders and use sophisticated technologies that will tighten security at our borders. The borders are where illegal arms and ammunition come in through.
We are also going to work hand in hand with the Nigeria Police, identifying dark spots in the smuggling of arms. Members of staff of NATCOM are ready to rid Nigeria of illegal arms in a bid to make the nation safe.
Have you sought audience with key stakeholders?
I have visited the wise men of the class of 99, and they kept asking where I was in that era. I told them I was acquiring knowledge. Part of the Class 99 is President Tinubu. So to tell you the truth, the key stakeholders, too numerous to mention, are solidly behind me. They have read my blueprint and they gave their full approval.
I have also consulted most of the former military heads of state and service chiefs and generals for a better understanding of what needs to be done and how well to effectively achieve results for the good of this nation.
Can you elaborate on the Class of 99 you were talking about?
If you cast your mind back to 1999, regardless of their affiliations or political parties, they all worked together in peace and harmony and moved Nigeria forward. The class of 99 is made up of all political parties, activists and politicians in that era that fought for the return of democracy. One of them is the Secretary to Government of the Federation, Senator George Akume. He is a superman. I take advice from him and he is in full support of NATCOM because he believes Nigeria can be safe again. All those illegal arms in Benue, Plateau, Borno, Zamfara among others will be mopped up and destroyed.
Also, one of the wise men of 1999 is the former Governor of Ogun State, Aremo Olusegun Osoba. He is a man of many accomplishments. He is my godfather. Interestingly, my biological father is the godson of Chief Osoba’s first son, Olumide Osoba, who is currently in the House of Representatives. I’m learning from him as well. Then President Bola Tinubu, who I have known since I was 16.
You talk passionately about fighting insecurity in the nation but there are many ways to skin a cat. Why NATCOM?
Apart from poverty, another root cause is the proliferation of illegal arms and ammunition. Once we stop supplies and mop up the ones in circulation, we will instantly bring insecurity to a halt. Perhaps you didn’t know, my grandfather died by the bullet. People are killed every day unjustly with illegal weapons. Won’t I ensure there is proper mopping of arms?
My intentions are sincere. I’m driven by the aspiration to see a Nigeria where people won’t have to secure their wards overseas. I’m with a sole purpose of facilitating a safe environment that will harbinger peace, prosperity and unity of Nigeria. The 9th Assembly led by Ahmed Lawan and Femi Gbajabiamila passed the bill after a meticulous perusal of the blueprint and wide consultation. What remains is the presidential assent. We are a donor organisation. We will generate our own funds. In other words, we are self-funded. Our establishment costs the government nothing. So, why not NATCOM?
Sometime last year, the EFCC was looking for you. What went wrong?
It was down to a civil transaction that happened years ago. My name has been cleared and the ‘wanted notice’ withdrawn.
There was another report last year about the court summoning you over alleged N2 billion judgement debt.
I can tell you categorically that it was a false report. I wasn’t summoned by any court. No court or summon letter or any form of invitation from the court of law. If there was, I would have been charged for contempt. No one is bigger than the law. I am a law-abiding citizen. Anyway, my lawyers have taken that up. I will only urge the media to verify before publishing. All these reports are handiwork of some people who want to throw spanner in the wheels of NATCOM’s progress.
From a security expert’s point of view, why the Plateau insecurity and the recent kidnappings and shooting of policemen in Abuja?
You can see why I said NATCOM has a lot of role to play in our security architecture. The recent upsurge in criminal activities is down to illegal weapons in the hands of wrong people. Don’t forget that NATCOM officials will be embedded in areas fraught with criminal activities and will proactively mop up all the illegal arms.
We know where these illicit arms and ammunition are, and I can assure we will do the needful. I, Otunba Adejare, and my team cannot wait to hit the ground running. I promise that Nigerians will be able to sleep with their eyes closed. I promise the people of Plateau, Abuja, Borno, Benue among others that NATCOM will nip all criminal activities in their domains in the bud.
How can the government boost the morale of the police for more effective performance?
First of all, I would advise the current administration to increase their wages in terms of salary. Second, pay their pension and gratuity as and when due. Also, life insurance for our police officers will be welcomed. We have seen cases where the families of policemen were kicked out of the barracks. I will advise Mr. President to set up a committee and suggest possible ways to massively upgrade the welfare of our policemen.
Lastly, Switzertland’s Human Rights Commission appointed you a commissioner, what does this portend for your course?
Well, it was an honour done me. But it shows that whatever one does, there are those observing and recording the deeds. My activities over the years were what they assessed and they decided to co-opt me into their commission. As they say, the reward for hard work is more work. All I want is a peaceful nation for my dear nation. This is my course, this is my prayer and this is my aspiration.
Paralympian Oscar Pistorius was yesterday freed on parole from a South African jail, nearly 11 years after murdering his girlfriend Reeva Steenkamp.
Officials confirmed Pistorius was “at home” yesterday morning, having served half of his more than 13-year sentence.
Ms Steenkamp’s mother said she accepted the decision to release the former athlete – but added her family was the one “serving a life sentence”.
In 2012, Pistorius became the first double amputee to run in the Olympics.
Just six months later, he shot Ms Steenkamp multiple times through a toilet door in his house. The shooting and subsequent trials gripped South Africa and the world.
Pistorius, now 37, later claimed he had mistaken her for a burglar during the night.
Pistorius was eventually convicted of murder in 2015 after an appeal court overturned an earlier verdict of culpable homicide – or manslaughter.
Under South African law, all offenders are entitled to be considered for parole, meaning early release under certain conditions, once they have served half their total sentence, which for Pistorius was finally set at 13 years and five months.
Until his sentence expires in 2029, he will live under strict rules – confining him to the home for certain hours of the day, as well as banning him from drinking alcohol. He is also not permitted to speak to the media.
In addition, Pistorius will be required to have therapy to help deal with issues around gender-based violence and anger.
He is believed to have gone to live at the home of his uncle Arnold Pistorius in an upmarket suburb of the capital, Pretoria.
While in prison, Pistorius drove a tractor in the grounds, worked in the library and cleaned inmates’ cells, according to legal documents cited by South African journalist Karyn Maughan.
Social workers and psychologists also wrote positive reports about him, she told the BBC’s Newsday programme.
Friends say Reeva Steenkamp was kind-hearted and ambitious
Ms Steenkamp’s mother, June, said in a statement that the family had “always known that parole is part of the South African legal system” and had “always said that the law must take its course”.
Mrs Steenkamp said she welcomed the conditions imposed by the parole board, which “affirmed Barry and my belief in the South African justice system,” referring to her late husband.But, she asked: “Has there been justice for Reeva? Has Oscar served enough time? There can never be justice if your loved one is never coming back, and no amount of time served will bring Reeva back. We, who remain behind, are the ones serving a life sentence.”
She added: “My only desire is that I will be allowed to live my last years in peace with my focus remaining on the Reeva Rebecca Steenkamp Foundation, to continue Reeva’s legacy.”
Pistorius first went to prison in October 2014, shortly after his initial conviction. There was a period between 2015 and 2016 when he was released under house arrest before his conviction was changed and sentence lengthened.
Pistorius’s lower legs were amputated when he was less than a year old due to a congenital condition – he was born with no fibulas, the smaller of the two lower leg bones. He subsequently relied on prosthetics and became a world-renowned athlete known as the “Blade Runner”.
In this piece, I essentially celebrate the septuagenarian initiation of Professor Adesola Ogunniyi. And I do this specifically to appreciate the existential doggedness of someone who rose from a humble beginning to become one of the topmost neuroscientists on the continent. It is axiomatic for me that celebration and eulogies should not be delayed until a posthumous occasion. If a person has done well in conquering the anxieties of life and produced giant strides, it is too late to eulogize such persons after death except to consolidate their legacies. Prof. Ogunniyi is a giant in neuroscience, and he deserves accolades beyond wining and dining as we were treated to on the 9th of December, 2023. I also have a clannish interest. Prof. Ogunniyi is my clansman. And over the years, I have tasked myself with the responsibility to detail the achievements of those eminent figures who have embodied what I have called the Aáwé mystique. In this piece, I want to weave a narrative that connects this mystique with Ogunniyi’s strides in dementia research, and the policy implications of the connection between neuroscience and neurophilosophy.
I have written about Aáwé being a small town built by little men with huge foresight on a future made strong by education. I will not speak to the confluence of geography, history and people that make Aáwé similar to other Yoruba towns, or the narratives of ancestral founding and apocryphal imaginaries that set the town apart. Aáwé began little, and remain small in terms of socioeconomic and political reckoning. And yet, Aáwé’s strength lies in the generational and communal investment that birthed great names that are the testaments to its resilience and progress. The smallness of Aáwé is displaced by its greatest achievement—the aggregation of its diverse indigenous pool into a developmental capital that propels continuous advancement in social, cultural, economic and political terms. Aáwé’s indigenous pool is made up of the expatriates abroad who invested in educational advancement and those, equally educated, who didn’t leave Aáwé town but are committed to its advancement. Those at home and abroad are equally sensitised to the urgency of community development which has been facilitated over time through the framework of social groups. Prof. Ogunniyi as an Aawe boy indeed has distinguished forerunners and I can mention a few namely, Rev. (Dr.) J. A. Adegbite, principal, Baptist Academy, Rev. (Dr.) S. T. Ola Akande, president and Secretary-General, Nigerian Baptist Convention, Prof. E. Latunde Odeku, the first African Neuro-Surgeon, Prof. Ojetunji Aboyade, the renowned economist, Chief A. O. Amoje, the business mongol, Prof. Olu Akinyanju, founder of the Sickle Cell Foundation of Nigeria, to name just a few
Prof. Ogunniyi personifies that Aáwé mystique, the Aáwé dream that manifests in the greatness of education and enlightenment. And this began from the methodic and loving parenting he got from his federal civil servant father, Papa Samuel Oyedele Ogunniyi of Ile Olode Oke Bata, and mother, and a school teacher mother, Mama Margaret Oyedoyin Ogunniyi, also an Aawe indigene, who instilled the carry-over values of communal relations into the young Ogunniyi—discipline, godliness, contentment, respect, love for family and relations, and educational support. Though born and raised in Lagos, the young Ogunniyi benefitted from the Aáwé spirit of extended filial love and cultural beingness that gives the indigenes their personality, and tie them to their small town forever. According to him, his father almost always took them to Aáwé for communal connection and for holidays and festivities. The Awe Improvement Union had Baba Ogunniyi always in attendance, and in regular consultations over how the small town could keep investing in the greatness of its people. And Prof. Ogunniyi, the son, is one of the consequences not only of a home founded on a solid moral framework, but also of a sociocultural model of a town that takes it as an imperative to build the individual ad build the mind as an investment into human and social capital that reaches from the Aáwé town to the entire world.
Professor Ogunniyi had several shoulders to stand on, from those of his parents for character formation and deep spiritual and relational value to those of scrupulous mentors and role models right from schools to professional practices. From Fiditi Grammar School to Igbobi College, and from the University of Ife to a research portfolio in neuroscience, Prof. Ogunniyi had a total package in mentoring that inculcated character, values, academic excellence, discipline and a competitive spirit that still stands him in good stead wherever he finds himself.
From biological sciences to medicine and onward to neuroscience, he was firmly within the professional cohort of mentors and the neuroscience pioneers: Professor Adeoye Lambo in neuropsychiatry, professor Latunde Odeku in neuroscience, Professor Benjamin O. Osuntokun in neuroepidemiology, Professor Ezekiel Caxton-Martins in basic neuroscience research, Professor Roger Makanjuola in psychiatry, and Professor Gabriel Osuide in neuropharmacological research. By the time he finally made a choice of neuroepidemiology, all these powerful figures and role model had already rubbed off their enormous global influence and scholarly commitment on him sufficiently to push towards becoming a force to be reckon with in dementia research in Africa. This is not a mean feat. Being at the forefront of not only a rigorous research regime but one that also initiates the framework for pathbreaking medical discovery points at the mind of a committed scholar who keeps withstanding the acute limitations of Nigeria’s postcolonial university and research facilities. Prof. Ogunniyi, like many others, diligently carried the enormous burden of postcolonial limitations and became eminent and preeminent in spite and despite that traumatic academic and research condition.
Prof. Ogunniyi’s scholarship straddles medicine, neurology, neuroscience and neuroepidemiology. And this scholarship places him right in the frontline of innovative neuroscientific research in Nigeria. And this goes with the enormous burden of postcolonial limitations that attend such innovative research fields as neuroscience. But then, Prof. Ogunniyi is not one to run from challenges. All his life to this point, he has been taking on challenges and treading paths that had significantly shaped the frontiers of neuroscience in Africa. And he had indeed pushed the research boundaries of neuroepidemiology and dementia research to the critical juncture of becoming the first African to win the Bruce S. Schoenberg International Award in Neuroepidemiology in 1991, and from the American Academy of Neurology. And that award became a worthy salutation to the mentorship of Professor Schoenberg himself.
Neuroscience is simply about the human brain and the nervous system, especially their function, structure as well as their disorders and degeneration. Prof. Ogunniyi’s neuroepidemiological research focuses on the epidemiological investigation into the incidence, prevalence, frequency and risk factors involved in the prognosis of neurological disorders. In his own words, his scholarship in dementia research carries the “burden of dementia and the risk factors including the association with hypertension, gene-environment interactions with regards to lipids and apolipoprotein E as well as the predictive value of weight loss in individuals with cognitive impairment.”
Neuroscientists are tasked with the fundamental objectives: first, to understand the brain, the nervous system and all its functional and degenerative dynamics; and second, to alleviate the possible neurological and psychiatric disorders from whatever conditions and circumstances. At a much deeper level for neuroscientists are the contextual ramifications of the neurological circumstances generated by developing countries in Africa, for instance. In fact, Africa provides enormous limitations and possibilities for neuroscientists that are not available in other contexts. Essentially, for me, Africa’s and Nigeria’s underdevelopment status has a huge significance for the mental and neurological disorders and neuro-degenerative diseases that are made possible for Nigerians, while also increasing the potentials for developing and finetuning neuroscientific and neurological expertise. It is within this context that we must place the pioneering breakthroughs in the scholarship of Prof. Ogunniyi and all those who broke the frontiers ahead of him in neuroscientific and neurological research.
Prof. Ogunniyi’s scholarship however provides me with the opportunity to explore my fascination with neurophilosophy. I mean, beyond the exciting theoretical possibilities of linking the concerns of neurophilosophy to Ogunniyi’s neuroscientific research, what implications does that portend for health and medical research and practices in Nigeria? Before neuroscience and neurophilosophy was the philosophy of mind, and the fundamental reflection of Rene Descartes, the 17th century French philosopher. Descartes’ research instigated a whole lot of epistemological problems for western philosophy, post-Descartes. What is consciousness? What is mind? what is matter or body? What is the relationship between mind and body? Is the mind different and exist independent from the body? Can mental processes be explained in terms of a scientific account of physiological processes? Can freewill be understood in terms of physicalism? What about mental causation—the problem of whether or not mental processes can cause other mental or physical processes? Can physicalism explain self-identity over time?
These questions have generated various responses and answers that engages with our perception of reality. Cartesian dualism, for instance, has been challenged by a simpler physicalist explanation that rejects the existence of non-physical entities in the understanding of the human person. But can a Christian be a physicalist, given the belief that humans are made up of body and soul? Is physicalism even compatible with freewill? In other words, if humans are solely explainable in terms of physical and physiological states and processes, in what senses can we say such an individual is free? All these questions anticipate a space for further engagement that generates interdisciplinary collaborations, like the recent one between the Institute of Neurosciences, University College Hospital and the Department of Philosophy, University of Ibadan.
Indeed, a tantalizing question is the research implications of conceiving Adeoye Lambo, Benjamin Osuntokun, Adesola Ogunniyi, and others as neurophilosophers. What will constitute the neuro-philosophical implications of Ogunniyi’s frontline researches into neuroscience and specifically into dementia research? How can we develop the preliminary outline of care ethics from Professor Ogunniyi’s research into the care for dementia patients? I see such a collaboration not just in terms of the interdisciplinary research that African scholars should be doing, but also in terms of the theoretical and intellectual leeway that African neuroscientists and philosophers can articulate especially in areas like neuro-philosophy, and the multiple implications it can have for sundry areas like neuro-administration! But from my perspective as an institutional reformer, I am concerned with another question: How does the disarticulated developmental and governance dynamics of a postcolonial Nigerian state affect the neurological state of an average Nigerian, elite or ordinary? I mean to ask: how does a demented state like Nigeria lead to the observation of neuro-degenerative consequences for her citizens? And more: how does this neuroscientific research influence institutional reform considerations?
We can begin unraveling these questions at the base of neuro-administration by agreeing to a simple axiom: underdevelopment has psychiatric implications. Poverty, unemployment, infrastructural decay, underdevelopment and bad governance that have turned Nigerians into angry and bitter citizens always demanding for better quality of life without getting it. When the expectations of good governance are constantly being deferred by irresponsible governments, dementia becomes a possibility. The far-reaching implication is that neurological disorder is directly proportional to social disorder. And this is because the Nigerian leadership has lost touch with the imperative of the mental health of her citizens. and this in itself is also a neurological matter! For instance, there is a neurological disorder behind a politician or public official diverting public fund to private ends; or even one person stealing money meant for the commonwealth, and these questions can be expanded as wide as one’s imagination reaches.
•Prof. Olaopa is chairman of the Federal Civil Service Commission.
Tale of Nigerian politicians who rode into prominence on their fathers’ influence
Hitherto, they were unknown. But because of the political influence of their biological parents and the relevance of their families in the polity, they are becoming emerging power brokers. Deputy Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU writes on the activities of a special breed of politicians who are products of dynasties, tightening their grip on power.
Born to Rule’ was the slogan adopted by Sokoto, the Seat of the Caliphate. Due to public outcry, especially from the South, it was changed.
But now, the tagline has a wider connotation and application in the polity.
It is not only the household of Usman Dan Fodio that is itching to preserve its latent claim to power in the bid to loom large and remain relevant for life. The wider polity is apparently mimicking the old technocratic order.
The Nigerian politics has thrown up certain young stars from notable lineages now bestriding the partisan space with the aim of projecting themselves as children of legends.
For many on the slippery political field, a family background capable of selling their candidature is a treasured asset. The political class is becoming used to the idea that parental reputation may continue to play a significant role in advancing the political careers of upstarts, despite the limitation of experience.
At the disposal of the privileged wards who are the beneficiaries of cumulative goodwill are grace of uncanny connection and formidable influence.
In addition, they are insulated from the peculiar stress of political job hunt and assured of relatively easier route to power.
By and large, certain families see politics as a vocation, if not an outright occupation. Such households are gradually transformed into pseudo-political dynasties. In fact, public consciousness is filled with the past awesome feats of their illustrious progeni tors and their outstanding records of dignified community service remain in people’s consciousness as the rationale for instant enlistment of their offspring into political leadership space.
Such reliance on durable family reputation and name recognition is a feature of contemporary political life. It has made or marred the careers of kith and kin from time immemorial.
Observers point out that across the 36 states, elder statesmen, old political warhorses, party leaders and elders are on the same path. They are perfecting plans for the actualisation of the political ambition of their biological children in their lifetime.
Analysts also attest to a deliberate political tutelage packaged by aging political megastars who steer their children into community and practical statecraft under their roof.
Like their counterparts in other countries, the heirs-apparent to the political throne of godfathers are emerging across the states of the federation. Savouring the fruits of their parents’ labour, they are positioned as brides of the future; nurtured by the same code of conduct which accounts for the flourishing political careers of their parents.
It is further rationalised in political circles and party caucuses that the aged parents have paid their dues, and their offspring, though neophytes in politics, should be protected from political injury. It is the baseline for a sense of entitlement for the wards who believe in the validity of inheritable political capital.
References are made to the heroic labours of the past, including moments of detention, harassment by opponents and military oppression, deprivations and colossal electoral defeats through rigging, and deference to party supremacy and discipline.
The often advertised exploits also extend to building time-tested formidable structures, oiling of political machinery with financial resources, and in sisting on principle at delicate periods when their contemporaries were swayed by temptations and tremors.
As former governors, senators, ministers, commissioners, local government chairman and party stalwarts, they have built solid structures, which were sustained by patronage, strong commitment to principles and values, and leadership by example.
All these, observers agree, brighten the chances of gerontocrats, who are eager to establish a pattern of political inheritance by raising their loyal and trusted wards in their political image.
Leading lights who are on the last lap of life’s race believe that their influence should not dim at the twilight of their existence, and after journeying down their graves. Powerful, highly connected and politically influential, they are the brains behind the earth-moving actions and calculations culminating into the distribution of electoral opportunities.
The bright side of godfatherism is the substitution of self with kith and kin. Many godfathers have learnt their lessons in political sponsorship, thus retracing their steps from their penchant for raising godsons who later refuse to become stooges.
The puppet godson is now viewed as a pretender in a pre-election period as he is suddenly transformed by power, which also equips him to look the benefactor in the face and challenge the basis for the expectation of political returns on assumption of office.
Thus, political juggernauts, who are constrained by geriatric issues and are, therefore, unfit to jostle for positions, put their children forward. With the party structure and machinery effectively in their pockets, as it were, it is usually a smooth sail for their wards, the hitherto untested hands.
“That was why Sola Saraki put forward his son, Bukola, for governor in Kwara. It was the same reason Adedibu of Ibadan made his son, Kabiru, a senator in Oyo State,” said Oluyemi Ayodele, a political science teacher at the Ekiti State University (EKSU) in Ado-Ekiti.
Time may also be favourable to their ambitions. It is not just a question of lobbying for jobs for the boys. As the states become more complex to govern and government activities increase, filling the vacancies created to meet the challenge of governance is as compelling as filling them with competent hands.
The gerontocrats, who played significant roles in installing the state chief executives and other elected officers, are prescient and meticulous in their political calculations. They put forth the best of their blood; competent children who are qualified for political appointments. Thus, the beneficiaries are also prided as egg heads, armed with sound education, glittering for their intellectual fitness, blazing with vigour and determination to excel like their parents. Political analysts believe that their political careers are an extension of the careers and influence of their parents on whose backs they rode to public office.
But, rivals, even within the same fold and outside, are enveloped by envy. They decry the privileged gerontocrats as well entrenched, dominant, and strategically placed political barons, kleptomanic controllers of city politics and resources who are unwilling to yield their advantageous positions to able lieutenants outside their roof.
It is not peculiar to Nigeria. In many other climes, prominent families have been associated with the hunt for power. They include the Bush and the Kennedy families of the United States, Ghandi of India, Bhuto of Pakistan, Kenyata of Kenya, Eyadema of Togo, and Mobutu Sese-Seko of Congo.
In the United States, while John Kennedy was a serving president, his younger brother, Robert, served as Attorney-General and Edward was a senator.
Former President Bill Clinton’s wife, Hillary, became a senator and later Secretary of State (or Foreign Minister).
In India, the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty was dominant for a long time. Jawaharlal Nehru was the first prime minister. His daughter, Indira, was the first female prime minister in the country. After her assassination, she was succeeded by her son, Rajiv, also assassinated. Rajiv’s wife, Sonia, also became prime minister in 2004.
Projecting children of legends
In Nigeria, observers believe that the exploits of certain elder statesmen were public relations implements for their offspring. References have been made to the projection of Ogedengbe Macaulay, son of the father of Nigerian nationalism, Herbert Macaulay; Oluwole Awolowo, son of the first Premier of the old Western Region, Chief Obafemi Awolowo; Greg Mbadiwe, son of Dr. Kingsley Mbadiwe, fondly called ‘Man of Timber and Caliber’ by admirers; Yomi and Bimbo Akintola, children of the late Western Regional Premier Ladoke Akintola; Udo Udoma, son of a former federal legislator and jurist, Udo Udoma; Simeon Tarka of Second Republic House of Representatives, son of Senator Joseph Tarka; Mathew Mbu Jr., son of former Federal Minister of Labour, Chief Mathew Mbu; Jumoke Akinjide, former Minister of State, Federal Capital Territory (FCT) and daughter of First and Second Republic minis ter, Chief Richard Akinjide; Jumoke Anifowose, daughter of former Ondo State governor, Chief Adekunle Ajasin, and Muyiwa, son of the slain Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Chief Bola Ige.
Also, there could be a feeling of entitlement, followed by conflict. At a ceremony in Ibadan, the Oyo State capital, Oluwole Awolowo, a former councillor in Old Apapa Council of Lagos State and ex-member of Lagos State House of Assembly, had canvassed the dynasty route to power, wondering why Nigeria refused to take after India and other Asian countries, which permitted political authority to flow in one family for generations.
Although the same feeling had somehow persisted, the argument was punctured and ignored. When Awo’s last born, Dr. Tokunbo Dosunmu, wanted to contest for governor of Lagos in the Third Republic, she was rebuffed by former Governor Lateef Jakande, a disciple of her father, who said he was not ready to serve father and daughter in quick succession.
However, when Mrs. Modupe Adelaja, daughter of erstwhile Afenifere Leader, Pa Abraham Adesanya, suddenly became a ministerial nominee in 1999, there was a feeling that it was an unsolicited gift for the old fighter.
Before then, her elder brother, Bayo, had made it to Apapa Council in Lagos State, as a Supervisory Councillor. Although he was eminently qualified to aspire, the name ‘Adesanya’ was an added advantage capable of scaring other aspirants.
It is the same prominence that the children of a committed progressive politician, the late Oba Olatunji Hamzat, enjoy in the Centre of Excellence. His household has donated three sons to the polity and they occupy relevant positions.
Two of his children had won House of Representatives primaries in 1999 at Mushin and Ifako-Ijaye constituencies. One was asked to step down as a sacrifice. Apart from installing a federal legislator, other siblings glow in government. Obafemi, a respected scholar, technocrat, and politician, who had served as Commissioner for Science and Technology, and later, Works, as well as minister’s aide, is now deputy governor of Lagos State. His younger brother is a council chairman.
Their background was Hamzat, godfather and biological father, Second Republic House of Assembly member, Transport Commissioner who served meritoriously, Baale of a village in Ogun State, a chieftain of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP), June 12 crusader, Primrose member and Afenifere Justice Forum leader who disagreed with Chief Dapo Sarunmi’s decision to join Chief Ernest Shonekan’s interim contraption, Alliance for Democracy (AD) National Vice Chairman (Southwest), and leader of Lagos State All Progressives Congress (APC) Governance Advisory Council (GAC).
He was a political leader with a class, and until he passed on in 2019, there was no governorship aspirant who did not knock at his door in Ogba ahead of participation in the 2007, 2015, and 2019 polls.
Pa Hamzat’s colleague, Chief Busura Alebiosu, also took steps that will not allow his name to fade away in Lagos politics. President Bola Tinubu fondly calls him the ‘Comrade Capitalist.’ He is the Ijebu-born political leader of Kosofe, held in high esteem by many party faithful. He is also a member of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Governance Advisory Council (GAC) in Lagos State.
A former state lawmaker, Alebiosu understands the language of politics. He is able to manage his political achievements as his Ijebu people manage money. In Ketu, Ikosi, and Kosofe councils, his blood relations and followers occupy important positions, either as secretaries or as vice chairmen. Politically, the unofficial quota was not without justification. Like other leaders, he had toiled day and night to ensure the victory of the party during council polls.
The reward for hard work also came from the state government, which made his son, Dayo, a Special Assistant on Housing. He later became a member of the House of Representatives for eight years. Today, Dayo is also a commissioner in Lagos State.
Before the internal crisis that rocked the Alliance for Democracy (AD) in Lagos State, there was a rapport between the then Governor Tinubu and Ikorodu politician, Alhaji Mufutau Ajisebutu, a former council chairman. Ajisebutu’s son, Bayo, profited from the rosy relationship. He was appointed chairman of Surulere Council.
Like other young men who had the same opportunity – Bola Ilori (Alimoso Council) and Lanre Opadoyin (Mushin), the younger Ajisebutu justified himself and warmed himself into the hearts of party leaders and senior government officials.
When his father and Tinubu parted ways, he supported the former governor’s position on the AD crisis by queuing behind Chief Bisi Akande as the national chairman of the party instead of the late Senator Mojisoluwa Akinfenwa, whom the elder Ajisebutu supported.
Asked to explain his position, Bayo cited principle, saying his father had never made any attempt to foist his opinion on him.
Bayo Ajisebutu was a governorship aspirant and he had another business dear to his heart. He was at the forefront of the crusade for the installation of an Ikorodu indigene as governor in 2007. The dream was not realised.
When Pa Ajisebutu left AD for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), he followed his father. Later, he returned to the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). Today, he is a top civil servant in Lagos State.
Like the elder Ajisebutu, the blood of the late Ganiyu Dawodu ran in the veins of progressive governments in Lagos State. To placate the old politician, who maintained a stiff opposition to Tinubu’s candidature in 1999, his son, Segun, made the list of commissioners.
He was assigned the Sports portfolio. It was reminiscent of the long military era and Second Republic when Ganiyu Dawodu was commissioner.
Before and after independence, Dawodu, nicknamed the ‘god of Lagos politics’ (based on his initials: Ganiyu Olawale Dawodu), was a councillor and later chairman of the famed Lagos City Council, who dislodged the veteran National Convention of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) actors.
Dawodu was the pioneer AD chairman and doubled as Lagos State Afenifere leader. He was apparently shoved aside from the AD leadership to pave the way for Prince Abiodun Ogunleye, eminent accountant and former commissioner, during the 2001 congress.
Dawodu’s activities temporarily drew the curtain on his son’s tenure in the Lagos State Executive Council. As his father became the governorship candidate of Progressive Action Congress (PAC) during the 2003 elections, Segun was in a moral dilemma.
Initially, the Sports Commissioner accompanied his boss, Tinubu, to the re-election campaigns. Later on, he could not stomach the missiles from Tinubu’s mouth directed at his father. Though he reiterated his loyalty to Tinubu, family bond compelled him to resign from the Exco – blood is thicker than water.
But 20 years after, he returned to the same ministry as commissioner under Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu.
In death, Alhaji Mumuni Adio Badmus remains relevant, like his contemporary, the late Afolabi Ege, an Awori leader, whose son is now a member of the Lagos State House of Assembly.
A former state lawmaker, Mrs. Bola Badmus-Olujobi, is the daughter of Badmus, and she has built on her father’s reputation. After the demise of the lawmaker representing Amuwo Odofin State Constituency I, Bola became a replacement. She was backed by party leaders in memory of her father, a grassroots politician, and mobiliser.
The late Badmus was the Information Commissioner in the Mobolaji Johnson administration. He was the Secretary of Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) in Lagos State during the Lateef Jakande era. He was also a commissioner under the Tinubu administration. Due to ill-health, Tinubu changed his portfolio from Education to Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs. He was replaced by the Education Adviser, Dr. Idowu Sobowale. The House of Assembly sought to know from Tinubu what would be the fate of the old politician. It was until they were convinced that he had been given another position in the State Executive Council that they ratified Sobowale’s appointment.
Badmus died in active service. Tinubu, who was abroad, had to return immediately to accord him the last respect.
Bola, his daughter, later became Deputy Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly and, much later, a Woman Leader in the ruling party.
The daughter of Pa Karimu Laka, nicknamed Orelope, a respected leader in Alimoso, Lagos State, Mrs. Tawa Adejoke Orelope-Adefulire, has served as a state lawmaker, Commissioner for Women Affairs, and deputy governor. Currently, she is the Senior Special Assistant on Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to the President, a position she has been holding under former President Muhammadu Buhari.
Iye Ekiti-born Afolabi Fasanmi, also a former Special Assistant and son of the late Senator Ayo Fasanmi, had a moment of opportunity to justify his worth and capability when Tinubu made him the chairman of a panel for the screening of councillorship and chairmanship aspirants during a shadow poll in Lagos. That followed his failure to get the House of Representatives ticket in his Ekiti constituency.
But ahead of the local government primaries, he rallied party elders and leaders to resolve intra-party crisis likely to frustrate the party.
Hakeem Okunola, lawyer-son of the eminent jurist, the late Justice Muri Okunola, rose to fame as Executive Assistant, Land Use and Allocation Committee. Later, he became a Permanent Secretary and Head of Service of Lagos State. A hardworking technocrat, Hakeem is now a Presidential Private Secretary.
The younger Prince Gbolahan Ogunleye, son of Prince Ogunleye, began his political career under the tutelage of his father. He became a Special Assistant under Lanre Balogun, former Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs Commissioner. Later, he served as Executive Secretary of Ikorodu Council. He is now a member of the House of Assembly.
What worked for him also worked for Folarin Coker, former Deputy Chief of Staff and son of the famous jurist, Justice Folarin Coker. From the state licensing office, he became a commissioner.
The projection of children of legends also extended to the royal courts. Traditional rulers were taken into account. Royal support for the Lagos administration was not in vain. Prince Oniru secured an appointment as the Managing Director of Lagos Water Front. Prince Saheed Elegushi of Ikate land became a Personal Assistant to the former governor. He later succeeded his father as monarch. Anofi, his elder brother, served as Home Affairs Com missioner.
Today, the Olowo-Eko of Lagos, Oba Rilwan Akiolu’s son, Moshood, is a member of the House of Representatives, representing the Lagos Island Constituency.
In honour of former Governor Jakande, his son, Deji, got the ticket for the House of Representatives in Somolu Constituency. Another son, Seyi, is serving as vice chairman of Mushin Ojuwoye Council.
Outside Alausa, Ikeja seat of Lagos government, it is believed that the enormous goodwill garnered by the elder statesman, Senator Habib Fashinro, the first Clerk of Lagos City Council, rubbed off on his son, Hakeem, who won an election into the House of Representatives on Lagos Island. A respected Lagosian, the late Fashinro was an associate of the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo. Although old age denied him the energy and vigour required for politics, Afenifere/AD/AC/ACN leaders perceived him as a moral voice.
A similar honour has been accorded to the GAC leader, Prince Tajudeen Olusi, whose son, Tijani, was elected as Lagos Island Council chairman. Olusi, a Second Republic federal legislator and one-time Trade and Commerce Commissioner in Lagos State, is a respected leader of the APC.
Lagos APC Women Leader, Jumoke Okoya-Thomas, a former member of the House of Representatives, also profited immensely from her father’s connection. The late Chief Molade Okoya-Thomas, an industrialist and Asoju Oba of Lagos, was a staunch supporter of the Tinubu administration.
The Shitta-Bey example:
Another prominent Lagos family that has remained a factor in Lagos politics is Shitta-Bey. Four descendants of the legendary Seriki Musulumi of Lagos have been electoral assets. They are the late Senator Sikiru, the late Alhaji Rasheed, Alhaji Jibola and the late Lateef.
Sikiru, lawyer, and leader of Action Group (AG) Youth Association, was first elected into the House of Representatives in 1964 after a fierce shadow contest between him and the late Adewale Thompson in the old Lagos Constituency. In the Second Republic, he became a senator after another battle with his younger brother, the late Rasheed, who was later pacified with the House of Representatives ticket. Both were elected into the Second Republic National Assembly at the same time.
During the Third Republic, Jibola was elected into the Lagos State House of Assembly. The last born of the family, the late Lateef, whom Senator Sikiru had wanted to become a Permanent Secretary because the family had not produced one, opted out of the civil service and won an election into the House of Assembly to represent Surulere Constituency I.
Attesting to the political and religious fame of his illustrious family, Lateef acknowledged that he benefitted maximally from family prestige and honour, which gave him leverage and springboard.
He went down memory lane, emerging with what he called “proofs that made politics the food of Shitta-Bey family”. According to him, “politics was family business right from the days of my grandfather”.
Lateef added: “I am talking about the events as far as 1848. My great grandfather was a philanthropist, helper of the helpless, full of compassion for the poor.
“Shitta-Bey’s compound was a haven of political activities and confrontation. Politics runs in the blood of the family. There are families of lawyers, doctors, and accountants. We are a family of politicians, and community service is a career.”
Lateef recalled that his two elder brothers, Sikiru and Rasheed, also supported his political career by giving him tutelage and financial support.
He said: “I was there when my father was campaigning for my brother’s first election in 1964. I was a little boy and my father encouraged him. I under-studied my father when he took him round for campaigns. My father persuaded or coerced his tenants to vote. My father was an unofficial agent of the AG.
“Later, my elder brothers contributed to my sustenance in politics by giving me assistance.”
In his view, “there is the hereditary aspect. We children of Shitta-Bey were taught never to take the backseat; we like to be at the front”.
Lateef Shitta-Bey also said the family endeared itself to the people by showing love, playing deep roles in Islam and propagating its beliefs in competition and equal opportunities for all.
He added: “People in my constituency voted for me, not because I am good-looking but because I came from the right family.”
Instructive, the Shitta-Beys have always operated in popular and people-oriented parties-AG, UPN, SDP, AD, ACN and APC. When Senator Sikiru veered into the NPN, his constituents frowned at it. When Lateef left ACN, his senatorial bid collapsed.
In Surulere, the family name and popularity also initially played a role in the political career of Hakeem Gbajabiamila, former Housing Commissioner, and Femi Gbajabiamila, former House of Representatives Speaker, who is now the Chief of Staff to the President.
Family connection and political socialisation:
The relationship between family connection and political fame has remained a feature of politics. While Apena Kaoli Olusanya, an APC leader from Ikorodu Division, served as Agriculture Commissioner between 1999 and 2007 in Lagos State, his daughter, Abisola, now occupies the same position. The son of Cardinal James Odunmbaku, his colleague in the Lagos APC-GAC, David, is the chairman of Ojodu Council. Moyosore Ogunlewe, a lawyer-son of another APC-GAC member, Senator Seye Ogunlewe, rode to power as Kosofe Council chairman on the back of his father.
Also, Tunbosun, the intellectually sound and hardworking son of the eminent journalist and Solid Minerals Minister, Dr. Oladele Alake, who served as Commissioner for Information and Strategy during the same period, is Commissioner for Science and Technology. Also, Babajide, the son of Senator Musiliu Obanikoro was elected into the National Assembly. Sultan, son of the late Prince Ademola Adeniji-Adele, a former commissioner, was elected into the House of Assembly. Folajimi, son of former Information and Culture Minister, Layiwola Mohammed, was a two-term lawmaker in the House of Assembly.
It is the same trend in other states. For example, in Ogun State, Olumide, the son of former Governor Olusegun Osoba, made it to the House of Representatives; like Gboyega, son of former Governor Ade Adefarati of Ondo State; Dapo, son of former Governor Lam Adesina of Oyo State, and Olamijuwonlo, son of former Governor Adebayo Alao-Akala.
Early exposure to politics and governance also motivated children of veteran politicians to have interest in the game. There were reports of children of some governors who were officially or unofficially co-opted into governance structures, particularly in Osun State in the days of former Governors Rauf Aregbesola and Gboyega Oyetola. Aregbesola’s son, Kabiru, came up with some initiatives that impacted governance. Oyetola’s son, Femi, was like an aide to his father. It is the same pattern in Ondo State under Governor Rotimi Akeredolu, where his son is actively involved in running the state.
As some families grew in fame, they saw the need for the acquisition of power. Politics became a family vocation, an avenue for service and route to influence and affluence.
When the Colonial Governor of Nigeria, David Cameron, during a chat, alerted the Ooni of Ife, the late Oba Adesoji Aderemi, to the possibility of the systematic displacement of traditional rulers by the emerging class of nationalist politicians after independence, the eminent monarch admitted the fact. But he told the governor that when the time comes, his educated children and grandchildren would be part of the ruling elite.
Oba Aderemi’s prediction came true. His daughter, Mrs. Tejumade Alakija, became the first Head of Service in old Oyo State; another son became a commissioner. His grandson, Babajide Omoworare, became a senator representing Ife/Ijesa District.
In the old Northern Region, political leaders and monarchs exercised foresight. As coups were dethroning legitimate authorities in Egypt and Sudan, northern Nigerians put on their thinking caps. They reasoned that the military would become the alternative power centre in Africa. To maintain their political influence, the northern aristocrats enlisted their children into the Army.
As soldiers sacked them during military interventions that drew the curtains on the First Republic, their wards became part of the ruling military elite.
In the Southeast, the children of Igwe Nwodo, who served as Minister of Local Government in the old Eastern Region, later became more prominent in politics. Joe, his eldest son, was a presidential candidate; Ekwesilieze, a former governor of Enugu State, was a National Secretary of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP); and John Nnia became Minister of Information under the Abdulsalami Abubakar military regime.
Two children of Alhaji Musa Yar’Adua, First Republic Minister of Lagos Affairs, made impact. Major General Shehu Yar’Adua, former Chief of Staff Supreme Headquarters, set up the most formidable political structure through the defunct Peoples Democratic Movement (PDM). His younger brother, Umaru, former governor of Katsina State, became President and died in active service.
Even in death, the name of President-elect Moshood Abiola, winner of the annulled June 12, 1993 presidential election, still evokes a good memory. His daughter, Lola Edewor, represented Apapa Constituency of Lagos State in the House of Representatives between 1999 and 2007 before relocating to Ogun State to play politics. Her younger sister, Hafsat Costello, was a special adviser to former Ogun State Governor Ibikunle Amosu. Also, his younger brother, Kola, was a Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) presidential candidate in the last general election.
While serving as president, Olusegun Obasanjo’s daughter, Dr. Iyabo Bello, became Ogun State Commissioner for Health, and later the senator representing Ogun Central. She was Chairman of Health Committee.
Second Republic Senate Leader, Dr. Saraki, ensured that his son, Bukola, became governor of Kwara State while his daughter, Gbemisola, was elected into the House of Representatives, and later, the Senate. Indeed, the Kwara kingpin wanted Gbemisola to succeed his brother. But Bukola disagreed and, politically, the patriarch was grief-stricken. Bukola later became Senate President and PDP presidential aspirant.
In Zamfara State, the Shinkafi siblings made waves. Umaru, former Director of the dreaded National Security Organisation (NSO) – the forerunner of today’s Department of State Services (DSS) – and Internal Affairs Minister, was a vice presidential candidate of AD in 1999. His younger brother, Aliyu, a former deputy governor, succeeded Governor Sani Yerima in 2007.
Wives of statesmen who know their onions have also entered politics and made impact. Examples are Senators Daisy Danjuma, spouse of one-time Defence Minister Gen. Yakubu Danjuma, and Mrs. Margarey Okadigbo, wife of the charismatic Senate President Dr. Chuba Okadigbo, who served as senators. Their election coincided with the intense agitations for gender inclusion in politics.
The wive of former Yobe State governor, Senator Bukar Abba Ibrahim, Khadija, was a member of the House of Representatives. She later became Minister of State for Foreign Affairs under President Muhammadu Buhari.
In Lagos State, Senator Oluremi, teacher and philanthropist-wife of Tinubu, became a three-term senator for Lagos Central. Tinubu’s in-law, Oyetunde Ojo, husband of the Iyaloja of Lagos, Chief Folasade Tinubu-Ojo, became a member of the House of Representatives representing Ekiti Central Constituency 2.
However, Tinubu’s political structure is a wide departure. It is formidable; loved and respected by people because of its philosophy of grooming many competent people for leadership and service to the masses through the pursuit of welfarist programmes.”If progressivism is viewed as a sort of ideology, then, Tinubu’s structure is the closest to the idea,” said Ayodele, who added:”Many products of the camp are reputed for their contributions to good governance.”
Reflecting on Senator Oluremi’s tenure in the National Assembly, her legislative activities, and empowerment programmes, Prince Olusi said the First Lady bestrode her Lagos Central District like a colossus. An Amazon, Oluremi articulated the prime interest of Lagos in the Upper Chamber through her relentless clamour for special status for the former federal capital territory.
Olusi stressed: “Lagos Central has produced many senators – Oba Musendiku Adeniji-Adele, Ajayi Adeyiga, Sikiru Shitta-Bey, Fashinro, Kofoworola Akerele-Bucknor, Tokunbo Afikuyomi, Musiliu Obanikoro, Muniru Muse and Oluremi Tinubu. But Oluremi Tinubu was the best in terms of performance.”
Indisputably, members of the large Tinubu ‘political family’ include actors from the Southwest and beyond, many of whom have no biological link with the Asiwaju of Lagos.
However, the political camp had to contend with internal wrangling during the last electioneering. When the APC National Leader, Tinubu, unfolded his lifetime presidential ambition, two of his disciples-former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo and former Ekiti State Governor Kayode Fayemi-also threw their hats in the ring. While they had the fundamental rights to aspire under the constitution and guidelines of the ruling party, the public largely perceived their ambitions as a challenge to the aspiration of their leader.
To historians, such a scenario is not strange. In 1956, the late economist, Dr. Sam Ikoku, a candidate of AG, contested against his biological father, the legendary educationist, United National Independent Party (UNIP) chieftain and statesman, Chief Alvan Ikoku, in the Eastern Regional House of Assembly election. The younger Ikoku won the poll.
In Imo State, while Chief Rochas Okorocha held sway as governor, his younger sister, Mrs. Ogechi Ololo, a political mobiliser in her own right, was made Commissioner for Happiness and Purpose Fulfillment. That was after serving as the Chief of Staff, Domestic Affairs, in the State Executive Council (Exco).
As Okorocha was about to complete his two terms of eight years, he anointed his son-in-law, Uche Nwosu, as his successor. But the plan to make him governor failed.
In Anambra State, the Uba family has produced Senator Ugochukwu Uba, Senator Andy Uba, and Eselu Chris Uba, a former PDP trustee. They teamed up when interests aligned. On other occasions, they worked at cross-purposes.
In Abia State, the son of former Governor Theodore Orji, Chinedu, was elected into the House of Assembly. He became Speaker.
Also, in Benue State, Mrs. Blessing Onuh, daughter of former Senate President David Mark, became a member of the House of Representatives. Though her father is a PDP leader, she ran on the platform of the APC.
2023 electioneering:
In fact, during the last general election, children of many prominent politicians used the opportunity for self-projection while mobilising for political parties.
Also, more children of party leaders were on the ballot during the governorship and legislative elections.
In Lagos Mainland Constituency, Ajani, son of Pa Monsuru Owolabi, who served in the House of Representatives for 16 years, was re-elected into the House of Assembly.
In Kano State, Senator Rabiu Kwakwanso, former governor and one-time Minister of Defence and presidential candidate of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) in this year’s general election, mobilised for the election of his son in-law, Abba Yusuf, as governor.
In Delta State, Erhiatake Suenu, daughter of former Governor James Ibori, was elected House of Representatives member for Ethiope Constituency. Also, Mariyin, daughter of former Governor Ifeanyi Okowa, won election into the House of Assembly.
In Kaduna North Federal Constituency, Bello, son of former Governor Nosiru El-Rufai, and Adam, son of former Vice President Namadi Sam of, contested for the House of Representatives seat.
In Jigawa, Mustapha, son of former Governor Sule Lamido, was PDP governorship candidate. He lost to the APC flagbearer.
In Cross River, Godswill Edward, former President Goodluck Jonathan’s son-in-law, competed for the governorship ticket in APC. He lost to Governor Bassey Otu.
In Ekiti State, Joju, son of former Governor Ayodele Fayose, aspired to represent Ekiti Central 1 in the House of Representatives.
In Ogun State, Rasheed, son of the late Senator Buruji Kashamu, got the ticket to run for the Lower Chamber of the National Assembly in Ijebu North Constituency.
In Sokoto State, Sagir, son of former Governor Attahiru Bafarawa, struggled for the PDP governorship ticket. It was the same scenario in Bauchi State where Ahmadu, son of former Governor Adamu Muazu, was in the governorship race. Also, in Adamawa State, Aziz, son of former Governor Muritala Nyako contested for governor on the platform of the African Democratic Congress (ADC).
The son of the former governor of Plateau, Senator Jonah Jang, Pam, was in the race for the House of Representatives. He later stepped down. In Kwara, Mohammed, son of former Governor Abubakar August, ran for governor. He is now a minister of state.
Experts’ views:
To political scientists, political dynasties are not built in a day. The aspirations of offsprings of political warhorses are legal are also. It is not a violation of rights and justice, if their rivals are not excluded from the competitive democratic electoral process.
Also, power, as it is generally agreed, is not served a la carte. According to Appadorai, a political scientist, people struggle and achieve power through competition and antagonism. Therefore, the game is about the survival of the fittest who have the wherewithal, including family background, to wrest uthority, which is legitimate power.
Italian political scientist, Gaetano Mosca, who developed the elite theory and doctrine of political class, stated that “every class displays the tendency to become hereditary, in fact, if not in law, and that even when political positions are open to all, a family tie to those already in power would confer various advantages.”
However, in their work, ‘Political Dynasties,’ published in 2008, Ernest Bo, Pedro Bo and Jason Snyder observed that political dynasties have long been present in democracies, raising concern that inequality in the distribution of political power may reflect imperfections in democratic representation.
That quest for permanent power, according to Robert Michels, a German-born Italian political sociologist, who focussed on the political behaviour of the ‘intellectual elite,’ is consistent with human nature.
In his writings on “The iron law of oligarchy, ” Michels stated that even in democratic organisations, “the leadership, once elected, would entrench itself in power, undermining the democratic principle of a level playing field.”
But, Mosca disagreed that self-perpectuation in power, especially in a civilian setting, is devoid of considerations for personal attributes. In his view, “persistent inequalities in power attainment reflect hereditary inequalities in talents and drive.”
The question then is: ‘do political dynasties exist because some families are somehow politically able or talented than others, or is political power self-perpetuating?’
Mosca stated:”If traits such as talent run in families, this may yield persistent advantages to some families that are not due to their already occupying positions of authority.”
This opinion tallies with the view of Snyder, who submitted that political power may be self-perpetuating, but the presence of political dynasties does not merely reflect differences in ability across families.
Indeed, as it is also true of some African countries ( as exceplified in Eyadema of Togo and Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya), Snyder contented that political strength or “holding power for a longer time increases the probability that one’s heirs can attain political power in the future, regardless of family characteristics, talents and abilities.”
However, Ayodele said what can sustain elective office holders in power is their performance, not how they got there. He described that “performance” as a product of personal effort, competence, capability credibility and integrity, adding that ” family background can then be an added advantage.”
Besides, the electorate holds the ace. As the last electioneering had shown, the voting pattern showed an unprecedented resistance to intimidation and timidity. Voting is a weapon of choice, change, rejection and affirmation of leadership.
The university don maintained that only the dynasty, political structure, camp and party that is tested, trusted, reliable and popular with the people that will carry the day.
“In democracy, voters are now more conscious, more enlightened in Nigeria. If you get to office through your parents and you don’t perform or fulfill your campaign promises, the electorate can reject you in the next election,” he said.
Chief Samuel Maduka Onyishi is the founder of Maduka University, a private citadel of learning based in Enugu State. Chief Madukaku, whose full name means it is more precious to invest in humanity than acquiring endless wealth and vanity, is also the Chairman of Peace Mass Transit (PMT) and many other businesses that cut across oil and gas, maritime and automobile among others. In this interview with select journalists, including INNOCENT DURU, he spoke about how he moved from being a bus conductor after dropping out of school because of his father’s death to founding a university. Excerpts:
YOU have been in business for close to 40 years. What did it take you to be where you are today?
To be honest with you, it has not been easy getting to this point in my business life. My road to success was very rough and challenging, coupled with the fact that I lost my father when I was 12 years old. My mother was just a housewife, and being the first of the seven children, I was left with the responsibility to cater for the rest of the family. So, we lacked everything in the house except air, and it was difficult finishing secondary school. The saving grace was that my mother took us to the church and, as children, we learnt about what God could do and we embraced Him since then.
After my secondary education, I couldn’t continue because there was no money to further my education. That was how my hustling started. I did many odd jobs just to make ends meet. I worked at a construction company as a labourer and, at some point I was a bus conductor and bus driver. I sold second hand clothes and later went into auto spare parts business in Kano.
Was that the end of your educational career?
No. Because of my zeal for learning, I went back to school. I did a diploma at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka between 1994 and 1996, and a degree programme from 1996 to 1999 at the same institution. I graduated as the best student in my diploma programme and a second class upper in social works and community development. I later got a Master’s in Business Administration (MBA) in Entrepreneurship from the Institute for Transformative Thought and Learning at the Doctoral Research Centre of the University of Arizona, Phoenix, United States and also from London School of Economics. How did you find yourself in transportation business?
It was within the period of my university education that, in 1994, I started transportation business. I used my savings from spare parts business in Kano, about N260, 000, to buy two buses, and that was how I started Peace Mass Transit. I was driving one of the buses myself even as a student. And by the time I was leaving school as a graduate, I had 45 buses already.
When I realised how lucrative transport business was, I concentrated fully on it after settling my apprentices with my two shops in Kano. In 2006, I increased the fleet of my vehicles from 500 to 1,500. This was possible because motor dealers like Inehmic Auto were giving me buses to operate and pay without any interest. I never defaulted, and that was why I never took any loan growing up. From there, we moved on and expanded our branches. Presently, we have about 65 terminals spread across Nigeria with over 3,000 vehicles.
You have carved out a niche for yourself in the business world. Why did you decide to float a university?
Well, in 1993, I entered into a covenant with God, and I told him that if he blessed me, I was going to use the blessings to serve him and his people. And that he should take my life a day before the day that I would leave him to serve another god, so that that day would never come. That was in 1993. Then I was coming back from Kano where I was a spare parts dealer to Nsukka to study. And I had N260,000 cash. I used that money to buy two buses, which I used to start Peace Mass Transit as a student at the University of Nigeria.
So God really did wonders in my life. He kept to that covenant and I never imagined it. So when I turned 50, I looked at what I had achieved and I said how do I fulfill that promise? So I decided to use the money I’ve made to make an impact-making investment that would change lives and influence people. I was considering investing in either the health sector (hospital), education or agric business. After much consideration, I decided to invest in the education sector by founding a university, because a university could accommodate both the hospital and agribusiness effectively.
Education is the place where I think that I could develop young people for God; show them that people can make money without being dubious and make money through the right ways, working hard, being prayerful, being law-abiding, God-fearing, obedient to the laws of the land and still be prosperous. If God did it for me, he can do it for many people. So I think that I can just be an example of such a person. So this is the only way that I think or one of the things I can give back to God and give back to society.
It is no longer about how to make more money; it is about how to make God happy and not regret raising us to the little that we have.
There were a good number of tertiary institutions in Enugu State already. What informed your choice of location?
I told God that I was going to use His blessings to serve Him and serve His people. His people are the people where I come from. They are God’s people. So when I say His people, I mean my people where I come from. There’s a reason why God made me an Nsukka man. There’s a reason why He made me an Igbo man and a Nigerian. Charity, they say, begins at home. So if I’m going to serve God, let me start serving Him from my community, and from there I can get to other people.
University is a global thing. You can use it to give services to people all over the globe. Besides, the location of the university is strategic. What do you need in a university? Apart from the infrastructure development, you need human resources. And the human resources are the lecturers. So my university is within an hour 30-minute radius of over 15 tertiary institutions ranging from Kogi and Benue to Ebonyi, Abia and Anambra states. You know in the university system, you collaborate with others to make things happen. So there are openings there for us to embrace and make a change.
What will Maduka University be doing differently from the other universities in Enugu State and across the country?
I have just told you a little about my history, that where I’m coming from, with hard work, you can do it. You don’t have to be dubious or fraudulent before you can make it out of life. Knowledge of God, hard work, dedication, honesty and transparency can give you everything you want in life.
Again, you can start small and make it big. I did it, others can do it too. Entrepreneurial spirit, that’s what I want everyone in my school to have. I have it. That was what brought me from being a second-hand clothes dealer to a bus conductor, bus driver, spare parts dealer, bus operator and today, a chancellor of a university. So every graduate of the university is going to be an entrepreneur no matter the course you studied at my university, you are going to be able to stand on your own because at Maduka University, we teach you to be an employer of labour and not an employee of labour.
Is there a compulsory course on entrepreneurship for every student of the university?
Any person who is studying in our school will do courses on entrepreneurship from the first year to the final year. That’s our plan and that’s going to be our focus, because it’s an entrepreneurial university. A lot of people have had opportunities in life that they were not able to convert. People should be able to create wealth, and if people are fortunate enough to come into contact with opportunities, they should be able to harness them and turn them into wealth-creating opportunities. Even sometimes, when people make money, they lose it due to lack of good knowledge of how to manage and grow money. These things can be taught and we have the environment, we have the people that can pass that message to the younger generation.
What state-of-the-art facilities or infrastructure can the school boast of?
Well, in a university of our type, of course, apart from human resources, we have good laboratories in all our courses, because every modern course today, including social science courses, should have a laboratory. We have laboratories in health and medical sciences, engineering and computing. Currently, there are accounting, mathematics and economics laboratories.
Everything has a laboratory so you do theory and you do practice. This will balance you up as a graduate. You have internship opportunities to go out and have real-life experience apart from what you are being taught in school. So that is the difference between a university like ours that has interest in practice and others.
Apart from that, we have sporting facilities. Today we are putting up an Olympic standard football pitch and a sports arena. In sports, hand ball, volley ball, lawn tennis, badminton, wrestling and boxing, everything is going to be Olympic standard, because we have the intention of hosting the NUGA game or co-hosting the NUGA game one day even though we are a private university. We think that a student who has not undergone these sporting activities is not complete. So apart from the mental development, they should also have physical development. It will make them a complete person. So we want an all-round trained student.
In Igbo language, the university is called Marahadum. It means to know it all. So you cannot say you are a graduate when you don’t have any knowledge of sports, arts, music or anything except in the area of your course of study. For example, an engineer should have basic knowledge of finances, how to run a family, etc. These things make you a complete person. Yes, you don’t have to be an expert in all, but basic knowledge in all the areas of life will help you not just in employing yourself but in living a happy and fulfilled life, because knowledge they say is power.
Your school’s tuition for courses like Law, Pharmacy and Nursing is said to be N588,000 while others like accounting are N378,000 per academic session. Don’t you think the fees are high considering the economic realities in the country?
No, I don’t think so. Before you say it is on the high side, you will have to compare it to what other private universities are taking. You will find out that ours is among the least. It is the least and it is for a purpose.
What is the purpose?
The reason why it is low is one, the university is ours. We’re not running it for any person. So the interest is our interest. And what’s our interest? To give service to God and man. Secondly, it is owned by a foundation, Samuel Maduka Onyishi Foundation. So it’s a nonprofit-making university. It’s not meant to make profits and then share it with the shareholders. No, it’s service, a gift and our contribution to the world. The university is going to take off on 23rd November 2023.
That day is also my 60th birthday anniversary. So that’s my gift to Nigeria and the world on my 60th birthday. We come empty and we go back empty. I don’t believe that you have to keep money, pack all the money for your children. Because your children don’t need all the money. What they need is good education, and I’ve done that for my children. So, my family and I decided to use what God has given us to give service to humanity
Kidnapping of students seems to have become the order. What measures have you put in place to ensure the security of lives and property of both the students and the staff?
The issue of security is a general one in Nigeria; it is not just in any one place. However, we are lucky that the Enugu State Government, both the previous and the present administrations, are supporting what we are doing. So, they are providing enough security in and around our school. The Nigerian police and the military are also supporting what we are doing. They are providing enough security in and around the campus. The community where we are is happy with what we are doing. So, they are providing local vigilante services in and around the university. The local government is also interested. Everyone likes what we are doing, so, I don’t think we have any problem with security.
However, when you bring people together, you have to provide adequate security for them apart from what the government and the security agencies are doing. We also have our own internal security. We are mindful of the security situation in the country. Therefore, that has been adequately taken care of. We also deployed modern security technology like CCTV cameras in and around the campus for maximum security.
What are some of the challenges you encountered in making this dream come true?
A lot. The first challenge was the unfaithfulness of some Nigerian contractors. They are very, very unfaithful and can’t keep to their promises. They would collect money but would not do the job they are paid for. Unfortunately, in the past three or four years, the economy has not helped. When we started, our budget was at N2,000 for a bag of cement. But in six months, the price of everything changed. A bag of cement moved from N2,000 to N3,000, N4,000 and N5,000. We even bought up to N5,700. Because of that, the contractors were having a field day. We lost control of our budget because nobody even knew the price of anything in the market. So whatever they tell you is what it is. So we ended up spending far more than we budgeted. We lost control of our budgets just six months into the project. We were only lucky that God helped us to weather the storm.
So what made you keep faith with the project?
What made me to keep faith was that I knew that very soon I would be 60 years. And after the age of 60, if I’m not able to build an investment now that I’m around 60, is it when I’m 80 that I’m going to build one? So I need to build the university when I’m still strong, because I need to have time to nurse it. A university is like a baby. You have to nurse it for five years or 10 years. So I have to do it when I’m still young and I want to nurse it myself before I get very old. This is my life project. It’s something I want to give to Nigeria. It’s something I want to give to God. So for me, it is a fight to the finish. It is not a battle that I can afford to lose. It’s a battle that must be won because there is no other thing apart from that.
Did you get any kind of support from your state government?
In this kind of economy? Every state government has their own problems to resolve. My university is a private venture and does not have anything to do with any state government. It’s entirely a private investment. And it’s philanthropy. It’s a social investment. So no government will give you money to go and do philanthropy. You don’t use another person’s money to do Father Christmas. Nobody does that.
Are you into any partnerships with either local or international organisations?
Right now, we have some foreign and local universities that are indicating interest in working with us. We’re going to work with universities locally and otherwise, depending on their areas of strength. We’re going to partner with some technology universities to boost our technology – from Japan and Malaysia. We’re also going to partner with some universities in India to boost our school of health/medical sciences and some local universities to boost our human resources, exchange research, and so on.
University education is global, so it’s not something you can do in one place. It depends on what you are looking for and who can offer it.
