Category: Interview

  • State of emergency should cover more areas —AVM Ararile

    State of emergency should cover more areas —AVM Ararile

    The Ovie of Umiaghwa-Abraka Kingdom in Ethiope-East Local Government Area of Delta State, His Royal Majesty, Lucky Ochuko Ararile, Awaeke 1, is not just another traditional ruler. He is a retired Air Vice Marshall (AVM). His military involvement in Chad, Liberia and Sierra Leone and at home largely served as the basis for his appointment as the pioneer Coordinator of the Federal Government’s Amnesty Programme for ex-militants. He spoke to Osemwengie Ben Ogbemudia on his life as a traditional ruler, his military years and the security challenge in the country.

    The Amnesty Programme that you started, can you tell us how you got involved in it, and are you satisfied with where it is today?

    I can say that since I left the amnesty programme in 2010, they have made quite an effort. The second phase which is the demobilisation and reintegration is very challenging. One thing is to train them, and the other one is to get them employed and we are talking of about 30,000 persons. When I finished the disarmament, we actually had 20,000 plus but subsequently more were added and it is now about 30,000. We are only talking about people who carried arms or purportedly carried arms. We have a lot of youths, millions of them, that are yet be attended to in the Niger Delta. And if they are not taken care of, they might think the only way government responds to issues is when they get violent. That message need to be avoided, the youth problem must be addressed holistically in the Niger Delta and indeed Nigeria.

    Can you tell us your challenges when you started the Amnesty Programme?

    O yes! There were lots of problems, serious logistic problems. For example, there were no camps to keep the ex-militants. Funds were not released on time to pay their stipends until they started to riot. It appeared to me that those that thought out the programme did not believe it would work. There were even deliberate attempts to sabotage the programme. Some preferred the military option instead. These were the contending forces one had to out-manoeuvre to achieve whatever level of success we were able to achieve.

    Would you say that when you entered the creeks you were apprehensive that anything could happen to you?

    Of course, anything could have happened. We were ready for anything. It will interest you to know that three of the four helicopters belonging to the Nigerian Navy and OAS which we used during the amnesty have crashed. I condole with the families of these gallant pilots who displayed exceptional courage during the disarmament exercise. Well, these crashes could have happened then and that is the risk of the job.

    From your present status as  a traditional ruler how best do you think government  should tackle the security challenges facing the country, especially the Boko Haram problem?

    Well I am happy that President Goodluck Jonathan has gone ahead to declare a state of emergency in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa states. However, if I were to advise, I   would have recommended that Bauchi, Kano and Gombe be included. This is because as the operation in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa progresses, there will be relocation of Boko Haram elements to these other states. Having said that, I think it is necessary for us to really analyse Boko Haram. After the fall of Hissen Habre in Chad, some renegade Chadians occupied Bama and Baga areas where coincidentally the Boko Haram is concentrating its efforts in the latest insurgency. Gen Buhari led the operation to flush them out. The Maitatsine sect with similar religious and operational doctrines unleashed mayhem on Borno, Adamawa and Kano. President Shagari at the time ordered the military to deal decisively with them. Subsequently, the whole of the North East became insecure due to the activities of nomadic Chadians and others. So, it appears to me that Boko Haram, by their modus operandi, are not Nigerians. There may be a few Nigerians who are in nominal leadership positions, I do not believe that Nigerians will indiscriminately be killing Muslims, Christians, burning down schools and hoisting flags. People who are taking this as religious are missing the point, so I support the President’s action completely. But for his decisive action, Boko Haram would have spread to Sokoto, Kebbi, Taraba, Kogi etc by 2015 and most of the so- called northern elders would have  been dealt with by Boko Haram.

    The best strategy really in dealing with Boko Haram is to cut off their sources of funding and target the leadership.

    As a traditional ruler now, how are you coping with the needs of your people and the pressure that comes with leading the community as opposed to the regimented life in the military where you came from?

    Leadership in whatever form, whether as a monarch or a commander, is all about the people and use of resources. In the military you have what they call institutional power. You have the power by law, the authority. But as a monarch it is the people themselves that give you the authority. You don’t have any coercive instrument, so you must persuade. Once you are able to explain to them, you don’t have problems.  I don’t take any decision on my own.

     How much of your privacy has your new status as traditional ruler taken away?

    Not at all. In the palace I am not under any restriction. There is nothing that I am forced to do. I still go and play my golf, visit my friends and if my friends want to visit me, they visit. No restriction whatsoever.

    Did you have the premonition that one day you would be a traditional ruler?

    No, No, No. When I wake up I still wonder how I got to this place. I had retired for almost a year before I was called to be king. It is a noble and humbling experience.

    How is life after military service?

    Well, it has been quite an experience and challenging too: two different ball games. It demands different approaches and competencies in dealing with human beings.

    Let’s look at the regimental life in the military. How was it?

    One is grateful to God. Looking back, one served for over 35 years- from the age of 20 years. So a very substantial part of my life was spent in the military. My story is essentially the military part of my life. I went to the Nigeria Defence Academy (NDA) for the basic military training and thereafter went to various flying training schools of  the Royal Air Force as well as the United States Air Force. Subsequently, I participated in many military operations both within and outside the country. I participated in the OAU Peace Keeping Operations in Chad in 1980; ECOMOG operations in Liberia and Sierra Leone from 1990 to 2000, among others. Internally, I was involved in the Joint Task Force, Operation Restore Hope in the Niger Delta and then the Amnesty Programme. So it was a very busy engagement while it lasted.

    Could you recall  your most memorable moments  in the Air Force?

    Easily the most memorable for me was the operation to insert Nigerian troops into Lungi Airport in Freetown, Sierra Leone, to counter the coup by Major Johnny Koroma. It fell on me to take the Air Force C130 airplane, with a crew of nine, to airlift some troops from Liberia to Lungi. At the time of the coup, only the Air Force had about 30 personnel on ground. We had earlier moved our war planes to Guinea immediately the coup was announced. We used to operate from Sierra Leone to Liberia. The situation on ground was dire. The Air force personnel were low on ammunition, food and other supplies. The Sierra Leonean army occupied the southern end of the airport including part of   the runway while the Nigerian Air Force personnel occupied the northern end. As a result, we had to use half of the runway that was occupied by our troops, landing and taking off in opposite directions in order not to overfly Sierra Leonean positions. We deceived the Sierra Leonean Army into believing we had authority from Major Koroma to land. By the time they realised what we were up to, we had inserted about a company of troops led by then Lt Col Kwaskebe, with two MOWAG armoured fighting vehicles, four jeeps and enough ammunition and food to sustain operations for two weeks. The same night we completed the mission, the Sierra Leonean army attacked our troops. Their barrack by the airport was overrun by our soldiers and the airport was secured for the subsequent operations by Brigadier General Maxwell Kobe. Without that airlift by the air force, it would have been impossible to overthrow Major Johnny Koroma. So I was happy to have participated in that operation.

    Looking back  at your role at that point which seemed to have changed the whole game, would  you say that you are happy today?

    Yes, I am happy about our contribution, even though it’s unrecognised. It is not in the nature of the air force or indeed the military to advertise the roles they play, but we all have our stories to tell.

    You also saw action in Liberia. Various stories have been told about what happened there concerning Nigerian troops. Tell us more about Nigeria’s role.

    I was a pilot, I flew in from Nigeria. Sometimes, I spent a week or more in Monrovia depending on the nature of ongoing operations but I was not directly involved in army type of operations on ground. So those who were responsible for physical security and the fighting on ground will avail you with the facts more than me. But I am aware of what happened but I cannot be categorical.

    As a pilot, how do you feel when you hear of plane crashes in the country. Are they caused by pilot’s error or mechanical problems?

    A lot of things could lead to air crashes.  It could be pilot’s error; it could be technical problems; it could be procedural errors. It could be a problem with  inadequate infrastructure: no radar, no radios, control procedures,  et cetera. So each crash must be investigated and the causes or findings released to the public for the benefit of all. To tell the truth, things are much better now than in our time.

    The Air Force Dornier that crashed carrying military personnel I learnt you were supposed to be on that aircraft?

    Those were my pilots.  I was their commander at 81 Air Maritime Group. So I knew them. They were fine pilots and gentlemen. At the time the accident happened I had left the unit and was in Abuja.

    Were you surprised when you heard of the crash and you must have been used to that aircraft, could it have been a technical error?

    There was no problem with the aircraft, that particular accident was weather related, it had nothing to do with technical fault and the pilots were ok, but they ran into very severe weather which led to the crash, it had nothing to do with the condition of the airplane or the pilot.

  • We were least prepared for war when  Biafran soldiers attacked my  command in Ore — Major Iluyomade

    We were least prepared for war when Biafran soldiers attacked my command in Ore — Major Iluyomade

    We were least prepared for war when Biafran soldiers attacked my command in Ore Major Iluyomade
    Interviewing Major Raphael Iluyomade was an alluring mission prompted by information supplied by Brigadier-General Godwin Alabi-Isama in his recently released war memoir, The Tragedy of Victory On-the-Spot Account of the Nigeria-Biafra Civil War in the Atlantic Theatre. In the thorough tome, Alabi- Isama named Iluyomade as the soldier who led the fighters that foiled the Biafran rebels in their ambitious march toward Lagos, the then federal capital. This episode of the civil war was momentous and memorable. Indeed, in popular lore, so fierce was the combat at this front that it created an immortal expression in Yoruba language, Oleku Ija Ore, meaning, the battl of Ore was tough like no other. So, when Iluyomade surfaced at Alabi-Isama’s well attended book launch in Lagos on July 18, it was an opportunity to ask him for an interview, which he readily agreed to. Four days later, in the war veteran’s tranquil home in Ibadan, Oyo State, it was time to relive his experience at Ore as well as other combat situations during the hostilities that spanned 1967 to 1970. Just before the interview in Iluyomade’s spacious sitting room, the 76-year-old retired soldier from Ondo State demonstrated his enthusiasm for books, especially those that had to do with warfare, by opening his equally roomy and impressive library to the visitors. This unexpected excursion spoke volumes about the man, and validated his nickname, revealed by Alabi-Isama at the book presentation. Iluyomade, known as Hitler by his colleagues, had a rich collection of books on the German megalomaniac, and said he must have read no fewer than 23 books on the infamous war lord. There was no dull moment during the interview as Iluyomade served his narrative with arresting spice, punctuated by one or two occasions when he went to the library and then upstairs, first to fetch a Bible to back his credibility, and then to get pictures to buttress his claims. He spoke to two members of The Nation Editorial Board, comprising its chairman, SAM OMATSEYE, and FEMI MACAULAY; and BISI OLADELE, Oyo State Correspondent.

    What would you say were your most memorable recollections of the Nigeria Civil war?

    I have a very vivid account of how I participated, beginning with the Ore battle. I was the only officer that commanded the troops there, and they were very few on the ground. In actual fact, we did not prepare for any war then because we were not aware of Ojukwu’s intention to invade Lagos and the West.

    I had been sent there with about 32 soldiers two weeks before then. I was a full lieutenant. We had gone there to conduct internal security, just to make the villagers aware of the federal presence. There were no road blocks. We were just there, moving round, marching here and there.

    Some of the villagers hadn’t seen soldiers for some time because there had been no military base at Ore. Ore road was constructed as far back as 1961. That was my last year in secondary school. It linked Ijebu, Sagamu straight to Benin. It is good for the economy of the country.

    The road must have been narrow…

    Yes. And it was so commercially based. A lot of vehicles were plying the road. So, by the time the Nigerian problem cropped up, Ore was a strategic village. I took my 32 soldiers there. That was a platoon. A platoon comprised three sectors, and nine men made a sector. So, we were moving up and down. We didn’t carry any riffle; we didn’t mount road blocks. Some of the villagers were familiar faces because my home town was only a few miles away.

    The battle started immediately Ojukwu declared the State of Biafra. There was panic all over the country. Immediately he declared the State of Biafra, level headed people knew that war must follow, because it was not the intention of the Head of States then, General Yakubu Gowon, to have his own country broken into pieces. The moment that was allowed, other people would pull out of the federation and armed struggle would definitely be the result.

    At the time the State of Biafra was declared, General Obasanjo was in Ibadan. We hadn’t formed the second division then. So, I moved. Then Gen. Obasanjo called me on the radio or telephone that I should not allow anybody to come from the Midwest, and that if anybody came from the Midwest, I should arrest and treat him as a prisoner of war. But by then, all the Igbo people were moving out, including their families and their cartels. They were moving through the Midwest to the East.

    How was it like when the Igbo were moving? Were there incidents?

    There were no incidents. They were going peacefully because they had been called home by Ojukwu, their leader. So, every one of them from Lagos, and even Ibadan, started moving towards the East Central State. The moment they called all the Igbo back home, I knew that something dangerous was in the offing.

    What did you observe as they were moving back home?

    It was peaceful. They were moving peacefully because they couldn’t afford to fight. They had no weapons, nothing. They were moving with their families. It was peaceful. There were so many vehicles; I couldn’t count them.

    When Obasanjo said you should not allow anybody through, was he talking about civilians or soldiers?

    Anybody! You don’t know who a spy can be. A spy can be a labourer. He can be crossing on a bicycle, but he has an agenda; maybe a camera, powerful weapons and so on. So, definitely, you don’t give chances to such people. He told me that immediately I saw anybody from there, the person should be taken as a prisoner of war.

    In what capacity did Obasanjo call you?

    As the GOC; the commander of the unit in Ibadan. Well, we can call him area commander. He was in charge.

    So, did you see anybody coming from the Midwest?

    There was nobody except the people that were moving towards the East.

    You were to prevent people coming from Midwest to where?

    To the West. So, he told me that I should move my headquarters and my troops to Ofosu. Then I told him that I was very thin on the ground with only 32 soldiers, myself being the 33rd. What could we do in case they wanted to cross over? He promised to send some troops to reinforce me, and he sent about 150 soldiers, mainly from the second battalion based in Lagos.

    What was the ethnic composition of the troops you had?

    (Sighs) The first batch of 33 we were all Yoruba, and we were young, duly trained soldiers. We took them from the Iwo Road barracks, which was created by Adebayo. He allowed a Grade 11 teachers training college to be converted to a barrack. There was a small history behind that. So, we created the first 150 soldiers of Yoruba origin that passed out from The Nigerian Army Training Depot in Zaria. I was the first to command them. Those were the people I moved 32 of them to Ore before I was reinforced.

    Was it the training college that metamorphosed into the current 2nd Division?

    Yes. Because of what happened when they attacked us on 8th of August, which was a Sunday.

    What year was that?

    1967. After the reinforcement, they joined me there and the Midwest was invaded by the Igbo. They possibly wanted to use the Midwest as a buffer, so that by coming to Midwest, if any attack happened, the region would bear the shock before it got to the East Western states or Igboland, starting from Onitsha. So, we bore the brunt of the fighting; only very few soldiers. By the time I counted the number of soldiers, it was 179.

    You talked about 32 of the soldiers being Yoruba. What about the others?

    Yes. I couldn’t determine or find out where they came from, but there were so many Hausa among them.

    The point was made that at the beginning of the hostilities, the position of the Yoruba was not known and was not sure, because nobody was sure where the loyalty of Awolowo and the Yoruba leaders of thought was going to be. So it is believed that because of that, the central command quickly sent a lot of Hausa/Fulani soldiers into the West so as to compromise the position of the Yoruba. Would you say that meant you had a lot of Hausa/Fulani soldiers with you?

    Precisely! I think that was exactly what happened. Prior to the outbreak of hostility, there were minor but annoying things that had happened in Ibadan here, if I can go into the depth, because I was involved and I knew exactly what happened. The barracks here in Mokola was the Third Infantry Battalion. So, the northerners were harassing the Yoruba because it was one of the wishes of Ojukwu that every soldier should go back to his own state of origin: the Midwesterners should go to the Midwest and the Yoruba people should stay in Ibadan. The northerners should go to the north so as to accomplish the Aburi convention requested by Ojuwku.

    So, when every soldier is in his own state of origin, Ojuwku would be confident to come and have a meeting with General Gowon. They (northern soldiers) refused to go. And by that time, there were threats to Yoruba officers by the Hausa/Fulani, particularly myself, because the battalion commander then, Major Sotomi, didn’t know what to do. Every now and then, he would call me to go and speak to the Hausa soldiersI don’t want to use the wrong wordso I would go there and talk to them as directed. They refused. They would say no. So, every day, they were arming themselves with rifles and ammunition inside.

    You mean the Hausa/Fulani soldiers?

    Yes. They were carrying ammunition with weapons, which meant that if any war broke out, they were at advantage, and they could shoot the whole of us.

    Who was giving them instructions? Were they reporting to their immediate officers?

    They were becoming unruly and they were not listening to instructions, except it was from their own people.

    Which officers do you think were giving them instructions from the higher command?

    There was one Captain Bugaji who was the adjutant of the battalion. He was a pure northerner. He himself disappeared during the war. He was one of the people captured, and we can’t trace his whereabouts any more. There was a day Gen. Hassan Usman Katsina came to Ibadan to speak to the troops. The governor, Gen. Adeyinka Adebayo, was with him. Some people from the army headquarters in Lagos were also with him. They did not allow any journalist to enter the compound. Then he spoke to us in a bad and undiplomatic way. He said that the (Hausa/Fulani) soldiers would not leave Ibadan and that if they were threatened, he would use 40 soldiers to defeat the Yoruba.

    So, he boasted and boasted, saying, ‘Give me the green light, I’m going to produce Ojukwu himself.’ He hammered on that. He came with two other officers. Three Yoruba officers were theremyself, Makanjola who is no more now, and Adedipe, who is still alive. He lives at Iwo Road (Ibadan). What type of threat to a whole nation by a single man? We looked at ourselves and said we were done for, if we didn’t do anything or if our leaders didn’t do anything.

    But Chief Awolowo was in Lagos. Maybe he heard what happened. And that was the only man we trusted. That was the only man. The military governor then, Adeyinka Adebayo, was (shaking his wrist) you understand what I mean?

    You mean he was afraid?

    He was perturbed. He didn’t know what to do except to report what had happened. But Gen. Usman Katsina came to Ibadan, maybe with the permission of Gen. Gowon who was the head of state then. Maybe he took permission from him to say what he said, nobody knew. As I said, I was a full lieutenant, so a junior officer. But I have every detail in my head, and that’s what I’m reproducing today.

    Were the soldiers of northern extraction more in number?

    They were more in number because the infantry soldiers, those who carry guns, those who fight the real battles, were predominantly northerners. The soldiers of Yoruba origin and those who came from other parts of the country were clerks, medical men, administrators and supply and transport officers in the petrol depot. So, when they ran away from the north, I was the one that trained them and converted them into infantry men, so that if there was a threat, they had to fight. I thought them the way to handle the rifle, tactics and a lot of things. I was the one nominated to train them, and I really did.

    The intimidation by Usmam Katsina could be considered an affront on the Yoruba. What did the leaders do? Did you get the sense that the Yoruba leaders had their feet in their mouths?

    As I said, journalists were not around. It was you journalists that would have brought this type of thing to the public domain. A lot of them did not know what really happened within the barracks. I was there. Makanjuola, who is late now, Adedipe and a few other Yoruba were there. So, the thing did not filter to the public. But maybe eventually, Gen. Adebayo told some men. But he would not state the details in order not to annoy the northerners. You understand my point? I’m boldly saying this, and nobody can contradict me because I was there. I was mature enough.

    Many times, I would not sleep in the barrack because they (Hausa/Fulani soldiers) were carrying rifles. I didn’t want them to surround me and shoot me at night, because nothing would happen if they did. So, I had to go outside and sleep several times. There was a day my wife refused to follow me, insisting that whatever happened, she would sleep in the barracks (Iletimo barracks). It was like that until the whole thing started escalating and I was sent to command the troops at Iwo road. We called it 11 Battalion. I was the first person to command the place until they sent a senior officer, Olu Bajowa, to take over, and I became his adjutant. From there, a detachment of 32 soldiers was given to me to go to Ore.

    Since there was no overt threat, what informed his decision to send you to safeguard the West? The war had not broken out, so to speak, and he couldn’t have read the minds of the Biafrans who were trying to come to the West?

    It was a crisis situation and we did not know how it was going to end or how it was going to be quelled. There was a sort of indiscipline in the barracks. What I mean by indiscipline is that soldiers were allowed to carry weapons with ammunition attached to their rifles, which meant they could cock and fire at any time. They were ready for battle, but some of us were not.

    But your station, so to speak, was on the federal side. One would have thought that you would have a sense of safety?

    Yes!

    Why then would Obasanjo ask you to safeguard the West from people coming from the Midwest because the Biafrans were still fighting?

    By that time, they hadn’t declared a state of Biafra. But normally, as I said, to make the federal presence felt in Ore, they dispersed people there. I did another one immediately after the counter coup of July 29, 1966. One Lieutenant Obeya and myself were dispersed to Makurdi. We left Makurdi and went to the East and North border to find out or to enquire whether there were clandestine movement of the easterners towards the north to build bunkers or to make some military installations and so forth. We went to so many places. We did our jobs until bloodshed occurred again and a lot of people, particularly the easterners, were killed when they were going home in the train.

    Remember they killed a lot of people in the north on July 29. They killed a lot of them. Two of us participated: myself and Colonel Yakubu Anifowoshe. Two of us were the only officers to join them when they held a conference to nominate somebody that would represent our unit. I represented the Third Battalion. Anifowoshe also came. So, we met at the brigade headquarters in Kaduna then. It was there the acting brigade commander, Major Abba Kyari, announced that Fajuyi had been killed and the head of state then, Ironsi, was killed. What would you say? Then someone said he felt sorry that Fajuyi was killed.

    Who?

    Abba Kyari. He felt sorry. Then I put up my hand and I said, ‘Sir, when you know that you were not fighting with the Yoruba, why should you kill that man? He’s their popular governor.’ I said the only thing you can do is to free Awolowo to please the Yoruba and Fajuyi’s death would be another thing. They would want to welcome their leader. That same night, Chief Awolowo was released.

    There is this question about Awolowo’s release; we need to go back to that issue about the tension between the Yoruba and the Hausa, because in the military, there was tension but in the outside world, outside the military in Yoruba land, the Yoruba were not sure what was going on. They were not devoted to Biafra and they were not against Biafra. That was when Awolowo made that famous statement that if the east was allowed to go by any means, the west would not have any option. How did the west move from the position where it was harassed by the north to the point of fighting, as it were, for the northern cause?

    Yes! That question can only be answered by the people in power in Lagos, especially Chief Awolowo himself. He was the second in command of the federal executive council. He was next to Gowon. Maybe the decision came between them and few Yoruba leaders. So, that one is outside my knowledge. So in actual fact preceding the war, lots of soldiers ran from the north to come to the west.

    What sort of soldiers?

    Yoruba soldiers: clerks, paymasters, those who are not fighters but they handle administration in the army. So, when they ran, they came here. We had to create that battalion plus 150 soldiers who were trained in the north. Recruits, I took part in their recruitment. They were trained and they came back. We did not want them to mix with 3rd Battalion. So, Gen. Adebayo created that place. He told me to go and put all the soldiers there at the Grade Two teachers training college. The Grade Two teachers training college was moved out to Molete, so the place was vacant and we occupied the place. I was the officer to handle that place, and by that time, we had no rifle, no weapon at all. So, what I did: we went to the bush, we cut trees and used them as weapons. We did some training with them: how to pick up a rifle and how to do bayonet fighting. We did exercise with them. That was tremendous courage. So, until things came up, we heard what Chief Awolowo said, we were all jubilating then. Another person you can interview is Wole Soyinka. I know the reason why I said so and I won’t divulge it.

    Could you tell us why?

    He was brilliant; an intellectual. He wanted to go and convince Odumegwu Ojukwu to change his mind about seceding from the country. He went there. By the time he was coming back, I saw him at Ore. I knew the type of car he was using. He was dressed in a round neck singlet with a towel around his neck. The car he was using was Fiat. I can’t remember the car’s registration number because I saw him at Ore heading towards Ibadan.

    He was one of the few you allowed to come back from the…?

    Yes, before the proclamation of Obasanjo. He came out. He’s a Yoruba man; a prominent Yoruba man too. I wouldn’t ask him to go back. He wouldn’t even obey me (laughter). So, that was the case until eventually the Aburi convention collapsed. Ojukwu refused to come and he went back. Many international people intervened but to no effect. He had made up his mind. In actual fact, the killing in the north was too much. The bloodshed was heavy. I witnessed a lot and the way they were killing people was barbaric. How can you kill a pregnant woman? After killing her, you take a bottle of beer and put it in her private part? My landlord, Mr. Edward, his throat was slit as if you wanted to…

    Edward what?

    I can’t remember the surname.

    Where was he from?

    He was from the east.

    Did you witness this?

    I witnessed it. I was in his house. I rented a room from him. They just killed him and left him there in the gutter.

    They cut him into pieces?

    Well, not cut him into pieces. But they slit his throat. Then I came back. One sensible officer then was Abacha. Then they arrested all non-Yoruba and the Igbo. Even if you were a Midwesterner then, you would be arrested. They put them in the car at the Third Battalion in Kaduna. Then they came with lorries. They were pushing them in tens, twenties, forties in a lorry, and took them to Jos Road where they were massacred just like Adolf Hitler killed the Jews.

    With the Yoruba people too?

    No, not Yoruba.

    You mean the Mid-westerners and the Igbo?

    Yes. If you could not pronounce toro, they do not know you to be a Yoruba man, you were done for. So, on one of these occasions, I was broke and needed money. I dashed to the bank. Mind you, I said I was the only officer and Anifowoshe to come out to join them. Anifowoshe, I can show you his office. He will tell you the real story, corroborating what I’m telling you. I went to the bank. That day, I took three pounds and came home to give it to my wife.

    Then Abba Kyari stopped the killing. He said the killing was too much, they should stop. He even employed Ferret, that’s the armoured vehicle without tyre. The one we were using was Salladin. Ferret was predominant in the army then and Abba Kyari used few of them to go and stop the killing. Then after that they were still bringing some people out. Then Abba Kyari who knew this shouted against further killing. But coming out from the bank, they thought I was the one that went to reveal the secret at the beginning to the headquarters. So, I was arrested.

    Who arrested you?

    The Hausa soldiers. They took the people I was commanding. They arrested me, Omolade, Ukpong , Adedipe, Makanjuola, I think about five of us. We were arrested in front of our company headquarters and they made us to sit on bare floor. Then they surrounded us with their rifles. If you made any false move, they could shoot. This was in 1966. So, it was Abacha that came in the nick of time. He saw us and came out from his Land Rover. He said, ‘What is this, gentlemen? What is this? Come on, get up and go home. Leave these officers alone.’

    Then he told the soldiers to disperse and we were released. Sani Abacha and Babangida were my mates in the military. We joined the army the same day, attended the same training. I went to India with Babangida and Abacha went to England. We all came back to be officers of the Nigerian army.

    How did it get to a situation when from harassing the Yoruba, the same Yoruba soldiers had to fight for the northern cause?

    By that time, Chief Awolowo and Gowon must have held protracted meetings, because it was dangerous. The Yoruba couldn’t fight. We had no soldiers of our own. If you move all the Yoruba soldiers in the army then, we could get about 1000. And this 1000, about 800 of them would be servicemen, no infantry. Very few. But some officers who were Yoruba were many in infantry. But the officers couldn’t fight this. We had to command some men, move to the field, but these men were not there. As I said, I was the one that converted some of these men to pure infantry. I trained them because I had been a trainer for some time. So, eventually the discussion on the political disagreement between Gowon and Chief Obafemi Awolowo came to the limelight.

  • ‘Biofuel is Nigeria’s  best  energy option’

    ‘Biofuel is Nigeria’s best energy option’

    Felix Obada,  Group Managing Director  and Chief Executive Officer at Global Biofuels Limited, is credited with inspiring and leading the race for Nigeria’s entrance into space by facilitating the design and launch of the country’s first satellite (NigeriaSat-1). He started his professional engineering career at the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) in 1977 and retired in 1995 as a chief engineer. He later became the pioneer Director-General and Chief Executive of the Materials Management Institute of Nigeria between 1996 and 1998 and served as a consultant to the University of Surrey Space Centre, United Kingdom, between 2000 and 2003. Dr. Obada also pioneered the creation of the National eGovernment initiative. In this interview with Olayinka Oyegbile (Deputy Editor) and Seun Akioye, he speaks on why Nigeria should embrace cleaner energy using the biofuels technology.

    Let us lay this background first, in simple terms explain what is biofuel?

    BIOFUEL is simply ethanol; that is one definition. It can also be biodiesel or biofuels. They are fuels that are generally derived from agricultural products. They are grown and they are not mined or drilled that’s why they call them renewable energy. For as long as you continue to grow your crops you will be producing, whereas if it is something that occurs naturally the moment you drill and you extract you cannot replace it. But for biofuels, you grow the crops you harvest you process it and then you grow again you harvest again and you process again continuously on the same piece of land. And you can continue to do that, that’s why they say its sustainable, renewable. It is an interesting area which Nigeria should embrace aggressively.

    One of the arguments against biofuels all over the world is land grab, there are human right groups who say over 100,000 hectares have already been seized by companies like yours. So why should Nigerians support your project if it is going to displace the local farmers

    Our own initiative does not result into land grab. What it does is to enhance land utilisation. You are able to optimally utilise the land that you have. Land grab is for certain aspects of bio-fuel production. You may say yes, but in the kind of initiative that we are implementing there is no such thing in the sense that the raw material that we are using will be produced by the farmers themselves, the land will still belong to them. We have an out grower’s scheme that the farmers are part of. They produce the feedstock and sell to us. We’ve been taking a large portion of what we use in processing our biofuel from the out growers that is why we have to work directly with state governments and local governments wherever we go. The state government will organise the farmers into co-operatives, then we sign what is called the out growers’ agreement with them so there will be no question of displacing any farmer, instead it enhances their take home pay.

    There are other more fundamental issues that have been raised about biofuels. One is that it competes with the food chain,

    Yes we are coming to that. It is true with some kind of feed stocks. In every country they have feed stocks that are well suited for their own biofuel products. Brazil uses sugarcane. The whole country is full of sugarcane; they have an abundance of sugarcane. Also, surrounding countries like Uruguay produce and export to Brazil. Their climate is good through the year for cultivation so it’s okay for them to use it for biofuel. It’s economical for them. They are in the Amazon region where the climate is wet throughout the year. But for us in Nigeria, sugarcane itself is food and then we don’t even produce enough of that. Plus not every part of Nigeria is suitable for sugarcane cultivation. From plant to life it takes between 12 – 18months, so you cannot plant and harvest within the same cropping season. So really if you say someone who wants to plant sugarcane that they will do land grabbing I would support that idea because someone who wants to plant yam and other things you would deprive of doing that because the way sugarcane is grown it does not permit intercropping. In the United States they use corn, yes, I mean real corn. That is actual food that can be consumed, unlike sugar which is to a large extent not considered as real food; the Americans use actual corn to produce biofuel and it is encouraged vigorously by the government.

    Corn is food that is dangerous it is like making food for vehicles. In Canada, they use wheat which is also food. In Nigeria, the Obasanjo regime attempted to use cassava, there is hardly any household that don’t depend on cassava. It will be unfair for Nigerians to use food. That is why we decided to use raw materials that do not compete with food chain. We use sweet sorghum, we don’t even use the grain or the leave, we use the stem that is useless. We harvest the grain for food, the leaf we feed to the cattle and then the stem is what we crush, extract sugar and use to make fuel. Our initiative is waste to wealth; it does not compete with the food chain at all. Nigeria is one of the largest producers of sorghum in the world, we have over eight million hectares under cultivation as we speak. Those are green sorghum; all we need to do is to switch from green to sweet sorghum.

    What is the difference between the two?

    They are the same. But the stem in green sorghum has no juice and it is not sweet. The sweet sorghum has a juicy stem and it is sweet.

    How do you source seed for the sweet sorghum?

    It is available. In a huge plantation of green sorghum, you may find just one stick that will be sweet, it’s an error of creation those ones have been isolated by our scientists and developed into a large plantation of sweet sorghum. They produce grain just like the green sorghum, so rather than use grain or cassava or wheat we use sweet sorghum.

    Coming back to land grab, when your project becomes profitable, is it not possible that some big capitalist would exert influence to grab land from small farmers to plant sweet sorghum?

    For somebody to grab someone else’s land, the man has to agree to be bought over isn’t it? And if someone has grabbed a land, we are in a civilian regime; the court is there to give justice.

    From your experiment of switching to sweet from green sorghum, how easy has it been for the farmers to do this switch?

    Very easy. It is just a question of giving them our seeds, we have developed our own seed. The farmers that we are going to be working with, we will help them to cultivate their land, fertilize and put pesticides. During harvest time, whatever they harvest will be brought to us, we will weigh it and buy from them. That is the kind of agreement we have signed with many of the farmers. Every part of sweet sorghum is useful, the leaves, the grain of course is food and even the stalk, we crush, extract the juice.

    How will that work and how much will it add to Nigeria’s power generation?

    It will add tremendous amount. For instance we are trying to develop our pilot scheme in Ekiti State. It is going to generate 15 megawatts of electricity and all of that we will utilise about nine megawatts for our production and the remaining six megawatts we will distribute to the surrounding locality because it is too small to go into the national grid. In the fully developed plant, we will be producing 30 megawatts, which gives you additional money. So from waste, we are making money and the leaves also you will feed to the cattle because it is very nutritious. In 90 days, the cow becomes huge. Feed them with sorghum leaves and in 90 days you will have huge cows. So if you buy the cows for N30,000, feed them with sorghum leaves, in 90 days you are ready to sell for N120,000. Every part of a sorghum plant is useable, even after the process, the waste water is also fertilizer; you mix the effluent water with animal drop and pump it back into the land.

    So this is not only about producing clean energy, it is also about agriculture?

    It is an agro allied industrial complex where so many things are linked together. The farmer produces the grain, leaves and stem. That’s his own job, and then moves to the man who crushes, moves the juice to the one who will ferment, the bargass moves to electricity generation and part of it is used for the national grid and produces more electricity for more Nigerians. Then your cow is dropping for you every time because you feed it with the leaves. After your refining process the water that is left is mixed with the droppings and then pumped back to the land. So what you take from the land you return to it, that ensures sustainability, it is a foolproof sustainable production process.

    The Ekiti pilot project, tell us about it.

    We are working with the state government because of the share quantity of what we need. But the details are not for public consumption yet, we are developing in other states as well, it is such an important programme that Nigeria cannot afford not to develop. We have the potential to surpass Brazil in biofuel production. Presently, Brazil produces about 70 percent of the biofuel that is consumed in the world, we can surpass Brazil and this is what the Brazilians themselves told us. We have the land and the people to cultivate.

    We are learning from everybody, we learnt from the Brazilians, we know that the Brazilian method will not work in Nigeria; we only have spots in Nigeria where you can grow sugarcane. We have also learnt from the Americans, the Canadians. There has never been any record of them failing. We heard about that from the Chinese themselves.

    You speak about biofuel and the need for Nigeria to move away from the current system. What is wrong with the present system with fossil fuel, after all we are not the largest contributor to climate change.

    Fossil fuel destroys our environment, on daily basis it throws up millions of carbon in the atmosphere. We have about 2.5 million cars in Lagos; you imagine how much carbon they are throwing in the atmosphere, which sticks together and can stay for up to 120 years. This is the greenhouse effect which excessively warms the planet earth. There is excessive heat on one place and the other it is flooding. In Nigeria, are suffering from the worst effect of climate change. For almost 20 years now, but people are not paying attention, in school in the old times did you ever hear of sand dunes inside Nigerian territory? Never, in those days when you are travelling abroad, you would have left Nigeria before you see sand dunes. But today it is only about 35 nautical miles from Kano. It has eaten up a large chunk of the north.

    Desert encroachment has greatly affected those living in that area and they are cattle rearers with thousands of cattle. One day they wake up and see their land has been taken over by sand so what do they do? They take their cattle and move on, in their thousands. Now the sand dunes move at the rate of 380 meters per annum, it is very gradual but it goes on steadily. Now the farmers who moved their cattle will move into other people’s land. You wake up one day and find thousands of cattle on your farm. Then we have clashes as far south as Anambra, Ogun, Oyo, Ondo. There is social unrest, 15 million people have been displaced, where will they find work? This is the effect of climate change. Lake Chad had a volume of 24,000 square kilometres of water in 1963; today it is less than 10 percent of that volume. There is no more Lake Chad in Nigeria, it is now in Cameroon. All the 15 million Nigerians who depend on it are now jobless. This is caused by excessive consumption of fossil fuel. Look at soil erosion in the East, the flood of last year. Climate change is a subject that has to be addressed.

    What has been government’s response to this project?

    We have been on it for five years. Government is sympathetic. We have signed an MOU (Memorandum of Understanding), with the Federal Ministry of Trade and Investment to develop our project in 15 states of the federation. But it has not been easy because the banks will not touch anything green. We have shown them everything and even taken them to China but they still ask can this work in Nigeria? It is not easy for an individual or a group of people to develop a project of this magnitude, we require government support and I have a firm believe that the present administration will do something. The multiplier effect is huge, the job creation, our infrastructure will develop. A state with 20 megawatts of power is okay, that means you are self sufficient.

    Talking of job creation, you said the project will create 8000 direct employment and 50,000 indirect. How do we measure this?

    This is very simple, we have done the calculations. A standard biofuel farm needs about 7,000 hectares of farmland, one farmer is able to manage five hectares, you divide 7,000 by five and know the number of people you need. There is the supervisor and the superintendent then the boss. That is the farming. Then you need massive number of people to do your cattle rearing, and other things. You have the housing estate because we are going to house all our staff, the plant employs about 230 people. For direct employment we are looking at 8,000 and indirect is 50,000

    When is this going to start?

    Soon. I will not be able to give you the exact month but the pilot will start this year.

    But when you start what will be the initial capacity

    The first plant will be producing like 103,000 litres per day that is like a drop in the ocean, we will blend up to E-5. That is five percent ethanol mixed with 95 percent gasoline. Ethanol is cheaper than petrol. It will help to force down a bit the price of petrol. In China, they introduced the blending city by city. Nigeria can do something similar, we can start from Ado- Ekiti, whatever we produce, and they blend in Ado- Ekiti and get designated station to sell it. The beauty of this is that we can easily replicate the model.

    If I am using fossil fuel in my car, and I want to switch to bio fuels, do I need to drastically change the mechanical and electrical components of my car in order to accommodate bio fuels.

    Up to the point of E-20, that is 20 percent ethanol and 80 percent gasoline, you don’t need any special switch. But above E-20, you will need to change the rubberized components of your vehicle. It is a simple operation, you change it to Vitol, ethanol will dissolve rubber in high concentration. It has happened in Lagos before, when some marketers brought in E-22 because it is cheaper and it destroyed many cars.

    Will importation not affect your business?

    Government ideally must not allow importation, because it will stifle the local industry. The government will not encourage it. The NNPC tried to do that before, we fought them to a standstill and the importation never happened. So we are looking forward to starting this industry in Nigeria.

    Would that not lead to monopoly by your company?

    There is no monopoly, for instance our raw material is patented, we have been franchising with other people. I cannot go to Oyo State without bringing people from there who would like to be part of it. They will own the plant but we have the technology and we are happy to share, we will work together. It’s better we franchise with like minds. The rate of unemployment in Nigeria is massive; all the people that have been displaced by global warming must be re-engaged. If we start planting sorghum in those places we have desert encroachment, it will be checked and it will prevent farmers from moving south with their cattle. The cattle will be fed sorghum leaves and they will be fine. So, it will reduce the level of tension nationwide.

    You are passionate about most of the things you do. You have been credited with pioneering a number of things in Nigeria. You spearheaded Nigeria’s entry into space, you are pushing cleaner energy and a number of others. What drives you to become the first?

    It is not about me trying to become the first but God that pushes me into all these things. At the time we went to space, we faced a lot of challenges, but we had a president that listened to us. World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF) worked against it even Britain that collaborated with us on the project challenged us. But thank God space industry in Nigeria is now well developed; we are no push-over. If America can hear us from space we can also hear them. We are equal in that aspect. Some of the spin-off industry attached to the space is broadband. That was how E-government came to be. In those days when you want to check your WAEC result it is a whole day affair. Today, you can check it on the phone. When we said this is possible, thank God we had a government that believed in us. You can move money in your bank today without going to the bank, I don’t go to the bank anymore, I do my transactions online. It has made life very easy for us. I believe the biofuel project will succeed. It may suffer like the others but it will not die.

    Beyond all these how do you relax?

    I play golf (laughs). Unfortunately, when you are doing a serious project like this you don’t have time for anything; every other thing is a distraction, even to listen to music. Look at me I used to love music so much but now you are disturbing me playing music. It’s work and home and my life has been really boring. My children complain, I don’t go out with friends, but I do that once in a while.

    Relaxation is good; I go to church, read my Bible and exercise in my room. I try to eat well, and take a lot of rest. So I am not stressed.

  • ‘I supported  my husband  to end  military  rule’

    ‘I supported my husband to end military rule’

    You don’t have to look further than Justice Fati Lami Abubakar for the truism in the old  dictum  that behind every successful man, there is a woman, following her full disclosure of  the moral support she gave her husband, General  Abdulsalami Abubakar (rtd), towards  voluntarily handing  over power  to a civilian government  after 16 years of military rule in 1999. The Chief Judge of Niger State, the amiable, soft-spoken one-time Nigerian First Lady, is  the first female Chief Judge in Niger State and the second in   northern Nigeria. She told  MORAKINYO ABODUNRIN, ASSISTANT EDITOR, how she stood behind her husband in those heady days of transition from military to civilian government. Excerpts…

    Until recently when you were made the Chief Judge of Niger State, nothing much has been heard about you since your husband (General Abdulsalami Abubakar (rtd)) handed over power as the Head of State, was it deliberate?

    It is quite possible that you have not heard much about me personally but I’m sure you must have heard about my pet project: Women Rights Advancement and Protection Alternative (WRAPA). WRAPA is a Non- Governmental Organisation (NGO) which we started towards the tail end of my husband’s regime as the Head of State. In fact, WRAPA has become a model for so many others who started NGOs after us; WRAPA is all about social justice for women and children and it addresses gender issues and human rights. Though I have not always been in the corridors of power, I grew up along and I have been privileged to attend so many conferences where women usually lamented about the fact that they were not enjoying equal rights as the men folk. So after due consultations, I thought the time was ripe to have a body to be at the vanguard of women issues and that was what gave birth to WRAPA to cater for the rights of women. We give legal advice as well as supporting women in difficulties. We believe that a lot of the abuses and intolerances we have in the society today are against the women. Women have to deal with a whole lot of issues and they need to be empowered in order to get freedom and be self sustaining. This is part of what I have been doing and by my own nature, I prefer to act than to be all over the place just talking; and that may have accounted for why I have not been in the public glare. But WRAPA is doing very well in propagating some of my ideals.

    There are people who believe that the common man cannot actually obtain justice in the Nigerian system, are you not worried about such scepticism?

    I believe that the common man, in fact, both the rich and the poor, can get justice in Nigeria particularly if he knows the right thing to do and the right place to go. If the people go to court as at when due and seek redress, surely they can always obtain justice. I think the problem we have overtime is the public perception that it is only the rich that can get justice because of the challenges the country is facing. Of course, the judiciary is part of the system but I don’t think it is true that it is only when you have money that you can actually get justice in Nigeria. The Nigerian judicial system has passed through many stages and reforms down from the colonial era till today and over time; there have been meaningful reforms which have allowed the courts the power to dispense justice without fear or favour. Of course, there are various courts that the people can avail themselves of in order to seek justice and that is why it baffles me when some people believe it is only when you have money that you can obtain justice. Yes, you have to pay some money when you go to court because the courts are not been run like a charity organisation; but what you pay as filing fee and all that are mere token particularly at the grassroots, the magistrate level, so that more and more people can revert to the court when seeking redress. Yet, the issue remains whether people avail themselves properly and use this opportunity or if the operators of the system are doing their work well. I know over the years, there have been issues of corruption in the system but I believe it is the responsibility of every aspect of the society to ensure that we put a stop to all these unbecoming problems.

    As the number one person in the state’s third arm of government, which is the judiciary, how are you going to deal with the issue of corruption in the system vis-à-vis your priorities during your tenure?

    My priority is to ensure that the judiciary is put in a position to discharge its constitutional duties to the extent that the confidence of the people would be deeply rooted in it. Of course, there are constraints and challenges that go with all human endeavours, but I want a situation that people would take responsibility, for their actions. I want to strengthen the Judicial Service Commission which is responsible for appointment, discipline amongst other duties, to continue to deal with any unwholesome attitude and behaviours. We are going to ensure that we clean the system in order to repose confidence in the public about the judiciary. Of course, we need the help of the people to weed out the bad eggs in the system because without any report, we can hardly do anything. Even in reporting any infraction, we want people to be very honest without being frivolous; all genuine cases would be dealt with. By and large, we shall equally protect our own people from spurious allegations, because, unfortunately in this country, the only time people give credits to the courts is when they have won cases and it is only when people lose at the court that you hear all manner of stories. We need to educate people to know that in every situation no two people can win the same case at the court at any given time because what the court deals with is the truth in the eyes of the law. In fact, that is why there are alternative actions in resolving issues amongst which is the ATR- the Alternative Truth Commission- which at the end of the day can help people resolve their grievances and shake hands. In fact, I believe people can be happier if they make use of these alternatives in resolving their disputes not forgetting the fact that the regular court is the last refuge for the people.

    Was it part of your dreams to read Law while you were growing up or was there any particular thing you actually wanted to do?

    Really, I don’t know (general laughter). First and foremost, you have to go to school and that was a dream; and you don’t actually know what you are going to do until you get older. At one point, I wanted to be a doctor but of course, I jettisoned it in my Form Five when I had to drop physics which was giving me problems. Though I had chemistry and biology, I did not have another science subject which was a prerequisite coupled with the fact that mathematics was a no-no for me, I had to give up the dream of becoming a doctor. Yes, of course I knew that I was going to go to the university but I never gave a thought about what I really wanted to be as things changed due to other significant factors. So as I said, it was Physics that actually stopped me from doing my HSC (Higher School Certificate) in science. I then had to do Literature, History and French in HSC to be able to do something else. Even then, my first choice was Sociology but I changed to Law afterwards. There was no regret that I finally ended up reading Law because basically, Medicine and Law are quite important because they are professional courses that are very important in the life of human beings.

    Did you envision yourself rising to the position of a Chief Judge of a state when you eventually picked Law?

    No. I never thought as much. What I was sure of was that I was going to have a university education, given the fact that my father (the late Waziri of Minna, Alhaji Umaru Audu) put a lot of premium on education. There was no dichotomy about whether you are a boy or a girl and he had always impressed that on us. He gave all of us the same opportunity in furthering our education. He did the best for all of us…

    How many were you?

    We are seventeen, altogether.

    How did he manage to raise all of you (general laughter)?

    Obviously, he didn’t have 17 children at a go. Really, I wouldn’t know how he managed it because we all went to some of the best schools. But I suspect he must have done a lot of budgeting to be able to put us all through schools but I think he was not that kind of person that was obsessed with unnecessary luxury. He was spare in his ways of life because we didn’t lack anything really. But I think we were very luck in our time for obvious reasons. I went to the mission school for my primary education and did my secondary education in government school. In those days, particularly in northern Nigeria, there was something that was called pay as you earn and it was organised in such a way that if you have four children or more in government schools, you only pay for a maximum of three children while the others are tuition free irrespective of where they are schooling so far it’s within the northern region. Again, we were virtually on scholarship for our tertiary studies in as much as you were able to secure an admission. I remember I had admission to Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), Zaria and University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile Ife) simultaneously and when I went to the scholarship board they asked me which one was my preference’ and I told them I wasn’t sure of what I really wanted.’ I was asked to come back when I’m ready; I don’t think that can happen now. Obviously, that did help my father in some ways. I remember that after my secondary school (Our Lady’s High School in Kaduna), I went to Federal Government College for my HSC where I didn’t pay any tuition at all because I was on scholarship like indigenes of that state. The same was applicable while in the university with my other siblings.

    What do you think is stopping government today to replicate such laudable programmes?

    I think the major hindrance would be the size of the population we have today compared with what we had then. Frankly, I don’t think the government can do as much as they were doing before. Of course, government is trying the best it could but I don’t think it can be done at the same level as we had then.

    How did it feel being Nigeria’s First Lady at some point?

    It was quite an experience….

    Can you please share some of those experiences?

    What exactly do you want me to say because it’s a whole lot of experiences?

    Okay, was it deliberate that there was no elaborate project on your part as the First Lady vis-à-vis what was obtainable before then and even now?

    I think we didn’t stay too long (general laughter). But seriously, I don’t really know what you mean by elaborate project. I did what I needed to do in my own simple way because that is just my style. I complemented the efforts of my husband by undergoing visits during that period. Of course, I’m not in a position to judge others because while I was there, I was only interested in doing the NGO- Non Governmental Organisation- I mentioned at the outset which is just to help people. After wide range consultations, I decided to do something that I could continue with long after I might have left government, consequently we sourced for funds outside the government. It would have been easy to use my position to seek for donation here and there but that was never in my plans and we deviced other means of sourcing for funds. We tried as much as possible not to involve the government because immediately we do that, it becomes a government thing which will not outlive you in the office because others who are coming have their own ideas of what they want to do.

    What other things interest you?

    I love reading…

    Which book are you reading now?

    Right now, I’m not reading any particular book, rather I’m engrossed with Law books because there is no time. But one thing I can’t do away with when I have free time is to do my puzzle. I like puzzle.

    Why puzzle?

    Doing puzzle stimulates me and I like the challenge because it helps in adding to your vocabulary…being able to do cryptic as against the simple ones and the rest of it. Even my grand kids are so fascinated about it that anytime they come, they always want to do puzzle with me. This is one hobby that I have long cultivated. I socialise as much as I can.

    I think there is no way I should be talking with you without asking after General (Abdulsalami Abubakar, the former Head of State); what kind of person is the General?

    (Laughter) Yes, he’s my husband who is a very good father. What do you really want t me to say about him other than the fact that he’s my husband? Okay, he’s a very generous, very considerate person and what is the word that I can use (to give a complete description)? Of course, he’s very kind hearted and he is somebody who has filial feelings for other people; he is very soft and very firm.

    How did General come your way or did you have the premonition that you were going to marry somebody like him?

    You know we all grew up here in Minna in the same neighbourhood and in fact, our family houses are a stone throw from each other’s about four or five houses away. Our parents were friends and you know in those days, it was a very close-knit society and our families were particularly very close. I grew up knowing him as an elder brother for a particular time until something changed (general laughter).

    What happened at that point that ‘something changed’ because this was somebody you used to see as an elder brother?

    Of course, the change did not come suddenly like that, you know what I mean. It didn’t come in one day rather it was a gradual process and our attitude towards one another changed gradually.

    How did it work since both of you were pursuing different careers since. He is in the military and you were pursuing your career in Law, did it affect the raising family?

    Actually, I did Law in his house. We got married in 1972 just before I went into the university. So I did by LLB in Law, NYSC and all that in his house. Obviously his attitude to life had a lot to do with my success because he gave me all the opportunity to do all that I wanted to do in terms of pursuing my education and my professional career. It was easy because he gave me the support all the way. In fact, I was actually having children while I was in the University and I didn’t employ a nanny, rather it was his step mother who actually brought him up that was taking care of my children. You know it was quite easy in those days and when I had my first child, his step mother came for the naming ceremony and she didn’t go back until she died. The same thing with my grandmother who came almost about the same time…so they were the people taking care of my children for me and that really helped because I can go anyway knowing well that they were in capable hands. My mother-in-law actually died about seven years ago but my grandmother is still very much alive, but of course, I have got nannies to take care of her now (general laughter).

    Longevity must be running in your family if you still have your grandmother around, how old is she now?

    Yes, I think you are right and we thank God for that. Definitely, my grandmother is well over 100 years of age; in fact we don’t know her exact age rather we just hazard a guess based on some of the things she had said happened when she was growing up.

    What about your mum, is she alive?

    My mum died in 2009…

    By the way, why didn’t you prevail on the General to stay a bit longer when he was the Head of State?

    My interest always is to do anything that would enhance my husband’s integrity and his welfare and I would never do anything or encourage what could jeopardise that. There is no way I could mount any pressure on him to do anything that is against his interest or anything that he is pursuing. That can never arise at all.

    But stories abound about some first ladies who mounted pressure on their husbands to extend their stay longer than necessary…

    I think there is no truth in some of these stories; it is all just about perception of people outside the corridors of power. There is no woman that would want to put the life of her husband in danger or put her husband in a position that would be detrimental to the welfare of her family. I want to believe that no woman would want to do that but people make a lot of conjectures and perception about some of these things.

    You actually spoke about the General as somebody who is nice and kind-hearted, but how do you respond to allegation that he had a hand in the death of Chief MKO Abiola?

    I have nothing to say about that because it is not part of my purview.

    As we are rounding off this interview, what are the things going through your mind?

    A lot of things are going through my mind and the most important is that I want to close and go to meet my family. But frankly, you cannot just sit down and start processing all what is going through the mind, my focus now is the interview with you.

    How do you define your fashion’s style?

    Style from me? I don’t. Anybody would tell you that they have come for fashion advice from me though I won’t say I’m not conscious of fashion. But I like wearing simple things; anything that suits me and I feel comfortable in it. Sometimes when I buy things that I thought they are very good and fine, my daughters would tell me that ‘ it is not okay because they are old stuff ’ and that is to tell you that I’m not a fashion follower as such. I love it simple and I like good things.

    Finally, what will WRAPA be doing in the coming five years?

    As I told you earlier, we are networking with both local and international organisations in order to achieve our goals and objectives. At present, we are in partnership with the government of The Netherlands and we recently opened about 10 skills acquisition centres which we donated to communities across the country for women and we are going to continue to do more. We also act like a pressure group on gender issues so that government can put in place policies that are favourable to women. We would continue to do things within the limit of our pockets and pray that God continue to bless our modest efforts.

  • ‘The civil war settled nothing’

    ‘The civil war settled nothing’

    General Alani Akinrinade (rtd), in this interview with Editorial Board Chairman SAM OMATSEYE, FEMI MACAULAY and OLAKUNLE ABIMBOLA speaks on the Nigerian Civil War, Alabi Isama’s book and other issues.

    Are you acquainted with the book by Alabi Isama?

    Yes; when he first wrote a draft or what I call perhaps a draft. It was in three volumes, big volumes and then he gave them to me to read. His first idea was that I should get it into a printable form. But I looked at it and told him that it would be the work of professionals. They know how to put it together. As far as I was concerned, there was so much tautology in it. One issue was brought out three times. It looked like the book of an angry man. The professionals would really sit down, look at it, get the facts out correctly and make it readable. But I had no problem with the facts, figures and things which he put in the book. It was just the presentation that I had reservations about. But that was many months, or maybe two years ago.

    General Alabi Isama said in his book that Obasanjo, in his My Command, misread the 3rd Marine Commando battle tactics at Onne for the entrapment of your troops, when it was indeed a decoy. Would you like to corroborate Osama’s claim?

    Yes, it was for me, in military terms, a tragedy – a tragedy in the sense that we lost more men and some equipment in the process which ought not to happen. But there were issues which led to that tragedy. I suspect that if anyone wants to be fair, he would now lay out all those issues and then weigh them against what the result was. But Obasanjo did not. Like I told Alabi, if you read Obasanjo’s book, you would be nauseated to the point of vomiting. But when he insisted that he wanted to read it, I got him two copies, not just one, if he really wanted to make himself unhappy.

    Obasanjo himself was not party to all those issues. He was in Ibadan at that time. It was (Benjamin) Adekunle who was in charge of 3 Marine Commando and the GOC. I was commanding Bonny, and we had an operational plan. I had been to see the divisional commander. I was not part of his division. The 15th division I commanded was an independent brigade; and we reported straight back to Lagos. But for the purpose of continuing operation in the riverine areas, the main objective was to capture Port Harcourt. We were very near, but we couldn’t get there by ourselves. So, if the Third Division was going into Port Harcourt, we had a very major role which we could play to secure Bonny channel, to make sure there was no interference; and also, if it was possible, stage enemy diversion from Third Division troops. That was the whole purpose. I had been to Calabar. We sat down in Adekunle’s headquarters. We all agreed to it. Then when the Third Division troops got to Opobo, I took a boat and found my way to Opobo to reconfirm that that operation was still on. Now when they left Opobo to cross the Imo river (the idea was if they were crossing the Imo river, a very substantial river because it went towards the Niger Delta estuary, and they were using pontoons to cross, since there was no bridge), it was necessary for us in Bonny to stage some operations to divert enemy attention from them, so that they could safely cross. That was what we didn’t do in Onitsha; and that was why we lost maybe up to 2000 to 3000 (soldiers). In Bonny we had what you call a brigade but I didn’t have more than 1,500 men, even though we called it a brigade. It was out of that small group that I had to take out maybe about maybe 500 men to go and do the operation. It was strictly an assault landing, in which case we had nobody on the other side. All we needed to do was to take boats and get into Onne. The village was just a few kilometers to the main road that led to Port Harcourt. So if we succeeded in getting to Onne and move out of Onne, we would have cut off everybody by the river crossing. That was the whole idea. We were supposed to be supported by artillery from those who are crossing; we were supposed to be supported by a little bit of air power. But what happened was that because they started crossing late, everything was concentrated on Bonny, so we didn’t get any support at all. Then secondly Lagos, who promised to send me a few equipment before the date, failed to do so. Col. Femi Oluleye was rear commander in Lagos. We landed in Onne all right, but instead of being there for say 24 hours, and the Third Marine Commando troops joining us, they never did. Even though Adekunle assured me that they had started to cross, they never did. So by the time we got to Onne, there was no help coming from anywhere. So we had to move out of Onne and go to Bonny again. It was in that process that we must have lost, maybe about 200 men. That was what happened. So when Obasanjo put what he didn’t understand in his book, I was just laughing because he didn’t know what happened there; and I think you don’t go around making comedy out of a very terrible tragedy. For me, 10 soldiers lost in an operation was a tragedy: what are you doing as an officer? What is your plan? What are you thinking about? So…

    (Cut in) That means without your operation there, Third Marine would not have been able to enter Port Harcourt?

    That’s right. But what Obasanjo didn’t say was that when the crossing now started, we repeated the operation and this time, we succeeded. But that first one was premature, absolutely premature and I take responsibility because it was stupid. I was their commander. Whether the GOC did or didn’t do his part, for me, was immaterial. Men are put under your charge as commander and I was responsible for them. We lost about 200.

    There was this guy Azuatalam, a Biafran officer – what was the story? It was said the guy was very brave and that and you fought him for five hours before finally capturing him?

    Yes it was Makanjola’s front, God bless his soul. It was my brigade but Makanjuola was the battalion commander in the area. When that skirmish was over, what really interested me about Azuatalam was that he wasn’t the commander there, he was one of the officers we captured when the operation was over. When finally he got to my headquarters and I looked at him, he was such a nice little boy and he was not really a soldier at such – I mean, not a trained soldier but he had secondary school certificate. He was a smart boy: he worked with me for about two or three weeks. So, I persuaded Adekunle: why don’t we send him to cadet school so he could really become a proper officer? Adekunle agreed and we talked to Gen. Gowon and we sent him to Lagos, and they sent him to Sandhurst and he became an officer. He’s in Port Harcourt now.

    He is still a soldier?

    I was a bit disappointed on that score. By the time he made captain, I think I was a general then, the next thing I knew was that he had left the army. He left as captain. So, I looked for him in Port Harcourt, I got him, he told me he wasn’t getting real satisfaction out of the job. He thereafter became a marine fellow, repairing boats and things like that.

    But it looks like you don’t want to talk about your own exploits in the place; the five hours that Alabi Isama talked about when you chased after him, he said he ran out of bullet, nd you ran out of bullets but you had to go get him?

    Yes, but you know when you have a unit you give them work to do. Unfortunately, the civil war was not the conventional war taught in school, where the commander sits at the back and he gives order; and expects his lieutenants to carry out the operations. Unfortunately you had to wake up at five o clock in the morning to make sure, even though your officers were there at the frontline, to get them to start the operation. You had to hang around in the evening to make sure that the operation was carried out. That was how 3rd marine commando worked throughout the operation and that’s why Alabi, even though he was chief of staff, for a long time was always at the front. You would do most of your writing works at night and this same night you travel round to join your troops at the front to make sure that the operation went well, otherwise nothing might happen. So I was there. It was normal. It happened every day. You got out there, you got surprises, you had to adjust yourself and get on with it.

    Yes, another fault: there again, we made another big blunder because we wanted to get to Uli Ihiala at all cost, so we thought if we got to Owerri, we could follow the Orashi river right up to Owerri lake, land on the other side – that is Oguta; and then come out. I think less than five kilometers from Oguta was the main road that links Owerri, Ihiala, Nnewi. So, if you came out of that road, the war was as good as over.

    That was Pincer 2 strategy?

    Yes, that was short cut. But then we sent Makanjuola there and he landed. He spent about two/three days there but unfortunately all the reinforcement that was supposed to come to Owerri, to now push a little bit to divide the front properly, never happened. So, the rebels concentrated on Makanjuola and they pushed him back to Oguta Lake. There were quite a number of small tragedies that happened during the war. But in this case we didn’t lose too many troops because we were smart enough to get out in time.

    You must have been very trusting sir, the Azuatalam guy was a Biafran officer. He could have been a traitor. To have converted him from Biafra to Nigerian army, was that not a big risk?

    Maybe. But I think at that stage of the war, we had come to the point where a lot of the so-called rebel officers-Biafran officers, even their men, seemed to think that whenever they were captured, that the war was over for them. That the loyalty they were talking about and the fervent Biafran thing about everybody singing the anthem and this and that didn’t go beyond when things are comfortable…..That’s my impression right from when I was in Second Division, to the operations in the Midwest. That was my impression. Each time you captured anyone and you treated him well, he forgot about the Biafran thing.

    Isama himself talked about Third Marine Commando; that Boro was the one training them; that when they got there, he trained them and at first he was sleeping with one eye open. But he discovered that the people were not a threat, after which he relaxed.

    My first encounter with riverine area was when I was abruptly posted to Bonny to go and take over the place but I did. I had three officers who I can never really forget. The first one was called Amangala George. He was a school principal, he had a master’s degree, he was my adjutant, I inherited him there. He was not a soldier but he was very intelligent

    He was Biafran?

    No! I think he is from Yenogoa. I am talking about the people who came from the riverine areas and then we had not captured Port Harcourt but we had Bonny so it was Bonny now that I met this George, he was my adjutant. Not a soldier but a make-shift soldier, he would just put on uniform and we started teaching him the regimen of how to fight. But he was a good administrator. He administered my headquarters. The other one was Yanayo , he was also a school teacher and the third one was Nottingham Dick. If you remember, Nottingham Dick was one of the persons sentenced with Boro. So, you can see these were people who had been involved, in one way or the other, in the liberation of the riverine areas. It was not really as articulated as it is today, as the area has now been carved into Rivers, Bayelsa, Delta, Cross River and Akwa Ibom states. Back then, it was Kalabari, Ndoni, Andoni, Ijaw, the pure riverine areas. That’s what Boro stood for but Port Harcourt, of course, used to be their headquarters. So, I met these three people there and I learnt a lot from them. First I had never done any canoeing or boating but in Bonny, there was no way of surviving for an officer. There was no way you could go looking at your troops without you really being able to use a canoe or to use a pontoon; and there was nothing worse than asking people to do things which you could not do yourself. So, I had to learn how to use a canoe, how to use a speed boat, things like that. So those were the things we learnt from people like Boro. Unfortunately, he went to Okrika and he got killed there. Many people got killed but that of Boro was significant because of what he stood for. But what Boro stood for we have refused to address till tomorrow. But if we don’t address these issues, Nigeria is not going to go very far.

    Could you substantiate a bit on that sir?

    Well, Boro formed what he called Niger Delta Volunteer Force and he was saying they didn’t want anybody to come and mine their oil and all that. Later on they gave it a name. They called it resource control. Some people later still called it restructuring of the system. That’s what Boro stood for. He decided that the only way to get attention was to go around molesting the oil companies and the rest of these insiders, he didn’t make it habitable for foreigners who were digging oil in the place. Well, he died during the war. The whole thing died down after the war because you had to do reconstruction, things like that. But there was a resurgence of it, championed by Saro-Wiwa (Kenule). Again, he approached it from a very sophisticated intellectual angle. But Instead of listening to him, they hanged him. They organized some people to lie and do whatever was needed to get rid of him. Now the third phase of it is the militant agitation involving Asari-Dokubo and co. What did we do? We gave them amnesty, we make them into tin gods and empower them. They are all billionaires now. But we haven’t solved the problem because tomorrow it is going to come back to us again. A new generation of them will come up, rebels with a cause. You cannot get rid of such a rebel unless you remove his cause. You are always going to get supporters for it until we go to the riverine areas and really set the place right.

    When I was in Bonny around 1967-68, if you could paddle a canoe and you got a basket and you went on the Bonny River, you could catch Cray fish, if they taught you a little bit about this thing. You could go to Okrika, at low water, and catch periwinkle –a basketful of it. All those things have disappeared and we are saying that the people don’t have a reason? Well I’m sorry for them. All they do now is to want to hold the presidency, which the Yoruba held for eight years and were worse off for it. When they hold it for eight years, they would also be worse off for it. So really it is either we sit down and really resolve this problem in the interest of everybody, not just in their own interest but in the interest of everybody. Let’s recognize the problems that we have in the country.

    That was one lesson I learnt during the war – Lesson because I could see in practical terms how they live in the riverine areas. Those of us who say they are very lazy people don’t even know that sometimes they go out for a whole week in the water catching fish, going from fishing pond to fishing pond and now when they come back to the village and they are sitting down in the morning to drink kaikai and all that, then you’ll say these people are just drunkards. But look, that is their lives. That is the dictation of living inside the creeks and bog where they live. Unless you sit and study, understand these issues, you won’t understand the problems; and you would understand even less the people.

    The question of people threatening us that they have kept their arms in the creeks and whenever we don’t do their bidding they are going to go back into the creeks, I take seriously. You know Boko Haram, and all that. So, let’s go to the root of these issues. I thought it was a privilege for me to have served in Bonny and in that riverine area, to go round meeting the people, seeing the villages and the way people lived, the conditions in which the people lived and what is their livelihood. I know we took 90 percent of their livelihood out of them. So if we get the oil, give them the money and let them go and organize themselves.

    I want to ask a question that may seem philosophical. I can take the difference in perspectives in civil war literature. What I can’t understand is the difference in facts in the narratives. Who is to be believed and why, in view of the distortions here and there?

    But you also know that even in the Acts of the Apostles, the disciples went with Jesus, all of them were supposed to be present but when they wrote, their versions were different, here and there: language, expressions, perceptions and interpretations. That’s why we have so many; Mark, Luke; and everybody wrote his own. I think that is one. But you will find that the facts are very close. In the case of the war, I expected that would happen. However, if you can’t correctly interpret whatever happened, you could at least narrate things as they happened. In that wise, those who were physically present there would have a much better account of what really happened.

    Isama was present there, Obasanjo was present there. Yet you find Isama coming out with counter points to Obasanjo’s own version?

    Yes, I think if Obasanjo had concerned himself strictly with the short time that he was in 3rd Marine Command and told factually what he saw, maybe his book would not have been so nauseating. But he didn’t. He embellished it. If you were not party to things, you don’t talk about them. If you are told about these things, you can verify them before putting them down in a book. I don’t think Obasanjo took enough pains to really find out about things, all in the process of trying to justify his stand or position. Why was Obasanjo the only general officer commanding present there at the formal signing of documents ending the war? How can he justify that? Was he the only person that fought the war? I don’t know why Nigerians didn’t ask questions: are you the only one who fought the war? He couldn’t get the other GOCs to be part of the formal surrender: of the First Division, Second Division, those who did it before and those who succeeded them and even Adekunle that Obasanjo succeeded. Why wasn’t Adekunle present there? These are issues which Nigerians ought to have asked; are you the only one that fought the war?

    You were not even there when the war ended, you were sitting in Port Harcourt. The matter had been settled in Owerri ever before you showed up. Achuza is still alive today and people can ask him. That made people like Alabi angry about Obasanjo’s claims. That’s why I said when I saw the draft, I told him it is a book by an angry man. Don’t destroy a very good book because you are also angry that somebody had done it in a very derogatory and incorrect way. So, that was why I thought somebody should edit the book. I only got a final copy of the book yesterday (July 7) when I visited him; and even then I have not been able to read him to see exactly how much the original copy has been altered. But I suspect he got some very good people to tinker with it.

    He suggested in the book that actually you were the person instrumental to the final surrender push. You were the one they really surrendered to. Would you want to tell us the last seconds of the war?

    Yes, I was the chief operation officer for Obasanjo and then like I said, at least in the Third Marine, when you order an operation, it is better for at least the chief operations officer, from headquarters, to be there when the execution takes place. So, in the last two days of the war, I had to move myself to Owerri. As soon as we got back to Owerri, I decided to stay there so that we could continue the operation. In the night, one of the officers came and woke me up and said that some rebels were looking for the GOC. They brought them to me. Their leader introduced himself and said that …

    Do you remember his name sir?

    Achuzia. We call him Air Raid. He wasn’t my friend anyway because he killed my friend in Port Harcourt. So, we talked…

    What friend did he kill in Port Harcourt?

    Halliday, the owner of Silver Valley.

    He wasn’t a soldier?

    No he was just a business man. He shot him in the front of his children and his wife. Till today one of his daughters never recovered from that trauma. She’s in America today. So Achuzia said he needed to get a message to the GOC. I explained to him that I wasn’t the GOC, I was only the operation officer for the division. However, my GOC was in Port Harcourt; and that I was prepared to do anything to minimize the carnage going on, if the talk was surrender. I said okay. It was 5 o’ clock that morning and we were supposed to start the final push; but that I had enough authority to stop it. But how was I sure his side would keep to the arrangement such that after we lost the momentum, we would not go back to fighting again? So I said, let’s go and see Effiong. Where is Effiong? I asked. He said he was in Amichi. How far away was Amichi? He said about a few minutes drive. So about 5: 30 in the morning, we left our own headquarters, I followed him. My brigade commander, Ola Oni, said he was going with me but I said no way! I told him, if in two hours you don’t see me or you don’t hear from me just start the operation, don’t worry about where I am, it doesn’t matter. So I took another young officer to follow me so we got to the vehicle and I noticed that as morning was coming, people were not interested in the war anymore. The Biafran soldiers sat down beside the road like refugees. Nobody had guns. Even for those that still had uniforms, you could see that for them, the war was over. Then, Achuzia made a request: just in case anything happened to us, he wanted us to visit his wife – can I call on my wife just to tell her that I’m okay because when I was coming here she said they were going to kill me? I said okay , why not? So we went to his house, in a small village. He had a very nice place and I said you people said you were fighting a war; and yet you can keep a bungalow like this in this place! So, we joked about it so he brought a brandy bottle and we poured libation and we drank and I assured the wife, a European, white lady, that the war was over.

    So we now drove to Amichi. Getting there, the time was now like 6: 45-7 in the morning and people were already anxious to find out what had happened to Achuzia. As we came out of the vehicle, among those who trooped out were three of my classmates: Ben Gbulie, Iheadigbo, Nwakwe! Then, some of my juniors were there too. So, I forgot what we came to do there, and were laughing and busy back-slapping, saying we were all so stupid to have allowed this thing to go on for this long,

    So where is Effiong, I asked. They said he was upstairs. We went upstairs and I met General Effiong. We were very close at the Army Headquarters before. Then he said something of an honourable surrender and all that. But I told him I didn’t care whatever he called it. All I knew was that the war was over; and they didn’t have one chance in hell of negotiating anything. If I were you, I told him, I would just give up and let everybody go home. So, we just argued about that a little bit and that was that. I told him I would have to take proper instruction from my GOC, since I had sent him a signal that I was leaving Owerri, to check some stories about rebel surrender. So, Obasanjo left Port Harcourt for Owerri. I came back around 11: 30 am, since we had spent so much time drinking and pouring libation. Shortly after, Obasanjo arrived and I briefed him and he said he wanted to see Effiong. So, he did. We then drafted a speech and agreed that Effiong should go to the radio station nearby to read the speech, saying the war was over; and that everybody should stop shooting. That was it.

    Thereafter, we agreed everybody should come to Port Harcourt, en route to Lagos. But as Obasanjo and the former rebel officers were leaving Port Harcourt for Lagos, I called our rear commander, then Lt. Col then, Emmanuel Abisoye. I told Emmanuel that these people were coming to Lagos; and that he should get accommodation for the visiting party and also get all the other divisional commanders. The idea was that the former rebels, the Nigerian divisional commanders and Obasanjo would go to Dodan Barracks for the formal surrender ceremonies. But it never happened that way. Abisoye arranged the accommodation. But the rebel officers never showed up. Obasanjo had lodged them in another place. When Abisoye eventually met Obasanjo, he told him he should alert and bring the other divisional officers to the surrender ceremony. But I blamed Abisoye, telling him he should have told Gen. Gowon. Anyway, Obasanjo didn’t call anyone and Abisoye was the only one who followed him.

    I think Obasanjo has a very acute sense of history and I think he was dying to be something someone had never been before and do something nobody had done before, not just in the military but also during his presidency. So, I think that was what motivated him and that is the reason people like Mohammed Shuwa, people like Murtala Muhammad, people like Ibrahim Haruna and Benjamin Adekunle never showed up at that armistice. So, he took all those photographs and then put them in his book. I thought that was very uncharitable.

    Was there any reaction by these excluded commanders?

    Nobody bothered. They were not like Obasanjo, all those people. These were just soldiers. I don’t think they were thinking of history or whatever. Their attitude was: let’s just get this job done and get on with it.

    We also learnt that from Isama’s book; he said that there was this long trip that George Innih took to Arochukwu, while you were getting the surrender?

    Yes, George was supposed to join us a day before because we had finished all the operations in the sector. He was supposed to bring most of his brigade to come and join us in Owerri, so together we could do the final push to Uli Ihiala …

    So Innih’s was on an Israelite’s journey?

    By the time he eventually came back, the battle was over.

    Isama also said in his book that Obasanjo was clueless about where you were at the surrender, and that he was looking for you, moving from one place to the other?

    Yes but we finally met in Owerri and I took him back to see Effiong.

    Interestingly sir, it was you I think who suggested Obasanjo to Gowon as GOC to succeed Adekunle?

    Yes, but those were very sad stories!

    Isama described Obasanjo as clueless and lacking depth. I just wonder: if you had seen Obasanjo in that light, would you have made the recommendation to Gowon?

    Those of us in Third Marine Commando knew we couldn’t post any officer to the division, who was not strictly southern, a Yoruba for instance, and expect him to succeed in the place. The way the place was structured, the people who either volunteered or were posted to serve there were mainly from the Yoruba West. So there is something about trust and you know this, and the third division needed very high handed discipline because of the terrain where we were, the people amongst whom we were operating. You cannot afford to upset them as such and you cannot operate in a place where you are tearing down the town. We had to keep the population ….and therefore we needed someone who understood what it was all about. Now if the idea, what happened in 1966 during the coup was anything to go by, it was a bit difficult for a northerner to operate in the southern part and get the trust of everybody. It was difficult. Murtala tried it and he did very well but when you look at the make-up of his divisions, they were mainly westerners.

    So you are confirming too that, as I asked Isama, that this war was actually inspired by the Hausa Fulani but the brain and the execution was by the Yorubas?

    Yes, really because they took part in some of the operations. If we had gone by what was happening in the northern sector and the rest of them, that war could have lasted like 10 years. It was the southerners who really injected some form of impetus into the war. There was this talk about in the present South-South, the Niger Delta. The people were friendly; they were supporters of federal government. But if you antagonized them, you wouldn’t get anywhere. Also, many of these people were also victims of the pogrom in the North. That was why I suggested Obasanjo to Gowon.

    The problem with Adekunle was that he was a very tired man. He had done well but he was tired. The law of diminishing returns had set in and he was getting a little bit irrational. Only yesterday (June 30) Isama gave me a book written by Adekunle’s son, one of his sons. I had never seen it before. But just going through, I now realized Adekunle had written in letters to Gowon, about all sorts of things; and in those letters he had insinuated that people were talking about him trying to take over the government and this and that. All these didn’t occur to me but I thought these were illusions. People must have been telling him: that he was the black scorpion, that he was bullet-proof and this and that; and all that was beginning to get into his head. We at the front we were beginning to see irrational behaviours and I said you can’t enforce, and I start taking orders that I know patently did not make sense. People started getting killed and that’s why I left 3rd division. I just came to Lagos and said look, if you people don’t have control over your GOC, I have no reason to serve under him. I left 3rd Marine and I came back to Lagos.

    The Obasanjo thing, I’m still curious. Apart from ethnicity which you said was important, what attributes did you see?

    The Nigerian Army was short of officers as at that time, we didn’t have too many choices anywhere. In any case, none of us had been to any war front apart from Congo. I just believed then that first of all, you couldn’t bring a northern officer to 3rd Commando as the GOC, it’s not going to work. Then, Obasanjo had been to Staff College or something. So, he had enough to recommend him to do a job that Adekunle was leaving. I think he had enough qualifications. He was an engineer officer. He wasn’t an engineer but he was posted to the engineering corps and there he learnt a lot on the job. He was also rear commander of Second Division in Ibadan. So, there was no reason he shouldn’t take over the Third Division from Adekunle. I was thinking in terms of writing him a confidential report or anything like that. He was my senior, anyway . We were just talking about possible replacements: there was Wole Rotimi there, there was Oluleye; there were very few anyway

    And Abisoye?

    Abisoye was already commanding the rear of 3rd Commando.

    There was this claim by General Isama that Adekunle indeed tried to kill both of you. Could you shed more light on that?

    Adekunle, when he was tired and became a bit irrational and started taking decisions, difficult to understand in military terms and refusing discussions, refusing what we thought was legitimate and reasonable advise, we just thought we had had enough. And then Alabi talked about the final situations, and two of us sat down and wrote a battle plan, which we submitted to him for discussion and eventual approval. But instead of discussing the plan, Adekunle wrote a scrap of paper: “Tactics Lesson 101. When am I expecting more tutorials?” So I said wait, this man has gone bunkers, so we had to leave. But as we went back to our headquarters, his provost officer came and told us that the GOC was going call a meeting and would ambush us and get us killed. But I told him Adekunle won’t do a thing like that. But he said sir, I know what I am talking about. So I said okay, what do we do? So I just decided: why should I serve under a man who will organize to get me killed – for what? So, I decided to get out of there. So, we commandeered ammunition and went back to Lagos. That’s why I’m not interested in writing my war memoirs. I think there are too many dirty things …

    How did the army high command take that? Was that some sort of desertion or what?

    (Laughs) I think most of the officers in the front were really getting out of their elements. I think we were all getting crazy a little bit in some ways. For me, I just felt I didn’t want anything from anybody, anymore. I didn’t start the war, am I supposed to finishe it? So, why should I do things that I don’t want to do? I admit: It was a question you should never ask in any army but everyone was getting crazy as the war was taking its toll. So, I just disappeared. I just went to Takwa Bay, took a small chalet, and started living there.

    Just like that?

    Yes! So that’s why I said I think we had all gone crazy. I was living in Takwa Bay until finally they found out that I was there. Gowon wanted to see me and I went to see him. At the meeting, it was on an evening, everyone was there: Gowon, Baba (Akinwale) Wey (Rear Admiral, chief of staff, Supreme Headquarters), David Ejoor (chief of Army staff), Hassan Usman Katsina, Adegbola (Police DIG)and others. But from the setting, it was far from a war meeting. It was more of an administrative one which, at war time, seemed rather amusing. I told them Adekunle had gone crazy; and that I didn’t want anything to do with him again. But Gen. Gowon insisted I should go back to 3rd Marine Commando to which I rather angrily retorted that I didn’t start the war. It was in the heat of this discussion that I suggested: “why don’t you send Obasanjo there?”, when it was clear Adekunle would be recalled. By then, a lot of things were happening in 3rd Marine Commando, reverses that suggested Adekunle was tired. So, he was recalled and Obasanjo replaced him. But when Obasanjo got to 3rd Marine, he found the division was not such an easy place. He needed some officers to assist him. It was then he insisted that the only way he would stay as GOC was if Isama and myself came back. That was how both of us went back.

    The reverses of Owerri led to the dusting up of Pincer 2. Obasanjo was apparently not aware of it until you radioed him that surrender had come. What was Pincer 2 all about?

    It wasn’t anything complicated. We had suggested it to Adekunle before but he said it was Tactics Lesson 1. So of course, the thing died a natural death. But we had the documents and we knew the situation in that sector of the war. We needed to capture three cities for the war to end: Owerri, Aba and Umuahia (OAU). Incidentally, there was some Organisation of African Unity (OAU) thing; and Adekunle decided we needed to do something dramatic before the OAU event, evidently inspired by the similarity in the OAU abbreviation. We now launched a frontal attack on Owerri, from which we lost too many men. Though we got close, we could not capture the town. So, to plan these three operations we were able to seal one: the Aba one. We were able to seal from Aba to Umuahia but we couldn’t seal the Owerri one and we were already in Aba, so he wanted us to now go up to, at least, Owerri.

    So sir if it were to be today, it would have already been okay, with Aba and Umuahia meaning AU?

    AU yes, so we said no you couldn’t do that, he said no, we have to. Then we had a young brigade commander who was going to be responsible for the operation. So I had been able to see him and I had told him that the operation was not on. So he took Edet?, I said this thing is not on but he was a much younger officer than I was. So when we now got to the other group, I didn’t say anything. All he himself could say was, ‘yes sir, yes sir’. So, the Owerri battle was settled. But we didn’t have enough troops. We could manage what we had and get to Owerri. But we couldn’t hold the town. Adekunle said don’t worry: by the time we get to Owerri, he would have got enough reinforcement from Lagos. But I insisted we should get reinforcement first before starting the assault. When my protest became too much, Adekunle said what was my concern – after all, Edet, not I, was the brigade commander! Edet, of course, could not say no, for he was a much junior officer. So I told Adekunle: “Sir, tomorrow by five o clock, I will personally be there and we will get into Owerri. Since you said we can hold it, it’s your responsibility, not mine. He said yes, why not? That was how we went into Owerri. We got there but as I feared, we could not hold it. I was even surprised that we lasted that long in the town. There was also the Umuahia tactics debate before the action was aborted. Because of my strong reservations about Adekunle’s preferred tactics, one of my classmates, Shande, came to tell me and Alabi that the GOC called him a coward. He felt bad.

    For a soldier that was …

    He was my classmate, we went to school together. But Shande got killed in the Owerri assault, a death that was probably avoidable. There were quite a number of tragic stories. They ought not to have happened. After putting all of these together, I decided this man had gone crazy. That was why Alabi and I left.

    How would you grade Obasanjo and Adekunle because you worked with both of them?

    Adekunle did a much difficult and much better job. Obasanjo simply took over Third Division after they had gone all the way from Calabar, all the way to the northern point of Obubra, all these areas in the present day Cross River, Akwa Ibom and Rivers states. The war, in all those places, were over. 3rd Marine were already in Igbo land. What Adekunle should have done was to change tactics a little bit, be less ambitious about what we were doing, and to know that we needed to commit more troops in a place where the people were not our supporters. In the riverine areas, we got a lot of support from people. They showed us the creeks, it was a very complicated place to operate in. That was why when Asari Dokubo decided that he was going to get nasty, I told people you won’t be able to stop them, if they have arms. They don’t have to be very smart, they live there. But you don’t live there. Your soldiers can’t live 24 hours on water in a canoe and eat there and sleep there and fight from there.

    Making comparisons: Isama called Obasanjo bossy and Adekunle listening?

    At the beginning, Adekunle had enough honesty. In every war, you change command, you change people but we didn’t have that luxury in the Nigerian Army. The Nigerian Army didn’t have the luxury of, say, moving three officers out and replacing them with fresh ones. That affected people like Adekunle. Also, I didn’t know who was playing politics with him because until I now read some of the papers now published, as letters he was writing to Lagos, people accusing him that he had ambition of becoming the head of state or anything. At that point, he did not want to listen to anyone, any more. His brusque rejection of our proposed operational order, which he dismissed as Tactics Lesson 101, was high-handed. We should have argued it. That was what he used to do. But now, he was changed, as he appeared to know everything. And it was bound to be disaster after disaster. That was why a new GOC had to take over.

    Losing Owerri and moving troops back gradually towards Elele was a bad time for the GOC. By that time he had disorganized his headquarters. He came back from Lagos one day and said he was accused that his whole division was Yoruba. He said so. So, he reshuffled his key men: me, Isama, Ayo Ariyo and now put relatively junior officers, who could not face these top men in charge of sectors, just to prove his division was not exclusive Yoruba territory! Whatever he was thinking, I had no idea. But the new operational officers could not give instructions or challenge the actions of these more senior officers in the front. That led to more reverses and confusion.

    General Gowon, what sort of commander-in-chief was he?

    I think he was too nice for a soldier.

    Too nice?

    Too nice, in the sense that he is a very polished person. I can say that because I grew up under his tutelage. So, I know him from his bedroom, to the office, to everywhere. He was too understanding sometimes, and it is very difficult to extract a yes or no answer from Gowon. That is his nature: “I mean, honestly, you boys…honestly, well…honestly.” It’s very difficult to get him to say yes or no! Very difficult!

    So how come he lasted that long as head of state if he was vacillating?

    For most of his time the army was busy. We got into the war, we fought almost three years out of his tenure. Thereafter, we resettled and there was this big problem. I think the army was too preoccupied with itself: you know we had lost many officers, too many. We had wounded soldiers all over the place, so nobody had time to address the issue of governance until about 74, four years after the war, when people started turning attention to governance, and agitation in the army started that they wanted back all the officers for military duties. All the military governors were senior to me – very good officers. We wanted all of them back in the Army. In any case, what were they doing there?

    Then the story would come: two governors were travelling to this event; then they went to Kontagora. They went to the Keffi Guest House, and they were told there were no drinks except champagne. And they said, okay, we would manage it! (general laughter). These people were just enjoying themselves and we in the army were just running around. So, we wanted them to come back and help. Why don’t they get civilians to be governors in place of these officers sorely needed in the military. That agitation culminated in the coup that removed Gowon.

    I don’t know if anybody had written about it, but about four months before the coup that ousted Gowon, there had been big commotions at Army Headquarters. Gen. David Ejoor, our army chief of staff, was told to go to Dodan Barracks and tell them off, insisting that officers holding political positions must return to the army. But Ejoor could not do it. So, we called a meeting of all senior officers in the commander-in-chief’s office, that’s what happened. We got all the senior officers, we went to Dodan barracks and we had a meeting with Gowon and we gave him an ultimatum to announce a definite exit date by the military? That was when Gowon started losing grip. There and then. Our chief of staff (Ejoor) couldn’t do it. This was how we started losing grip. Gowon was not a very forceful person. I think he leaves you as a senior officer to make your own decision. But you can’t do that, as commander-in-chief.

    I had this debate with Isama and he wouldn’t go that far and I said from his own account of the war, the GOCs were just doing what they wanted and there was no overarching strategy which would say this is where you have gone, stop and so on. For instance, Shuwa was just moving from village to village, he seems to have no plan and then there was the instance of Gowon (and you were there) asking Muritala not to cross the Asaba bridge but he still did and nothing happened?

    That’s why I said he seems to leave you finally to do what you like but you don’t do that as a commander, you take responsibility for what would have happened. Therefore, you have the last say. You can debate, you can discuss but the last thing you are going to do, is what you are going to do. I heard, the moment we got to Asaba, Murtala said we were crossing the bridge. I told him wait a minute, you know I have stomach ulcer. Before we leave Midwest and go to the other side there, I’m going to get to Lagos and see my doctor and collect enough medicine from him before coming. So, he said okay. I could go for five days.

    Now the argument that preceded that was that there was no way we were going to cross. And we made suggestions as to what we should try to plan and see whether it was possible but we thought it was possible to move out of Asaba, leave maybe half a brigade because we didn’t need more than that because the bridge had been broken anyway. The bridge was still intact as at that time but we had intelligence report that it had been mined. So we asked that we could go to Idah, it didn’t matter, we could do it leisurely, even if we had one ferry. We could do it over one month and get our troops across to the other side and then divide the sector into two. We take the right hand one, which would end up in Onitsha ; and Shuwa could keep going to Umuahia. My GOC said, are you really suggesting that I should go and share boundary with that renegade?

    Who is that ?

    Shuwa. They were classmates at Sandhurst; they were my seniors. I spent only one term with them because they were passing out when we got there. I said if you can’t share boundary with Shuwa, who else are you going to share boundary with? He said no don’t give me that, we are going to cross this bridge. I drove back to Lagos and I went straight to Dodan barracks. Gowon was so happy to see me and he said well-done boys. I said but there was trouble. He said what? I said my GOC wants to cross the Niger into Onitsha. I told Gowon we would never get there, since the bridge had been mined. Gowon said, don’t worry, we would stop him. I had spent like three days; then went to Abeokuta to spend one night there with Olu Bajowa, because he had a training depot. So, I went to see what was going on there, to talk about the kind of people they were sending to us. I told him I thought it would be better if we had the permission to extend the training for about one month, since people being sent to the front hardly knew the difference between the gun’s barrel and its butt. I said these people are just coming to die.

    After the night, I drove back to Asaba and I had with me Ike Nwachukwu. The reason was simple: I couldn’t leave him anywhere. He was operation officer but I couldn’t leave him. I didn’t trust that I would find him when I came back. They could probably kill him because he was Igbo. So, every time where I went, I said let’s go. I took him to Lagos, we came back. By the time we came back, the operation had been carried out and the disaster had happened. So, we came to a salvage operation. That same morning we arrived, they had landed at Onitsha and trouble had broken out and they had pushed them back. By the time we arrived in the afternoon, we just met stranglers, fleeing for life. That was the first operation.

    But he insisted we had to repeat the operation. I said well, there are two conditions: you know my brigade, we have served you so well. Virtually we fought 95 percent of the Midwest all the way from Okene to Benin, from Abudu to Asaba. We have three brigades; one had gone and come back. Talk to the other brigade, let him go and do it. I give you one condition if you are able to secure a proper base there, I promise you I will cross the sea with you and that day we will get to Nnewi. The day we cross, we will get to Nnewi before sun down that’s the only thing I can promise. He agreed.

    In the meantime, I added, I wanted to take my brigade back to Iluche. I wanted not just to rest but to do some training, to do some recapping for my officers, and I’d got enough trucks to take them, since you couldn’t train or do anything in Asaba, and I didn’t want my men sitting down idle in the trenches. He agreed. But I asked him about the equipment for the second crossing, so that I could use them in my battalion’s training, cross from Iluche to the other side, and see how adequate they were. But the equipment was so ragged there was no way we could do what we planned. I would get into trouble because the river had so much heavy current, so you needed some powerful boats, which we didn’t have.

    Then the next thing he said Daramola had agreed to do the second operation. I said okay; I had agreed to follow him if he could secure the bridge. That was the agreement. I got my tools ready to follow him just in case, you never know there might be some surprise success. But again, there was defeat, tragedy and confusion. Indeed, one of Daramola’s officers, Bassey Inyang, a signal officer who still had his riffle with him, came out of the canoe that brought him from the front to the bank at Asaba. Bassey, how was it? I asked. Sir, he replied, they were shooting at us! I laughed: you were expecting roses? Even then, he (Murtala) thought of doing the crossing the third time.

    The third time?

    Yes, the third time. But we debated and debated until he abandoned the idea.

    So I came back to Lagos and I said I wasn’t going to serve in Second Division anymore. I told them that despite my alert, they could not stop Murtala from his disastrous crossing. He did it two times and each time we lost officers, good officers. I told them I didn’t want to return to the division.

    Gowon didn’t stop him?

    He didn’t.

     

  • ‘I ate human flesh at Obubra’

    ‘I ate human flesh at Obubra’

    The other question I want to ask has to do with the fact that IBM Haruna said that he killed the Igbos in cold blood because there was a pogrom in Asaba

    Did he use the word pogrom?

    No, that is my language. Okay, he revenged because there was a pogrom of the Hausas in Asaba. You were in Asaba at that time, then made reference to the pogrom that happened. Now, does that now lend weight to the argument that the killings were on both sides?

     Let me tell you what I know. First the officers of the coup were considered as Nigerian army officers, but as the dust settled, they too started to read meaning to it.

    Who started reading meaning into it?

    The Igbo officers were fleeing. This thing is sectional oh! We have killed Saurdana, we’ve killed all the Hausa senior officers, they started sending their families home.  It was not to fight but to flee, I wrote in the book. Because if they waited to fight, they would have all gone to the armoury, it would have been one for one. Now the Igbo officers left, in the police, in the navy, everywhere they left.

    But they didn’t take confidently …(cuts in)

    They had the opportunities. So they left the Igbo traders undefended. They left the civilians undefended at the mercy of whoever had the gun. Ironsi, himself, as one of the blunderers took, as if to make you a governor was a compensation for a job well done… who wanted to be a governor? I wanted to command the Nigerian army. We wanted to be generals. We wanted our white gorgets as cadets to be red. He removed him from 5th battalion to Enugu as governor and he put a Hausa man there. He removed Ojukwu from 5th Battalion at Kano to Enugu. Having done that …

    Ojukwu was not one of the coup plotters?

    He was one of those who made the coup to fail in the north and Ironsi made the coup to fail in the south. As if making him a governor was compensation, why did he remove him as commander? So he put a Hausa man there, who was Shuwa, with guns in his hands. They were ready and that was what happened.

    But the officers were transferred…

    We didn’t transfer ourselves there! It just fell in place that they were Yorubas. So if you use the word that the Yorubas ended the war, that may be true. And that whether the north started the killings and so on, well it may be because you killed their people first. So when they got to Asaba, the Biafrans also killed the Hausas there. So when the federal troops now had the upper hand and got the initiative, they had their day. But in spite of that, the Igbos have always aligned with the Hausas even till today.

    You forgot the minorities, the Anangs and Itsekiris

    Why I use that word is because the whole east was considered Igbo in my time. In your time you now have Bayelsa. I never heard of Bayelsa before. So when I use the word east, I mean the whole east. When I use the word north, I mean the whole north and the whole west. And I am telling you today that that same west is still not part of PDP. So who is complaining? Who is ruling the country? Let us face this fact for once; I am saying that the strange destiny that put us together, let us understand it. That is why kolanut is grown in the west, it is eaten in the north and worshipped in the east because when we give you kola we give you life. In my father’s village, anytime I go to visit them, I come back with a lot of kolanuts in my pocket. That is life! You think God made a mistake by putting us together? Anybody who wants to fight, let him stand up to fight now, which is called revolution. And if we are going to sit down to talk, it is called resolution, let’s sit down and talk. I am not a Yoruba man, I am a minority in Ilorin; we are at the backyard of the north. I am a minority in the Igbo area; I am at the backyard of the Igbo. But I am telling you who is marginalised, it is the Yoruba. Where are they in the scheme of things? But the complaints since independence, Igbos and Hausas have been complaining that the country is not good.

    The point I want to make about what you have said is that, before the war, the Hausas planned the coup. With what happened after the coup, I was a small boy in Lagos, we ran away at night because our lives were in danger. In the north it was massacre..

    They started looking for Igbos when they got to Ore, where they started bombing.

    The point I was coming to is that, if that had to happened, what should the Igbos have done under the circumstance. That kind of pogrom, should it have happened? Officers were killed in a coup, pregnant women and children were being killed everywhere, was that called for?

    You still don’t get it. I told you about the feudal system; you killed his benefactor and he does not have a reason to live anymore. Live for what? They don’t know how to work, they have no job, you have killed our leaders who fed us. I told you not that we did not eat enough, we did not eat at all.

    Are you justifying it or you are explaining it?

    I’m explaining it that, you are saying pogrom, these people are not looking at it that way, I gave you the example about that in those days, everywhere that you found an Igbo man.

    Was that also part of the reason why, ‘okay, this people we have been targeting them, this is the opportunity to go and get them. Let’s kill them, let’s take all their properties. Even those in the civil service, others everywhere, let’s chase them away so we can occupy the place?’

    You are misinterpreting it. That’s not the point. The point was if you had killed the leaders, am sure if they had killed the Hausa and left the leaders, nothing would have happened. It’s like when they killed Ademulegun, they killed Ademulegun with his wife on the bed. They killed Sodeinde with a pregnant wife; what are we talking about here? If you look at it as an Igbo man, then you look at it as an Igbo man, I am talking to you as a Nigerian that what happened then, they could have carried on to the end. They would have done the same in the east. They would just handle the leaders and if you couldn’t get them, what you need to do was to jail them, put them in jail and lock them up even if it was only for one day. You killed a general in the room with the wife on the bed! These are people you ate with and drank together in the officers’ mess. I’m explaining this point for you to understand why they were vicious. A lot of us were happy about the coup. You will read my second book, don’t worry. But the point is again, when Biafrans got to Asaba, you must have read the book Blood on the Niger by Emma Okocha. When they got to Asaba, they killed all the Hausas in Ogbe Hausa, at Ikebu point. No one was allowed to escape. They wiped all of them out.

    After the pogrom?

    What pogrom?

    This is like a counter pogrom. (Laughter)

    You see, after you had killed the leaders, whether you called it pogrom or not, you had killed all of them.

    Now you are talking about the psychology of the feudal society…

    That is what I am telling you now, if you don’t know I know it because I was a beggar. I was just five years old. I carried plates to go to the street to beg until my mother came on the eighth day and took me, that was when I started going to school. I wrote it in my book. The Emir of Ilorin made me to go to school, the father of the current Emir.

    The image of the begging bowl throws up the question of money. In your other interview, you spoke of Adekunle, his terrible state now and you said that, am quoting you now. You said ‘if he (Adekunle) had made the kind of money that the rest of them made, he would be rich.’ That struck me and I began to wonder: in a war situation, do people make money?

    Do they?

    That’s what you said

    But you haven’t been to my house to see…

    Hold on, I am not saying you are among them?

    It is possible, I am not an angel. May be I didn’t steal enough.

    You said if he had made the kind of money the rest of the people had, he would be rich. Who are these people?

    I think somebody called me yesterday to say that there was an interview by Akin Aduwo when he said Adekunle told him to go and take 9 million pounds or something.

    My question is, who are these ‘rest of them’? Could you be more specific, or maybe how did they make this money from what was going on?

    Let me put it this way. Many of us in the army inherited this or that. For instance, my mother bought a place in Surulere, one bungalow, and I said Alhaja, you mean a general should live in a bungalow, lo ta ile o, (go sell your house), I don’t want to live in  a bungalow. My wife said ‘oh I will use if for hair dressing.’ Today, that house is being sold for N50 million. Many of us inherited one thing or the other. But again let me tell you, you have seen how officers live. Let me repeat myself, you have seen how officers live. You’ve been to some of them. Let us total their salaries from when they were in the army, was that what they spent in building those houses? Are you saying that Adekunle, if he stole that kind of 9 million pounds, you will see him unable to pay his medical bills?

    I’m interested in the rest of them, if you could be more concrete, and how was it possible at the war front to get rich?

    It was possible because when Obasanjo said they should pay all the soldiers, if a soldier was killed the other soldiers would pick up the money. It’s a free world now, so many of them could have done that.

    Other possibilities?

    I don’t know. Maybe they told them to go and buy weapon or supplies, but army officers in Marine Commando… for instance, Obasanjo wrote in his book, that they were buying cow for N60 and somebody was buying meat for N90 and when he came he negotiated N60 and they approved. Which Hausa man brought cow to Marine Commando?  Who was he talking to? He said he now discussed with cow dealers and they accepted N60 instead of N90. So which Hausa man brought the cow to the war front? I was Chief of Staff of Marine Commando. I didn’t have meat in my food until we got to Obubra and which meat did I eat? human flesh. It was human flesh and I used palm wine to wash it down, and I did not know until I  saw Capt Akinyanju in charge of supply and transport, and I said to him, well done you arrived so quickly you must have been following the attack. He said, ‘Oga, we never leave Calabar o, we’ve been eating meat since.’ I asked him, how come? He said, ‘I no know, make we go find out.’  The natives came and told us there were so many Biafrans on the streets and they put them in their houses. When we went and opened their freezers or something we found them, they’ve roasted them and I ate and I did not even vomit.

    I read Adekunle asked you how did human flesh taste?

    Adekunle said I heard you ate human flesh. I said, well, that’s what they told me that it was human flesh, not bush meat. He said how was it? I must have eaten the wrong part of the steak. And I said it was tender o. An officer, Utuk, at Owerri, when he saw me, he started crying. He said ‘the thing wey make me cry sir: the day I peed in my cup and put some garri to drink and as soon as I finished that garri, rain fell.’ What do you make of this? We had terrible experiences. What we went through was not a joke. Today you are talking about Nigeria and that’s why it pains people like me to see Adekunle in such condition.

    That brings us to the question of money generally as a value of exchange. There was this story sometime ago that Muritala Mohammed broke a bank and looted the bank. Was it true? Secondly, were there other cases of looting on the federal side?

    Let me tell you, I don’t have a reservoir of knowledge on these things we are discussing. I only know my side of the story and that is why in my book I said this is my story. Whoever is going to say it’s not correct must be there with me. Okay, first of all, I was not in Benin but it was Biafra that first entered Benin. The Biafrans did not take the money so they left it for Murtala to come around and take? Somebody must be lying. If you read Blood on The Niger, they took some money from the Central Bank to Asaba because they made Asaba their new headquarters.

     Adekunle emerged at the beginning of your story as not only a very good leader but also a genial person. You were also calling him egbon mi, then things changed. There are a number of stories that have been told about Adekunle that we don’t see in your story. One, we know that he wasn’t really in the battle front, the myth about him was that he was a man with the disappearing act. Two, that he was just a brave man in front of the battle carrying gun and killing Biafrans. From the story we know, that he did not even have contact with a lot of Igbos. So how did it come that Adekunle had become demystified in your book?

    The first thing was that Adekunle commanded the troop that captured Bonny, today adjudged as the best free-landing in Africa. He landed his troops at Calabar, again adjudged as one of the best free-landing because those were difficult operations then. Anywhere at all, free-landing, river-crossing, those were difficult operations. He successfully did that. Then I became his chief of staff; he had somebody to discuss with. We were friends before the war. He would say we were going to capture Obubra, what do you think? We would sit down and debate, and I mean the word debate. When he had to give his orders there was no doubt who was the commander but the debate helped both of us. We did not operate in Igbo areas, we were in Calabar, Port Harcourt, Eket, Ikot Ekpene, Obubra, Ntigidi, Opobo, Bori, Okrika, Bonnny, etc.

     But every time he went to Lagos, Adekunle would say all Igbos must die or something like that. I would ask him, Oga mi, this is the headline, did you say that? He would say he didn’t say that, and that the publisher had to sell its paper but that he boasted anyway. So Lagos did a lot of things to this man. And that was what happened. It was just unfortunate. He would come back with a newspaper saying I will kill anything that is moving, Adekunle was not there to kill anybody. He gave me authority to feed the people. I couldn’t have opened hospital for women and children without him giving me the authority. All I needed to do was ask. These people wanted to take school certificate, this is the school I have opened, he would come and see. One of the pictures was when he came to see the Biafrans that were captured, we kitted them, we gave them the numbers and documented them, he was there. But when he got back after he had captured Port Harcourt, something changed, he had told the press in Lagos, they said now that you have captured Port Harcourt, where next do you want to capture? he said ‘I want to capture Aba and Umuahia for the  commander’s birthday or independence.’ ‘Oga mi, you are not going to send me to Umuahia, nobody will send me there until my troops are ready for it.’ He said, okay, don’t worry. Shande, you are promoted lieutenant colonel, you go to Umuahia. Utuk, you are promoted lieutenant colonel, you go to Owerri. Akinrinade warned him that we could not go to Owerri, because left and right, Owerri to Umuahia is a distance to Aba and Owerri to Port Harcourt. With that there was a gap in between, how many troops did we have to cover these gaps?

    So it was okay to capture Aba because it was part of the movement. Remember, from Calabar to Port Harcourt, we were advancing like this with our right flank to the Igbo area. That’s Ikpot Ekpene, Aba, Omoku, Owerri, that’s to our right.  Therefore to be able to look after those areas, we needed reserve. If there was an attack for any side, we didn’t have to stop the troops advancing, the reserve would move in there. That was what happened in Ikot Ekpene and we didn’t realise that the Biafrans themselves, the officers were not too fast forward enough. I wrote it in my book there because every town a captain is not there, that’s why we didn’t attack Arochukwu. Uwakwe was my classmate, they shot him and the bullet came out of his mouth and broke all his teeth. He just died on the 15th of January this year. It was because of him I did not attack Urochukwu I sent him a note. He still had the note. He came to my house in Surulere and we discussed the note. And I said well, you didn’t attack, so we didn’t attack. That’s why there was no war in Arochukwu; there was no battle fought in Arochukwu.

    But Obasanjo went an Israelite journey to Arochukwu (laughter)?

    Obasanjo, God bless him. He sent Inih to Arochukwu. Here is what happened, let me put it this way, I don’t know how much of Baghdad war that you all know. The British were in Basra, Americans were going to Baghdad. Then for an American commander to send his troop to Baghdad so that they could pass through the British, we don’t operate in infantry like that. Because the man in Basra already knew the position of the enemy, how many they were, he already had his data. All he had to be told was attack this place, he got his data. You now send somebody coming from somewhere to go to Basra and do what?

    So Adekunle became paranoid?

    Adekunle, now because he had boasted to the press in Lagos that, “oh when I get there, I will spend the weekend in Port Harcourt, we will capture Port Harcourt on the 18th of May 1968. Well anybody who doesn’t like federal troops should just go through Owerri because I have closed Aba road.” You know what we agreed was that he should please announce that we would start artillery fire and anybody who didn’t like federal troops should go through  Owerri, don’t come to Aba because we had blocked Obigbo  and he started to boast in Lagos. What we are saying is that the mistake Adekunle made was the fact that he had boasted and when Owerri, Aba, Umuahia failed, he failed with it. Oga don’t let us do it this way, it was like the German officer telling Hitler don’t go to Barbarossa, don’t let us go to Barbarossa, he would say laye . He’ll say fall out, you are promoted to Field Marshall, that one quickly surrendered. He said Field Marshall will never surrender, he said well this will be the first Field Marshall to surrender.

    You didn’t say much about Adaka Boro in your book in the sense that he was the man who wanted his revolt, he was a very political person. You didn’t say much about his politics. He couldn’t have been even for Nigeria, we would have expected that he would have been for Nigeria because of the revolt against Nigeria?

    I agree with you but we never discussed politics. I was a 27-year-old boy. What wiould I know in politics. I just wanted to be a commander and I had my opportunity and when I got stuck I didn’t know what to do and he said, ‘Oga no be so I go do am, na so and I agree with them.’ You see that’s the difference about commanders you know, we are two different types. I could have said shut up, I’m the commander here. And I would have gotten stuck with what the others did. But in this case that’s the point you were asking me, but in this case I said if you say ‘no be so I go do am’, tell me how I go do am show me, and he showed me and that is why even right here, I wrote in this book here, look, I said ‘Isaac Boro left and Alabi Isama’s surmounting terrain challenges were difficult without Isaac Boro.’ That’s Isaac Boro, that’s myself, he was teaching me what to do, I was his commander but I didn’t know enough.

    And you have the picture of the person who killed Isaac Boro, can you just simply.. a kind of?

    Well, the strategy, scorpion strategy, here is what is called scorpion strategy. That’s how Adekunle got the name. What happened was that all of us were to converge in phase one at Opobo, in phase two at Aletu Eleme with Okrika on the other side, Akinrinade was not to attack Port Harcourt, Obasanjo said he attacked Port Harcourt and he failed. No, it’s not to attack PH, he didn’t know and he didn’t ask. Why was Akinrinade there? Akinrinade was to divert the attention coming from the left and when they saw that Akinrinade’s troop ran away from One, they reinforced One. The more they reinforced One, the more opened their plans. It was a tactic between myself and Akinrinade. You have read many mails Akinrinade Alabi, Akinrinade Alabi, that’s my part. We did that, you know that was how Adekunle got his scorpion name. and like I was telling you, you see Alabi Nsama advancing with the troops here, this is Alabi Nsama and before they would start opening fire and I said, ‘okay, all of you now make una continue o, I will  go look for ammunition and come back, would that be right?’

    This was Adekunle’s idea?

    No, no  I drew this.

    But he got the name scorpion through it?

    I called it scorpion strategy.  His sting is in the tail, he just got that name from Winston Churchill. Winston Churchill and Kola Animashaun was a journalist. I think they had a quarrel with what Winston said was that at age of 32 or something you are the commander here, the divisional commander, Adekunle said your father was 26 when he was a member of parliament, why would you think an African will not do, so they quarreled from there. Then he said look, just send him to Alabi because he was asking how did we cross Opobo River without the crossing equipment. And I said we crossed with canoe and I started showing him these things. Look at 500 canoes, one canoe carries six men with kits, 35 men were to cross the river, then we built burton. We built two burtons like Alexander The Great, 332 BC to cross to our fighting positions. 35, 000 troops, 1600 bags of garri, 1200 bags of rice, 600 bags of beans, 20 bags of salt, armoured cars, cases of ammunition, artillery, weapons, vehicles and more crossed in 48 hours, all day all night. He was the one that consummated the battles after which Obasanjo took the glory for the surrender of Biafra, he was the one that protected him after the Dimka coup and aided his becoming head. Why is it that in spite of all Akinrinade had done for Obasanjo, Obasanjo does not like him?

    Despite all that Jesus did for everybody, what became of Him? That’s what happens. People like that, you know I told Kunle Ajibade when they came here, you know in life my dear brother, there is this phenomenon of history. These things do happen that people thought of in rare situations like Ghengis Khan, Ataturk, Hitler, their destiny would take life and blood and people like Mandela would be there. Gowon, despite the Geneva Convention, he also set up another to say this is my code of conduct, don’t kill Igbo, don’t do this, don’t do that. There are people like that. Alexander Dumas in France, that man won all the battles; he was a black man his mother was a slave. He won battles, he commanded the French troops, they sent him to the coldest points and he won battles there. When Napoleon came, in order to get credibility for his scheme, he said everybody was a slave. Alexander Dumas died penniless. You see, this phenomenon happens in life with mankind. What Hitler wanted with bullets, today Germany got with ballots. Is it not better today without killing anybody?

    They are taking over the whole of Europe?

    Today is there any country in Europe that would not respect Germany. Now, that’s what Hitler wanted but he did it his own way. That was the level of his IQ.

    Let me take you to the political terrain sir. At the point when Ojukwu and Gowon went to Aburi, if Nigeria had accepted Aburi, don’t you think things would have been better today?

    You see that is politics and I don’t like politics. But I have started liking politics, you know why, when politicians launched their books, all politicians were there, army is going to launch book it was difficult to find army men around. My colleagues were too old, many of them suffer from arthritis, in fact, today I was told to go and check myself for blood sugar level. They told me to go and check it today because I told them I had headache yesterday and my hands were shaking. Actually I didn’t eat, we were busy here. They said okay go check your blood sugar. We are all old people. Many of my old friends you will see with walking stick and limping. So, Alabi-Isama is different. My brother, You are talking to me about politics. When they went to Aburi, what was Ojukwu looking for? He was not looking for how his people will be secured and safe, he wanted Biafra. If he was talking of security, he would sit down there with his people and debate. Okay, we would be back in Nigeria on these conditions, they didn’t do that. I am a strategist not a politician. That’s what I would have done. Because you don’t get what you want, you get what you negotiate. He didn’t do that. He wanted Biafra, not security of his people. Are Igbo people not secure now?

    But some people are clamouring for regions now?

    Yes

    The South West for instance, the same route Aburi was enlisting!

    Aburi was looking for confederation. We are not looking for confederation, we are looking for one Nigeria. See the kolanut has put us together and we don’t know why. Let us face facts between us here today, are we not better off Nigerians than Biafrans or than Oduduwas Hausas? Today, we have broken the back of the middle class. Can we move this country forward without the middle class? Who finished them? You will read it in my book.

    You said Biafra had numerous talented officers; was it Ojukwu’s fault as a general not to be able to deploy them well?

    You are very right. I wrote a bit about that in my book where Njoku could have been the commander. Ojukwu would have been a PR person full stop. Zik you go do politics, Njoku you go do military duties. He would have distributed them. What I am telling you is that when we put the Biafrans back in the army after we captured them, they were pleased, they fought against Biafra, so that shows you that they were not looking for slogans. These people were looking for food, for security and they got them on our side and words go out fast. They told the rest and the rest came back. Biafra almost had nobody left at a point. The women and all the children that were starving came back and they got food. Nobody gave me the food to go and give Biafra it was my initiative. I did that so they could come back to the Nigerian side and I went on an attack with them, they did well. So what I am saying is that Ojukwu did not deploy his men properly. You need to read Ben Gbulie’s book on Biafra, how they went and even furnished their houses because we are talking about head of state house, they went to furnish their houses when people could not eat.

    You rated Njoku above Ojukwu?

    Because he was senior to Ojukwu.

    Beyond that you seems to … (cuts in)

    Yes, because I went on an operation with Njoku and Njoku saw what I did, he praised me for it. He was the Biafran commander. I am very sure he would have said I knew Alabi-Isama was not going to sit down there for you to get him, let’s do it this way. I also know Madiebo well, Madiebo just did wonders. How he was able to keep the army for three years, I don’t know. But believe me I will give him credit here because they said they had no weapons. That could not have been his fault, that was where the government failed and the army failed, well that was well said.

    You are talking of this second book, a sequel; does it mean this book has not exhausted what you want to say about the war and why not?

    Why not, I read a newspaper, I think it was The Nation, December 10 last year where (Walter) Ofonagoro was addressing Igbo youths and he said the first coup was not Igbo coup, I agree with that. Then he said 75 percent of Nigerians were ruled by Igbo people, I agreed with him but he missed the point when he was now talking about Bakassi. He was talking about pogrom and he was taking about genocide. That genocide, I need to address the issue. You slapped me and I broke your head, then you went and reported to the elders, am I guilty? These are the issues we are talking about. Let me tell you here whether on record or off record, the Igbo will rule this country in the near future, only if they stop trading and start manufacturing what they are selling. Where is Peugeot Automobile of Nigeria (PAN) today? Obasanjo went and bought foreign vehicles, that was how PAN collapsed. Now Awolowo warned in Aba that we should have stopped this second hand clothing. He went into the Aba Textile Mill and he saw it was not doing well and he said ‘don’t worry, by the grace of God when I become president I will stop this second hand clothing and the textile people would start booming’. Today we don’t have any textile mill in the whole country. Look at what you have here with you, which one is manufactured here? Everything including biro and paper and your slippers which one is manufactured here? We are just selling what people produced. What am trying to tell you is that in my second book, I have not finished talking, why is this quarrel necessary when the Igbo and Hausa are ruling the country from independence till today yet we cannot stop complaining. That’s my point about the second book.

    As a follow up to this, I understand your views on pogroms, genocide and the blockade and all that but, the way the Igbo see it is that they were unfairly treated by the Nigerian nation. It was like a gang up to exterminate the Igbo. That is how the Igbo are seeing it. Even till today, there is no memorial anywhere to say that we fought a war? At least a million people died from both sides because it is about the Igbo people just want to sweep it under a carpet and forget about it. All over the world it is not done like that, then on a lighter side, I notice that you were wearing a beard as a soldier all through the war were you allowed to wear a beard? Then the last one, I am interested in knowing who were you classmates?

    It’s in the book: Danjuma, Ogbemudia, Adamu, Apollo, Bamgboye,

    What about in Secondary School?

    Secondary school is also here, I was captain of Ibadan Boys High School. The story is there. There are pictures there. We were the Western champion in football, we beat everybody.

    The bushy beard ?

    As you can see, am still not smooth because I have this acne when I got to England I had too many of it and they told me don’t worry it will all go when you are married. You will have many children, I have many children but it still didn’t go. Any time we were at the sea side, remember we were at the Atlantic shore and there was salty water and when it touches it formed rashes. And because of that I asked and got the authority’s permission. It happened to Ariyo, it happened to Akinrinade, it happened to me so we were given authority to keep our beards and I kept mine.

    The Igbo question. No memorial…

    If I were Igbo, I would feel exactly like that but I have been detribalised so my thinking is straight and I will tell you where the Igbo were right and where they were wrong and where the Hausa and Yoruba were right and wrong. The thing about genocide, when the Hausa leaders were killed and some Yoruba also were killed and we now found out that there were Igbo people that were not touched, what will you think? Whether they think it was right or wrong, that was what happened. The Hausa were leaderless. Look at what happened during Miss World. I was in Houston, many of those girls came back to the US, their parents were talking in the Golf Club and they said, you are going to Nigeria to do business, you better not go to the northern part of it and people now don’t want to go there because their children went for Miss World and there was rioting and about 100 people died. Out of these 100 how many would you say were Igbo, perhaps more than 50 percent. And what caused the riot, because some people were in bikini. You see, the Igbo have the right to think so. But I asked you the same question, you slapped me and in fighting back I broke your head, you went and reported to the elders, am I guilty? You killed people in Kaduna; they should let you go, I hear you. If my father had been there or my mother, I will level the entire neighbourhood o. You went to Asaba, killed all the Hausa at night, the Hausa came back in the midnight and revenged. You know those who really lost in this war, not just the Igbo people. Children of 3, 4, 5 years of age who saw their father and mother shot dead in front of them and they couldn’t do anything, they would live with it forever. These are the people I am addressing in my book that this should never happen again. You know I was telling you a while ago that the Igbo would still rule this country whether people like it or not. Just like the Germans, the day they now have this petroleum industries, many of these things we are using are petroleum based. All these you are holding are petroleum based, we are selling these things (as crude oil), the day they stop selling them and we start manufacturing with them or assembling them, just like the Germans, you will see what would happen in this country. But my brother, they have the right to think that Nigeria didn’t like them. But let me tell you, who will do what Gowon did? Apart from Geneva Convention, he insisted that we must do this, we must do that, even my own mother told me that I should never kill anybody looking at me in the face. Which civil war, in American civil war; there is war going on in Darfur, in the Congo, which did their leaders say don’t do this, don’t do that to the ‘enemy? We should be worshiping Gowon and am telling you why we all have come to this stage of hating or believing that the Igbo have been hurt is because Gowon did not try them (for war crimes). If he was one of those hawks from the north, one of those officers, they will try everybody, line them up and shoot them. And I don’t see what would have happened because they would try them properly; they carried weapons against the federal government of Nigeria and the national flag. I am telling you that we have nobody like Gowon in any part of the world that did what Gowon did. Yet he was discredited, the Igbo were given opportunities to talk because if people like Obasanjo did operation pincer one , there would be less than one thousand Igbo in Nigeria after the war. That’s what he did in Odi and Zaki Biam. As I wrote in my book, Gowon was not the hawk, he declared “no victor, no vanquished”. And for the Igbo to say they were starved when they already starved themselves. They killed the Italian oil workers forgetting that most of their relief supplies were coming from Rome, they captured 18 of them and even tried them and shot them.

    Why were they killed?

    They said they were passing information to the Nigerians; they were working in the oil fields.

    It reflects the Biafran propaganda?

    Completely and everybody ran away from them. That’s why Goldstein left, that’s why the Caritas left, that’s why the Pope left, that’s why the entire Europe left and now they supported Nigerians and said look go finish this war and lets us go rest. That’s what happened!

  • Obasanjo was a blundering general –Alabi-Isama

    Obasanjo was a blundering general –Alabi-Isama

    Wars end but the memories last forever. This is the object lesson to be gleaned from a new war memoir, The Tragedy of Victory, by Brigadier-General Godwin Alabi-Isama. This is an on-the-spot-account of the Nigeria-Biafra war as fought from the Atlantic front. Alabi-Isama, then a colonel, was the chief of staff of the 3rd Marine Commando Division (3MCDO) of the Nigeria Army which was led at various times by Generals Benjamin Adekunle, Alani Akinrinade and Olusegun Obasanjo. Only 27, energetic and full of derring-do, Alabi-Isama was the tactician, footman and engine room of the 3MCDO which was pivotal to the eventual conquest of Biafra in 1970.
    The Tragedy of Victory is significant and different from previous books on the same subject for numerous reasons. First, it is the first major account of the war from a foot soldier. It is a 670-page tome with over 300 war photographs which will be presented to the public in Lagos, July 18. Coming 43 years after the end of the war, it is expected to have taken into account and corrected the mistakes and misconceptions in earlier books especially My Command, authored by Olusegun Obasanjo. It is indeed, a rich trove of history of the Nigerian Civil War and attendant crises of nationhood. Alabi-Isama rose to the rank of a Brigadier-General in the Nigerian Army upon his retirement in 1977. In this interview with SAM OMATSEYE, STEVE OSUJI and FEMI MACAULAY, chairman and members respectively, of The Nation’s Editorial Board, Alabi-Isama was particularly unsparing of his former commander, Olusegun Obasanjo whom he considers clueless about war tactics, blundering and cowardly. He also spoke about the Black Scorpion, Benjamin Adekunle, Alani Akinrinade, the then Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon and the blunders made by both sides of the divide, among other issues. Excerpts:

    The war ended in 1970. This is 2013, how come it took you this long to write this book?

    First of all, I didn’t know I had what it takes to write a book. And secondly, I did not really want to write the book. As soon as I left the military in 1977, I went to the United States where I lived for 35 years. I came home for my 70th birthday, General Alani Akinrinade (rtd) was there and we got talking about the war and I said well this (Olusegun) Obasanjo’s book My Command; he said if you read it, you will have stomach trouble. It is not worth reading. I said well let me just read the book, he brought me two copies. And with those two copies, I tell you even till today when I read it, I get sick. First of all, the pictures in the book are wrong. Then the maps in the book are also wrong. He drew the map of places he didn’t know and had never been, he didn’t ask questions. If he had asked questions, he would have learnt. He didn’t do that. Luckily for me, because I was renovating my mother’s house in Ilorin, I saw a big box and I opened the box thinking my mother left me some money. I opened the box to find my old uniforms, my cane, and plenty of war pictures. She didn’t arrange the pictures, she just poured them into a bed sheet, you know how these old women tie things, and she poured them into the bed sheet, tied the bed sheet, put it in a box and covered that box with a cello tape. Except for two pictures, everything else is still crisp clear.

    How did I get around taking the pictures? We were looking for a crossing point at a place called Eki, in Anang area, we wanted to cross into the main land and I went on patrol with the troop, it is not normal for a chief of staff to go on patrol with the men but I wanted to see it myself, so when we got there we found there were no (enemy) troops there; we didn’t see anybody so we decided: well let’s move forward. So we moved forward. We didn’t know that we were surrounded. By the time they opened fire everybody ran and so I ran. At school I used to run 100 and 200 meters; that day I ran 26 miles. I sat down under a tree and I was panting, then I saw my orderly, Effiong, “You made it!” I exclaimed. “Yes,” he said, “I made it sir.” And I said to him that I wish somebody would see us now and see how we are suffering, we could even take the pictures and go show them in Lagos how we are suffering. He said, “Oga, am a photographer but because of the blockade, I had no film, I was out of business, but I have a studio and I have the chemicals and everything but no films.” I told him to write the specification of the film his camera uses. He wrote it and I sent it to my mother in Lagos. My mother went to Kingsway and bought large quantities of Kodak films and sent to me at the war front. I told Effiong, If I stand, take my photo, if I sit take my photo, if I cough, take my photo, fortunately he was a professional photographer. He took professional pictures. He took the terrain, the bridges, in fact, all the movement, the strategies; as a matter of fact I just discovered some pictures that he took of my war room. Since I had warned him never to enter my war room, I think he took them from the key hole.

    Then they transferred this young man (pointing to an elderly photographer in the room), and he said he was also a photographer. You are a photographer too, o ti ya! (jolly good, join the show!) So this man also took part of the pictures that you are seeing here today. I was lucky. They took over a 1000 pictures. I never thought they were anything, just one of those albums. My mother didn’t like where you see dead bodies, she would throw the picture somewhere here and there. But after reading that Obasanjo’s book, it would have been my words versus his words but for these pictures. The pictures told the story. I have 650 pages of scripts here with 450 pictures, 35 war maps and 19 documents. It has not been equalled anywhere. Many of the civil war books were written by Biafran officers and men. The Nigerian ones, I think only Obasanjo wrote; the rest didn’t write about tactics or strategies of war. Even now, the book by (Adewale) Ademoyega wrote about the problem of genocide but he was in jail so how would he know where the genocide happened. Anyway, I got this pictures, I started writing. By looking at one picture, I knew where it was taken and what happened there.

    Talking about books, you must have read other Biafran war books. Which of them do you think was a little bit close to what happened: Madiebo, Ademoyega, etc?

    Only two of them, (Alexander) Madiebo’s is correct, absolutely correct. And I mean the word absolutely correct. The other one was by Achike Udenwa, I understand he was a governor somewhere. In the book, he wrote why there was starvation. Moving people away from their villages; they left their goats, they left their cows, they left their chickens and everything and we were eating the chickens….and they were starving. How far will you go, and what will you carry? How many cows will you be dragging along? You know, so Achike Udenwa and Madiebo, I think those two books are very reliable accounts.

    But they are books that take it from the Biafran perspective? Yours is viewed as the first major book that tells it from the federal side?

    True

    Now having been as you related, you served in two of the divisions. At the beginning you were supposed to be with Murtala Muhammed and then you also served under Benjamin Adekunle. What would you say were the blunders or mistakes of Biafra?

    First of all, starting from August 8th 1967, Biafra should not have gone to the Mid-West at all. Their going there shocked even the federal government. Because (David) Ejoor at that time wanted the place to be neutral because more than half of the Mid-West was Igbo speaking people, the other half is non-Igbo speaking people. But all of them together were killed in the north. Be it Yoruba or Ibibio, you were dead! Now, there was that neutrality in the Mid-west. Breaking that neutrality was like Hitler in ‘Operation Barbarossa’ when he went to Russia. Now, what clearly happened to them was that they got to the Mid-west, they looked at Ore, it’s a large expanse of land and they were defeated by the large empty space. Like the Germans who saw endless land but wondered what are we going to do here? That was even enough to have finished them. And when Nigeria counter-attacked at Ore, they, Nigerians had to run away, the Nigerian troops ran way. And that’s why you have Oleku ija Ore. Ha, this one wahala dey o…everybody scattered. But you see, from there on, when Nigeria re-organized and they started counter-attacking, why was Nigeria successful? It was because the Biafran troops had gone too far. They were now exhausted, they have had a battle, how many people did they put on the road? Let’s say for instance they had about 10 vehicles, what happens if there was a puncture with one vehicle. It means the troops inside that vehicle would cease to advance. Or for whatever reason they had a fan belt problem. It was a complete blunder. It shouldn’t have happened at all, but it happened. And when Nigerians had the upper hand the Biafrans were tired and they were now running back. It gave the Nigerians the confidence that when we attack these people they would keep running, so they kept chasing them. That was what happened. Not that Nigerians were better, no! The Biafrans were exhausted, they had seen large expanse of land, how far could they go to the right or left or forward? There were few of them. There was no back up, there was no reserve, there was no planning. And then plus the situation where they said Banjo had deceived them. Look this type of situation had always happened in military history. If you look at 281 BC, there was this General Pyrrhus, that’s why you have what is called Pyrrhic victory, he exhausted himself. And that was what happened to Biafra. The strategy was wrong, the tactics applied were wrong.

    What route should they have taken if they didn’t go through Midwest?

    Alright, if I were in their shoes, what I would have done was to ask: what was the aim. It was important to know what the aim was, let me give you’re an example of what I mean. Many people always miss it. In military you can’t afford to miss it. Let’s say we are going to attack Lagos, what is the aim, when we get to Lagos what are we there for? You say to collect tax, if you are advancing from Ibadan and you got to Victoria Island, you really have not got to Lagos because your aim is to collect tax. You must stop the people from going away, the people you are going to collect tax from. If your aim was to get to the sea and say yes I have captured Lagos, you will miss that aim. Your troops will go to the border to make sure nobody will run away, then you’ll make sure that you pamper people so that they will understand why you are there. If you kill them, who do you collect tax from? So it is your tactics and strategies now, your aim will dictate the tactics and the strategies applied.

    Why were they (Biafrans) going to Lagos? What was the aim? If it was to scare them, if it was to capture Lagos, whatever you are trying to achieve, get the aim and then you will know the tactics. How many vehicles do they have coming to the Midwest? The Midwest officers, the Igbo officers they depended on ran away, they didn’t stay with them. Nwajei was not there, Okwechime was not there, those that were there were like Oche, Eziche, they were junior officers so they told those ones to carry on and they stayed back. We are still talking about the blunders. When Biafra entered the Midwest, I was commander at Asaba guarding the Asaba Niger Bridge. They first went to Ogbe Hausa at the cable point like Sabongari. They killed all the Hausa there and I mean all, children, women, everybody. Those that escaped swam across into Onitsha, and they were killed. It’s in Madiebo’s book; it is in Emma Okocha’s book. Emma Okocha is from Asaba and he wrote this story. I was lucky, not that I was clever when they attacked me, I had grenades ready. Because I was staying at the Nkeffi Guest House which today is Grand Hotel; it was a glass door, they had shattered the glass. Through that, I threw the grenade, it landed well. So the fact that I was able to overpower 20 people was not because I was clever, I was lucky. It’s like David and Goliath. When David shot his slings it went the right way. It is God that directed it for us to meet today.

    So that’s one blunder. At that time, you don’t need more than 15 people to capture Lagos. There was no GSM, five people will go to the border, five people will stay at the airport and five people would wait at Dodan Barracks. You could do that at that time because there was still movement. People where still moving, there was no restriction because of the neutrality of the Mid-west, so he could have just infiltrated into the place and then once he has taken over the airport, control towers, and you stopped all planes coming in you simply commandeer all the planes to Enugu to bring in your troops, depending on what aim you want to achieve. You know what, their blunders were too many and then they alienated the natives, the natives of Anang, the Efik, the Ibibios, remember this story, that war story did not start during the war. Eyo Ita was supposed to be the Premier of the Eastern Region. They didn’t let him, he had that in mind I have his picture. These people where actually waiting for a day like that day and they supported the federal troops. The Biafrans did not recruit these people into their army and those who went into their army did not like to be with Biafra. Udenwa wrote about that in his book. We recruited the natives because they could swim. Without Isaac Boro we wouldn’t have got Port Harcourt, that’s a fact. He taught me (I was his commander) how to walk on the marshy area. He would say ‘ Oga make you use your toes as if you are dancing ballet.’ And then I will use my toes and he would say Oga, you are not moving well and I will say oh shut up! But he taught me and we were successful. I am giving him the credit because that is what he deserves. I kept asking the same question, were the people Biafra or was Biafra the people in the book? If Biafra is for all of you and you have that calibre of politicians in the place, you have that calibre of engineers you had, you needed to have all hands on the deck. Whether you are from Bayelsa or anywhere, you all suffered during that killing in the north, during the unrest. All you needed to do was call back your key politicians and tell them to go and campaign. Zik and all of them; but Ojukwu put Okpara in jail. He jailed Okpara, he wanted Zik himself to fail, all his businesses were taken from him, and so they already had been defeated before the war started.

    The issue of believability is central to this account because it is a historical work and from the federal side, apart from Obasanjo’s book this is supposed to be another major work, why should we believe your own narrative? Two, you spoke of Obasanjo’s wrong pictures and wrong maps. I don’t know what you mean by wrong pictures. Three, you seem to have relied more on the power of memory in your recollection of events; there was no diary, why should we trust your account?

    You don’t have to trust me. I have 450 pictures in the place. For instance, Obasanjo said we had an Officers’ Mess, his picture is in the book, eating with bare hands without fork and knife and cracking chicken bone and there is no dining table. I am talking about facts and figures. If somebody is talking about your village for instance and he is telling you that there is a statue of Gowon in your village, you who own the village will say Na lie, na there them born me, na leg I take walk around pass this place and there is no statue like that. You will be talking facts and figures. I, Alabi-Isama commanded the troops that captured Obubra, the entire Cross River of today. I captured the entire Akwa Ibom of today, I led the troops that captured the Rivers State of today. I led the troops that captured the Bayelsa of today. I was there with my feet, the soldiers asked Oga, we go go again? I said we dey go. Eh I get blisters, I will remove my shoes, look at my own blisters and we were there together. My pictures are there in the book.

    They say pictures don’t lie, you said Obasanjo had wrong pictures?

    Yes the wrong pictures, for instance in his book he said I was at Itu and he was talking about Ikot Ekpene; he said that he was at Ikot Ekpene and he had a masterly briefing, the picture was Obeya at Itu, it was not Ikot Ekpene. And then there was another picture at Uli Airstrip where he said alright, all soldiers move out and he took the picture alone at the centre of Uli Airstrip. When Adekunle came to the war front after we had captured Port Harcourt, he said he would like to advance five miles with us. We showed him the map, we showed him where we were going, we showed him where we were and the type of enemy we would meet. He advanced with us and when we came back he announced, “everybody come, photographer, Alabi photographer come and take this picture.” There was a bit difference and I am saying so. I was there, he wasn’t there. He could not be writing about where he was not.

    This photographer was there with you?

    He was there. His picture is there in the book. So when I say a map is wrong, for instance, we went to close a border. Cameroon border at a place called Nsakpa. I can mention the name because I was there. And then he drew the map to show that we went through a road. We didn’t go there. I infiltrated 7000 troops and came out behind them when they were on the road. I told them I didn’t need casualties. I didn’t need dead bodies; I needed to capture the place. If I had followed the route, we would be fighting Biafran soldiers. I would have had casualties. How did you think we would have captured Port Harcourt in 30 days advancing from Calabar, 480 kilometres? We did not enter any town.

    So you are implying sir that Obasanjo’s work was a huge misrepresentation of what happened?

    What work did he do?

    The book

    Every part of the book.

    Hold on sir

    This is the book

    Was a huge misrepresentation of what happened?

    Yes.

    Apart from your centrality to the event, I am sure there are other senior people like yourself who perhaps for the sake of this question, who perhaps had the same idea of what happened contrary to what Obasanjo published. How come they had not come out before your own book to tell the federal story?

    They don’t have the pictures; it will be your word versus my word. Obasanjo was the president of the country he was the head of state of the country. Alabi was nobody; you never fight anybody standing when you are lying down.

    So the strength of your book lies in the pictures?

    That’s it. That’s all. Otherwise it would be my words versus his words.

    Still on the blunders, you also said that the Biafran troops spread themselves unnecessarily in the Midwest so they wasted troops?

    They did the same thing even in the main war itself because you see in the world war the Japanese were all over Mariana Island in the Pacific and the Americans would just touch a hole. I love General Paton. From Obubra, (I wished there is a black board here,) I would have drawn this map, I know the whole place, I was there. From Obubra to Port Harcourt is over 1000 kilometres, how many people will you put in every inch of the kilometre? Between one kilometre and the other, there is a gap. So let us say that they put 10, 10,000 you would have had more than a million in the army, they didn’t have it. Let’s assume for the purpose of this discussion that they had a thousand or 10, 000 in one point. I went to Port Harcourt with 35, 000, blew through the place. We knew the style, we went to the same military school and during those strategy discussions with Adekunle, he would be Biafran today, I will be Nigerian. If you do this, how will you do this? And invariably, all we discussed came to pass. For instance Biafra came to counter attack in Ikot Ekpene. They went as far as to a place called Ikpe junction. They had no more reserves. I had not even attacked them. They just saw an open place. Ikpe junction was a killing ground. They didn’t do all that and then, you know why we didn’t eat bush meat? If a soldier would kill bush meat he would have to shoot, the others, maybe Nigerians themselves would kill him because from the direction of shot we would open fire. We never ate bush meat and the soldiers know that. And so when our troops would fire somewhere, Biafrans would fire to the place. Ha! Now we know where they are. We had no intelligence report of where they were. We used to send ladies to go along with refugees and the ladies would tell us what they saw, how many they saw, which building they were staying in and so on.

    There is a question about logistics am worried about, 35 000 men is a large number so how were you able to manage and move that number?

    I am happy you asked that question because I was 27 years old. How much of it did I know? But one thing I was taught was that if your logistics is wrong you will lose the war. General Alexander Madiebo told me that central cooking was not possible for them after the first two, three months of the war. So they lived on the land. So the logistics was out of this world. I wrote about that as part of our challenges. First of all, you had to cook for 35,000 men, how did I do it? I divided them into sections of tens and they would go and cook. You’ll come to the central bulk breaking point, you collect your garri or your yam or whatever and you will go and cook for your 10 men. It was easy to manage 10 men and that means there are about 3,500 cooking places. Where was the firewood or where was the gas or where was the electricity to cook? We depended on the marine commando ladies we recruited. Many of them died of landmines looking for firewood, so you can see that even those ones on intelligence on radio and all that were not as important as those ones supplying us fire woods for cooking. The logistic was enormous. In the mangrove forest, in the water logged areas, it was enormous. For instance, we built pontoons to cross Opobo River. It’s all in the book.

    Certainly the logistical challenges must have influenced the duration of the war, what other things do you think contributed to making the war last as long as it did?

    Well, definitely not from Adekunle’s side. He wanted me to capture Obubra in 30 days, everybody running kitikiti, today if you start walking from Calabar to Port Harcourt, I don’t know whether you will make it in 30 days. Then we were fighting, we were advancing, we were moving and even Gen Madiebo in his book said that within one hour or so, we had captured about 50 miles. How was that possible, he asked? It was the tactics and the strategy. It worked; if it didn’t work we would have been drinking water at the Atlantic Ocean. Our backs to the Atlantic our chest to the Biafran bullets; we had nowhere to run to and if the logistics went wrong, the soldiers would starve, they will not be able to move. If the ammunitions were not enough, they will not be able to fight. If their shoes had blisters and no socks and no foot powder, they will not be able to advance. So many things were involved. The morale of the troops depended on the morale of the officer himself. The officer himself must be seen with the troops. The Biafrans didn’t do that.

    About how many men do you think you lost, just an estimate on your own side?

    In 3rd Marine Commando, I lost eight from Calabar to Port Harcourt.

    All through the war?

    I did not lose any single one in Obubra. Two officers – Captain Fashola at Bori and Isaac Boro at Okrika and I have records.

    I don’t think you have sufficiently addressed the question of why the war lasted that long?

    It lasted that long because Biafrans themselves did not just give up, it was their tactics and strategies that were wrong and they believed they were doing well. The amount of ammunitions and weapons with which they went to the Mid-west could have been used in defending Biafra. In this case the Biafrans put in

  • ‘African leaders must protect their people’

    ‘African leaders must protect their people’

    Abdul Karim Bangura, a professor of Research Methodology at Howard University, Washington D.C., the United States of America, is unarguably one of Africa’s most educated and sought-after scholars in the Diaspora. He holds doctoral degrees in five different disciplines – Linguistics, Sociology, Political Economy, Computer Science and Mathematics.  In addition, he is a polyglot with proficiency in twelve African languages and six European languages. He has authored about 66 books and contributed more than 550 scholarly articles in academic journals across the globe.  He was in Lagos last week to deliver this year’s Centre for Black and African Arts and Civilisation (CBAAC) public lecture entitled The democratic project and the human condition across the Africa continent. He raised a lot of issues that could help to bridge the yawning gap between the poor and the rich nations. In the courtyard of the University of Lagos Conference Centre  he spoke with Olayinka Oyegbile (Deputy Editor) and Edozie Udeze. Excerpts:

    How do you describe the African condition?

    The African condition, I usually say, is a mixed bag; it is a mixed picture. On one hand, we cannot dismiss the fact that for a continent that is relatively young, that is 50 years old, we need to give ourselves some credit.

    For a continent that has come this far, there must be some good things happening. But it is good for people to develop it further and build on the good things. But sometimes it is very easy to ignore the great things that have happened because we live in the world where we tend to have our ideological leanings. So that’s the good side of it.

    The bad side is equally not too bad. It is not because good people are not doing what they are doing. It is only that very few good people would raise their voices when they see bad things happening. In essence, it is to say that it is the sin of commission as opposed to the sin of omission (laughs). Not that people do not really see bad things happening, but how many voices are there to challenge the bad things that happen? Yes, I think that’s where we have problems and we need to address it seriously, and see how we can overcome it. But the bad sometimes outwit the good, and that is what we end up believing, or remembering.

    Now, there’s this talk that the dominance of the United States of America as the leading world power will soon come to an end, and China will take over. How do you see Africa in this nexus of power?

    The scenario of seeing the decline or declaring that the United States power will soon decline, I think, is a little bit premature. It is always premature because the measurement, or if you like, the yardstick with which we try to describe a hegemonic power decline may be different from that of old hegemonies. What is interesting, however, is that America has made it clear that it is not going to lose its hegemony, and not even very soon.

    They intend, and hope too, to enjoy it in the next two to three hundred years. And that means that whoever occupies the White House is going to be and remain at the game of empire building. What does that mean? It means they are going to be more militarily strong, militarily powerful; it is therefore not something they are willing to let go in a hurry.

    So the measurement may be wrong. People usually look at economics – that sort of rivalry which you’d say is where China has today become a strong issue and force. Yes, in that regard China has built its economic domain. But to be a dominant power, it is not just economic power, but it is also the ability to influence the world and effect a change four times over. There have been some other measurements people have been using to assess these power indices between America and China. But America would not let go, not that soon.

    Then where you also look at the rise of Chinese economic power, one of their major markets, interestingly, is the United States. Which means, also that the US can equally put a check into how fast China rises economically. What I have always said is that African governments should strategise in a way that they negotiate for their people.

    What has happened is that there are these very callous ways of some of our governments in which they allow the Chinese to sell the whole chaff to African people. The fact that the Chinese can even have a project or even import or bring their labourers to Africa, that project tells me that African employees, African people, will not even get some of these jobs. Is it good enough for Africa?

    But African leaders have to negotiate very well and provide those jobs for the people. This way, you also empower the people. This shows even that China is now playing a major role in African development, in African growth. To me, that’s a welcome one. For the first time, the US is giving loans, talking about infrastructural development in places where they are involved; in Africa specifically, because why, they’ve seen the Chinese do that. You know that has made them to be more competitive. What African leaders should do and say is that we have to protect our people. When the African governments begin to empower their people first, there will be no limit to how this great continent can be and that’s a fact we must face.

    The late Kwame Nkrumah noted in his days that where the working class and the peasants meet at a point in African situation, there might be a revolution. Do you foresee that given what you said in your lecture?

    Well, the interesting thing is that one of the places the great Kwame Nkrumah, whose dreams many of us are still aspiring to, that some day we will have this continent come to its senses, and realise that it is better off to be united, giving themselves a united front and then working as one unit… You see, we have tried to work as a separate entity or as separate countries all these years, and so it never worked; it has not got us anywhere. Yes the Nkrumah dream will only be realised if we all do what it takes to have a united front.

    If the workers will one day rise to have a revolution,? Well it is a little bit apprehensive, only because at the end of the day, you will still need the technocrats, you are still going to need the intelligentsia that will help to direct any development and move it away from the peasantry or the workers. Unfortunately, those who are supposed to be on the vanguard and to help the workers and the peasants, have aligned themselves with those who are the exploiters of the economy and of the people.

    It is now difficult. We need to retrain intellectuals to also retrain the minds of those who are supposed to be the technocrats, who are supposed to be the intelligentsia and so on.

    In view of the theory of the ‘Tipping Point’ you mentioned in your lecture, can you elaborate on what it means and how it will work in Africa?

    This ‘tipping point’ is a mathematical formulation. And what we do is that we look at structures. In every structure there are major points. And like we know in life there are push and pull factors. And the push factor often tends to overwhelm the pull factors. Where it becomes like that and you cannot manage it, what do you do? This is so because you can’t stop or control everything in the universe. It is impossible to do so.

    This is just the law of nature, things are going to happen. Yes, they will happen. If you are not cognisance of where you have to put the break, then at that point you discover there is no point of return. That is a philosophical debate. The question then is: Are we experiencing, are we seeing certain natural things happening, compounded by things we cannot control? These are some of man-made effects. But we can try to avert serious disasters in future. This will give us the necessary equilibrium so that we cannot tip over.

    This is what we really mean by tipping point. In essence, we can also look at the society and say oh, this country is having too many strikes; this country is having so much poverty. This country is having so many projects, or so many disagreements. Is there a point where the system may eventually tip? I think we need to look at this so that we can develop and then say the possibilities are there that it will not happen. This is where we are if we do not put the necessary mechanisms in place to take care of our people, then we are going to tip over. And we should do well to avoid this.

    We see that especially in the area of employment. What we have discovered is that any society where you have high rate of unemployment, it means what? It means there will be more youths who are going to be more galvanised, idle; more restless and do things that are not productive. There is already a group of people who are ready to jump at anything and do anything.

    When and how will we have this calamitous outcome? Then one says, okay, do we only create jobs only when they are profitable? What about creating jobs now to save our societies? This is the area where the tipping point comes into play. And we need to do more to avert it.

    In the late 70s, the clarion call was that democracy would save Africa. Over the years, almost all countries in Africa have democratic governments in place. Has democracy really improved Africa?

    No! No! (raises his voice). Not at all. This is one of the most mysterious things I discovered because if you read what we call pedestrian literature, you think democracy is taking place. Oh, people have more to say in this democratic affair; people have more freedom, people can criticise; they can do this, they can do that. We have to give credit where credit is due. But the fundamental question is that, is there also democracy of the belly – where people have enough to eat; where people have employment and are fully engaged?

    What we are discovering is that when we look at these democratic indices, which are developmental issues there is no nexus between the two. Unfortunately, this was what all of us hoped when we had democracy. Africa went through its own problem before the Arab Spring even started. So it was sort of ironical when people said Arab Spring would spread to Africa. African Spring, to me, is what spread to those Arab people. Ours had come and gone since. But this is again how history is conjectured.

    However, for me who has been in international peace and conflict resolutions, the issue is that the most disturbing aspect is that there is really no coloration between democratic indices and peace indices. It is so discouraging because one tended to believe that this democracy is really the panacea to cure our illnesses. We should have less conflicts, less headaches, less issues to resolve. Is that not the belief we had in democracy? Today, we have the reverse which does not go too well to solving our issues. It tells us that people are able to compete for elections which is the measurement to judge democracy. But once you get to power, what do you do? That’s the ten million dollar question, as they say.

    Julius Nyerere of Tanzania once said it was only homegrown socialism that could help Africa. Looking back today, can we say that the Tanzanian situation justifies that stand?

    I think one of the most unfortunate things was that many of us, especially in the academia, have not understood much what Julius Nyerere stood for or said. We were too much in a hurry to dismiss him. Or to say that it did not grow by this economic bound or that Ujama itself did not succeed. Ujama did not fail, because the reality is that it was never allowed to grow, as it was postulated. Again, you could see the overwhelming British influence never to allow it to grow or prosper. This was the major setback. This was so, because the global economy has always been tied to capitalism. And this international capitalism tends to influence a lot. So, no matter what you have as a system, at the end of the day, you still have to work with this system. There is this belief that you have a conflicting ideology that is working against each other.

    So, we can also look at Ujama and say okay how did it succeed? We know the linguistic one is the greatest example. Today Kiswahili is very powerful and has given Tanzania the greatest asset as a nation. It has given the nation the highest literate rate which has today spread to more parts of Eastern Africa and still spreading. In these places Kiswahili is being taught and people are catching up. It is amazing really how culture and language can form the core indices for development and growth.

    Even in the United States we have courses in Kiswahili simply because they realise that in those major countries the knowledge of this language opens doors. The knowledge of it, like they know, will pay dividends later on. Therefore, they need to have people trained who are fluent in it, that will be negotiating and doing business on their behalf. And this is one of the blessings of what Julius Nyerere started.

    Again, Tanzania is one of the few African countries that no military take-over has happened there before, or a civil war. That tells us that there is something indigenous, something very good about Nyerere’s approach to governance or the economic and political ideologies that he propounded.

    In other words, if there is one central language, African communities will do better in terms of development and growth?

    Yes, check that out. As a matter of fact, African languages are just too powerful. You can see that Europe is now borrowing some of our languages, to grow their vocabularies. They are constantly growing their languages. Even the French do it a lot so that they can keep the French language alive.

    It is only we who are falling into this trap. Language is indeed a unifying factor because again if we as Yoruba, Igbo and others come together, you know how strong we can be. Even before the white man came, how did we communicate? This is again the myth they used so that they can further marginalise us. But we need to look at language as a weapon for development, for unity and togetherness.

    What those of us in the mathematics and sciences know is that there’s no theory that cannot be taught or understood in any language. It does not have to be only European languages. Even when we talk of quadratic equation or even all other mathematical tools, if you take the Yoruba language system, it is so sophisticated to handle issues there on. But if you do not even know square root, or you cannot even speak or understand the Yoruba language effectively well, how can you do that?

    Why don’t we use that language for our students to be the greatest Mathematicians in the world? This is so because we marginalise the Yoruba language and now resort to English. And now we are having great difficulty and we know that tracking these young ones into the sciences is not easy. This is indeed part and parcel of the leader outcome. You do not have exciting people anymore because they cannot relate to their culture or language any more. If you teach the people the counting problem in the language other than their own, soon they will begin to forget it and so on.

    You have proposed the Union of African States to be adopted by African leaders. How does that differ from African Union (AU)?

    Well, you know the AU is a continuation of Organisation of African Unity (OAU). Up till today it remains the big boys’ club. And at the end of the day it remains a talk shop. I think it is time we moved beyond the talking shop and do things more concrete to move Africa forward. It is time for action and this means you have to have leaders who say in order for us to unite, we need to give up some of our sovereignties. If you like, take this as a marriage relationship. When you marry your wife, even as powerful as the husband may be in African culture, there are things you negotiate with you wife, either you give up some certain rights or realign such to make the marriage work.

    So if there is a country that can give up some sovereignty may be because it has some economic powers, they have to do so to help others. But if that is not happening, then we will have lot of problems, because no one will make sacrifices for others. There must be room for genuine love and unity.

    If we can come to that we then know that the benefits will outweigh the disadvantages. We see it in the European Union (EU). Now we are learning from EU but we should be teaching them. You can think that the US was one nation before? They began with a few states to what we have today.

    You have your feet in both Christianity and Islam. Do you think the clash of religions can tear Africa to pieces?

    Religion can never be the end of Africa. One thing, as I tell people, they always point out the case of Nigeria. And I always have to caution people, you don’t need to generalise. Religious problems only happen in a part of Nigeria and not all. Given the size of Nigeria, it is a very small part where religious problems emanate. We still have the majority part of Nigeria living in peace, absolute peace. Here we have Moslems and Christians living peacefully together. Also, we have to be honest that most of the times it is not the average people who get caught up in these things but the leaders for their own hegemonic tendencies. They stake the fires of religious problem for their own selfish end.

    And in most parts of Africa, we already know we do not have that sort of problem. I have done a lot of research in most of these places. It does not matter whether we have more Moslems or Christians on the continent. We need to go back to our old ways; the ways Africans used to live their communal lives.

    In fact, I remember reading Professor Toyin Falola’s book (A mouth sweeter than salt) where he is so emotional about this issue. There was a time in Ibadan where Christians would pray for Ramadan to come, so that they would eat good night food. And Moslems would pray for Christmas to come so that their parents would buy new shoes and clothes for them. Then Christians would go to Moslem ceremonies and vice versa. This is the kind of thing we really have to work on right now to nip religious violence in the bud. What we have in Nigeria is that discussion is not taking place. People already hold their positions and therefore will not let so. Therefore, leaders have to emerge to take us to paradise. That means we have to be very honest about all these things.

    It is not only religion. There is also the problem of ethnicity. There is also economic issue and until these three things are tied together and resolved, and we have serious discussion, we will continue to have problems. I am not worried that religion will tear our societies to pieces. At the end of the day, the African is spiritual; one has to respect that spirituality is bigger than religion.

    If we do that, there is nothing wrong in saying that, I am an Igbo, a Christian, but I am also African, and the next person there, a Moslem, is my brother. In Europe, they can be Catholic, they can be Anglican, but in the end, they say I am European and let’s come together as one. I have no problem with these multiplicities of identities so long as we all realise we are one. I think that way it will work out. Those of us who are also interested in those things should not also keep quiet. We need to discuss it in public discussions and fora so that the message can go across. Who wants his son, her daughter or husband to be dying for a senseless thing that will not put food on his table? But again, it comes to education. The more we educate our people, the more we talk about these things to the younger ones, the better we are for it. That’s one of the ways we can go to guarantee peace in Africa and the world. But the triple issues of economy, religion and ethnicity have to be properly addressed and handled for the benefit of all.

  • ‘How I came about  the name Flower Girl’

    ‘How I came about the name Flower Girl’

    Wedding and Event Décor expert, Funmibi Adebayo Oduwole needs no introduction in the field of event decoration. The CEO of Rostal Flowers who’s married to an architect has built a clientele among the rich and mighty in the society. Some of the exclusive social events and outstanding weddings include Felix Ohiwere’s 70th Birthday; High Chief Raymond Dokpesi son’s and daughter’s wedding (2008/2009) , Major General Adebayo’s 80th birthday (2008), among many others. In this interview with MERCY MICHAEL, Fumbi speaks of how she and her husband have been able to manage their business over the past eight years.

    You run one of the reputable decoration companies in Nigeria, Rostal Flowers; how did it all begin?

    Rostal Flowers started some years ago, about seven or eight years ago. But I’ve always been a flower person because I love decorations. And I love beautiful environment and that’s what made me to start doing it.

    So, how did you come about the name Rostal Flowers?

    Well, I loved my father so much and he died when he was really young. He died at 49. So, because of my love for him, I planned that anything I want to do in my life, I will always put my father’s name into naming the company. But unfortunately, when I was trying to put the name, it wasn’t easy. And that is why I now mixed the initials of my name with my father’s. ROS is Roseline which is my English name, while T is for Tunde, my father’s name and AL for Albert which is still my father’s name.

    How were you able to build Rostal Flowers from the scratch into the big decoration brand it is today?

    It wasn’t easy. It’s been really, really stressful, but I just give glory to God because God has always been with us. And he has never made anything difficult for us. We have never been failures at anything we decide to do. So, it’s been God all the way.

    You operate in an industry that has become very competitive. How have you been able to remain in the league of top decorators?

    Yeah, the thing is we have a brand name we have been able to build over the years and it came on the heel of our perfectionist philosophy. Anything below perfect is not ours. And creativity is our watchword. We are not out to copy people, so, we don’t have problems. Our business is still going on smoothly in spite of the growing competition in the industry.

    What inspires you?

    Well, decoration is all about you. Once you know it, you know it. Once it’s alright, it’s alright. In decoration, you have to have a sound grip of colour combination. Because if the colour combination is not right, there is nothing you’ll do that will come out well. And it’s always good for you to know what you are doing and be able to advise your client, if their colour combination is really bad and be able to tell them how to put it together. And naturally I believe in simplicity. And do you know why? Simplicity is the utmost sophistication. So, I believe in simplicity in anything I do. When things are simple, elegant and beautiful, that is the identity of my company. In Rostal Flowers, we exceed your expectation. The way, we pack things together. It exceeds just packing rubbish together and all about the creativity in us.

    You are married to an architect who is also a politician in Ogun State, Mr. Gbolade Ola Oduwole. Is there any way his profession is impacting on your own business?

    Of course! He has really helped the company in many ways. He is a good source of inspiration. Because he is an architect, I’m a decorator; we always sit together, do things, share ideas and so on. He has really improved the business.

    You recently expanded your business; can you say a little about that?

    Okay. We have a school now in Rostal Flowers at our new office that we are about to open at Ogba, Ikeja. We have a corporate school that people can come and learn how to decorate. The current session is about to end and we are starting a new session soon. And we now import fresh flowers for people to buy for any kind of use; be it for their houses, offices or events.

    Can you say a little about your educational background?

    Well, I have a BSC in Geology from the University of Ilorin, Kwara State.

    You said that you’ve always been a flower person from time. Why did you end up studying Geology? Or is there a correlation between the two?

    Well, in a way, I can say yes. The truth is my father advised me to do Geology when I finished my secondary education and I was about to fill my JAMB form. He said as a geologist, you could work in an oil company, you could work with Portland Cement and so on. But it was that prospect of oil company that triggered my interest because I know that is somewhere one could make it quick in life. So I told myself: ‘If my father wants me to be a geologist, why not?’ And I said: ‘Dad, I’m going to study Geology which I did. Meanwhile, Geology is the scientific study of the earth, including the origin and history of the rocks and soil of which the earth is made. And the natural flowers are planted on the soil based on the type of soil that is most suitable for the planting of the flowers. So to that extent, you can say there is a correlation between Geology and flowers.

    As a florist, is there a connection between love and flowers?

    Yes, it gives love. When you see fresh flowers, it makes you happy. And today, people believe so much in flowers. When you give someone a flower, it carries the significance that you really love the person. You can’t compare the effect created when you give somebody a dress, shoe or bag to when you give them flower. Mind you, I’m not talking about the value here, but the emotional effect that comes with it. The feeling is very strong. And naturally, when I see flower, it gives me life, it makes me happy. So I think love and flowers go together.

    Be honest, did you marry your husband because you thought as an architect he will be able to help your business grow? Like you rightly said that he has really improved your business?

    No, no, no, no! Ola is a very gentle person, and I’m a very tough person. And somebody that would marry someone like me has to really understand my nature, so he brought in the balancing into it with his gentility. I didn’t marry because of wealth or money. I wanted someone that would add value to my life and would understand me very well. And he is a very, very loving person. I wanted love because I lost my father when I was very young and I said to myself any time I wanted to marry, I would want somebody that would love me like my father did. We dated for eight years, but God was just there in spite of all the devil did to set us apart. God knows that’s where I would meet my joy and he stood by us. Ola is very calm, calculative and intelligent, and above all, he is very caring. And, of course, he has added value to my business. I wanted my friend as a husband, and God gave Ola to me.

    What is it like doing business together; do you sometimes disagree?

    Yeah, some times. You see, I know my job very well, and Ola is very good as far as his own area is concerned. So, some times when he tells me Fumbi, why don’t you mix this colour with this? I’ll say no, you can’t tell me that, this is not drawing. Well, he has a master’s degree in Designing from a university in Florida, so he knows about designing things, but some times I tell him no. Because I know another colour would merge better with the colour I’m dealing with. But most times, we both agree on it. So, let me say we sometime disagree to agree.

    What were some of the challenges you faced before you became a brand? And what are some of the challenges you still face if any?

    I didn’t really face many challenges because when the foundation is right, everything would work out for you. For the first two years of my coming into this business, I was not concerned with profit making. My concern was to build a strong brand and creating awareness about it. And that really helped me. So, I can’t say there weren’t challenges and I can’t say there were because I started with my sight fully set on where I wanted to be. As a matter of fact, there was a time my workers were behaving funny, and I sacked everybody. Meanwhile, I had a lot of events on my hand. But to God be the glory, everything still went on smoothly because I was able to find a way out. So, God has always been my pillar and He says He would make way where there is no way. In Rostal Flowers, we have never disappointed anybody.

    What do you do for pastime or other activities you pursue in your spare time?

    Well, I’m a simple person. I’m not too social. When I’m not at church, I’ll be at home with my family and some of my very close friends would come around. Even when I go on vacation, I work. When I’m in London, I’m always moving around trying to see new things that are coming up in my industry and other things I can adapt into my business from there. I don’t sit back and browse through the internet. I go there physically to have a natural feel of it.

    Have you ever taken a 95 job in your life?

    Yes, with the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR), a subsidiary of the NNPC in Lagos, when I was on my NYSC. And I was there for a year. But while I was there, I realised that I was not cut out for that kind of job because I’m a restless person. I needed a job that would keep me on my toes always. So when I realised doing a job that would keep me sitting in a place for long wouldn’t work, that was when I decided I was going to do my own kind of business. So, all I ever did for anyone was during my NYSC year.

    Tell us a little about growing up?

    Well, I’m from a very lovely family. My father was a very lovely person that believed he had to give the best to his family. He worked as a non-academic staffer with the University of Ibadan. And I think because of the environment he was, he believed he had to give the best to his family. I went to the University Staff School, UI. And from there, I went to Abadina College in Ibadan and he spent so much on tutorials for us and he taught us to have the fear of God. So the foundation was so right. He made us know that we need to love the people around us. My father loved his family so well that there was nothing he wouldn’t do for them. And that was the same thing he passed on to his children. So, from secondary school, I went to The Polytechnic, Ibadan where I bagged my National Diploma before gaining admission to study Geology at the University of Ilorin.

    What were your childhood dreams or did you dream to become who you are today?

    Well, when I was younger, I started with making things and selling in school. I started with making stickers that you could stick on books. The daughter of one of the top shots in Orheptal Tonic then happened to be my friend, Funke Ayodele. So, I just went to their house one day and I said Funke, all these stickers, please give me. And she gave me. She knew what I was going to do with them. So when I got home, I drew stars at the back and cut out those stars. And I used a perforator to make designs around them, sealed them with candle and packed them neatly. That was during our holidays, and when we resumed, I took them to school and students were buying at a high price. I also made beads and sold to students in school.

    And there was a time my mother’s friend, Mrs. Foluke Oyemade, came to our house and said she imported I.V.Y. relaxer and she was looking for someone to market it. Then, I had left secondary school and I said she should bring the relaxers and she brought a lot and I took them around to sell. So, I have always been an enterprising person. And when I was in the university, I was already going to Dubai to bring in dresses to sell. So, I have always sold one thing or the other. But I started flowers when I was doing my NYSC in the DPR and they even gave me a nickname: Flower Girl. Up till today, when I go to the DPR, they call me Flower Lady.

  • We were in the midst of a three-day  fasting when our mother was killed

    We were in the midst of a three-day fasting when our mother was killed

    AGAIN, like the ubiquitous tortoise in African folklore, the Ogun State Command of Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) is in the news for the wrong reason. Last Thursday, the relative peace of Ilashe village in Ipokia Local Government Area snapped following the killing of a 45-year-old trader, Fausat Bankole, allegedly by a Customs man.

    Investigations revealed that the late mother of five was travelling in a car to a nearby market in the early hours of the day when her vehicle was stopped by the Customs men on patrol at Ilashe village, along Idiroko-Owode Road. The vehicle was searched for possible smuggled or contraband goods and nothing was allegedly found. The vehicle, it was learnt, had barely left the spot when one of the Customs men fired shots that pierced through Fausat’s abdomen spilling the food she had earlier eaten on the corner of the seat where she sat in the vehicle.

    According to an eyewitness, who spoke in confidence, the deceased was taken to a Customs hospital where she was confirmed dead.

    “The incident happened at about 6 am. The driver of the vehicle was flagged down and he complied with the Customs men. After a search was carried out on his vehicle and nothing incriminating was found on it, it was released. But within a twinkle of an eye, one of the Customs men called Tunde fired shots at the vehicle’s front windscreen and rear doors. The woman who was seated in the back seat was hit in the abdomen, while the driver sustained gunshot injury on his arm.

    Outraged locals later ‘sacked’ Customs men from all the checkpoints in the community, while a traditional seal of palm leaves was placed at the entrance of a Customs base at the scene of the incident.

    It took the combined effort of the police and men of the 192 Battalion of the Nigeria Army, Owode, to douse the tension caused by the furious residents who took to the streets to protest the unfortunate incident.

    There was a pin-drop silence at the residence of the bereaved parents of the deceased trader in Okere, an outskirt of the community. A horde of sympathisers were on hand to commiserate with her aged parents. Many shook their heads in pity, while the aged parents of the deceased woman now cut a pitiable sight.

    “She told me that she would be going to market and I asked her to get some vegetable and pepper, so I can prepare some soup. I never knew that I would taste tears and sorrow instead of tasty soup. She had been the breadwinner of her family following her husband’s lack of stable job. She was also responsible for our welfare and she had been a very hardworking person and generous,” recalled Fausat’s mother, Madam Adijat Oyede.

    Father of the deceased, Alhaji Abu Oyede, could not hide his anger at the brutal killing of her daughter. He blamed the Customs authorities for displaying indifference to the misconduct of its men and the reckless killing of innocent residents.

    The 89-year-old retired headmaster said: “The mandate given to the Customs men does not include the killing of innocent people. My daughter is not a smuggler neither am I. Indeed, none of my family members is involved in smuggling business or any illegal endeavour. She sold fire woods, vegetables, fruits, pepper and condiments. Why then will Customs men kill my daughter gruesomely? My wife(the deceased’s mother) had asked her to bring vegetable and pepper when she was returning from the market, so she could prepare soup not knowing that she would soon mourn her death.

    “Let the Federal Government and Customs authorities caution their men in Idiroko against the cruel use of fire arms on innocent residents. Only last week, a boy was almost killed by some Customs men who were on the trail of some smugglers in the neighbourhood. They had approached the boy for direction and he told them that the road they had mistakenly taken while chasing the smugglers led to nowhere. Thinking that he was misleading them, they fired shots but the bullets missed the boy’s legs by whiskers.

    “About two months ago, a man travelling on a motorbike was killed by some Customs men; there are several cases like that involving Customs men who displayed lack of respect or value for human lives that Customs authorities had covered up lately. Please, tell them to face smugglers and not to turn their gun on innocent people.”

    Battling tears as he spoke further, he lamented the aftermath of her daughter’s death and its consequences on the five children left behind by the deceased trader.

    “Since I retired as a school headmaster many years ago, Fausat had been responsible for my upkeep. She would come to check on how her mother and I were fairing and would ensure that we fed well. The same daughter of mine, who had been responsible for my wellbeing is the one that the heartless Customs men have now killed.

    “Now, who will take care of me and my late daughter’s children, especially her first son who is currently seeking admission into the university since she was the only breadwinner of the family? Her husband had lost his job and has been struggling to eke out a living as a commercial motorcyclist in Lagos for sometime now until the Lagos State government clamped down on their operations in the metropolis,”the distraught father said.

    Fausat’s younger sister, Monsurat Oyede, recalled the last encounter she had with her sister whom she described as unassuming.

    “Although I live in Ibadan, Oyo State but I saw her last on May 20, 2013 during a family outing in this community (Okere). However I still spoke with her on the telephone about five days ago for a few minutes. I was shocked to receive the news of her death in the hands of heartless Customs men while on her way to Ihunbo market. She was such a gentle person and law-abiding and could not have engaged in smuggling.”

    The head of Oyede family, Chief Gafar Oyede, blamed the killing on the indiscretions of the Customs men who he said were in the habit of shooting innocent residents instead of going after real smugglers.

    “The killing of Fausat was the height of reckless use of fire arms by a para-military officer against a harmless woman who was going out to earn her daily bread. I was returning from an early morning prayers at the mosque when words got to me that Fausat had been killed by a Customs man and I quickly went to the scene. The driver of the vehicle in which the deceased was travelling before she was killed explained that he had only two passengers (including Fausat) in the vehicle at the time he was asked by Customs men to pull up for checks. The man was also hit by bullets on one of his hands.

    “When I got to the scene, I was told that Fausat was injured and had been taken to a Customs hospital in the community. It was later that a senior Customs officer broke the news of her death to me. I left for Idiroko Police Station where I saw the bullet-riddled car inside which Fausat was shot dead. And contrary to the remarks by Customs authorities that she was a victim of stray bullets, the car’s front windscreen was perforated with bullets, same with the rear door close to where Fausat was seated.

    “As a matter of fact, the food she ate in the morning was spilled on the spot where she sat in the car as a result of the bullets which pierced her stomach. We were, however, not allowed to see the Customs man who shot her dead who was being held in police cell at the time of our visit. Police feared that the Customs man identified as Tunde could be mobbed if he was brought out of the cell to see us. Fausat was buried with blood gushing out of her stomach. She was the breadwinner of her family and is survived by five children, the eldest of which is currently seeking university admission. But the question is, if her son’s university admission sails through, who will fund his education?”

    At the residence of the deceased, her crestfallen children and husband amid tears recalled the last moments they shared together.

    The eldest son of the deceased, Ridwan, 21, recounted their last rendezvous shortly before she was killed.

    “We were asked to do a three-day general fasting in our mosque for protection against evil and we did the fasting together. We prayed till the midnight on Wednesday and woke up at 5 am on Thursday to break our fast. After she finished her meal, she told me that she was going to the market to buy some goods and that she would flash me so that I could wake the children up in case they slept again so that they could prepare for school.

    “I became worried that she did not flash nor call, but I went ahead to prepare my siblings for school. It was only my sister, Semiat, who was writing her NECO examinations that was left with me at home. A few minutes later, I heard people shouting near our residence and one of our neighbours later broke the news of my mother’s death to me. I slumped but I was later held up by sympathisers. My mother had promised to fund my university education and I promised that I would in turn sponsor my siblings’ education. The last child of the family is barely four years old and we don’t have anybody to help us now,” Ridwan said.

    The husband of the deceased, Mr. Moruf Bankole, 47, with teary eyes, recalled fond memories of his beloved wife, saying: “My wife and I have been married for 23 years and she stood by me and can be described as a pillar of support. We have weathered many challenges to raise our children and with her gruesome death, I don’t know where and when my help would come from; I am perplexed and devastated…”

    A community leader, Chief Israel Osanyibi, warned the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) authorities to caution its men against killing innocent residents.

    “While we are not saying that Customs men should not operate or carry out their statutory duties in our community, we want to urge their relocation to the outskirts of the community. Besides, they should carry out operations with civility and ensure restraint when using fire arms.”

    Reacting to the incident during a telephone conversation with our correspondent, spokesman of the Ogun State Command of Nigeria Customs Service (NCS), Mr. Chike Ngige, said the officer that killed the late Fausat had faced an orderly room trial and had been handed over to police for thorough investigation.

    “In the early hours of Thursday, June 20, 2013, 6am to be precise, our patrol team acting on information along Ilashe axis of Idiroko-Owode Road, Ipokia Local Government Area accosted a suspected vehicle. The driver of the vehicle tried to escape to avoid proper Customs checks and that prompted one of the patrol officers to aim the tyre of the vehicle in order to demobilise it. The bullet rebounded on the hard surface and hit the woman (late Fausat) who was inside another vehicle. He has since faced orderly room trial and have been handed to police for trial,” Ngige said.

    He further said that men of Ogun State Customs Command are being periodically trained on the use of fire arms and civil conduct in the discharge of duty.

    He said: “If you are familiar with AK-47 Rifle, you will know that it could sometimes caused a lot of havoc as a result of a little mistake. In view of this, we have been ensuring that our men undergo regular training on the use of fire arms as well as discharging their functions with common civility.”

    However, the Customs Area Controller of Ogun State Command, Mr. Ade Dosunmu, has been in touch with the family of the late woman.

    As for the demand for in compensation by the family of the deceased trader, Mr Dosunmu said “such decision is the responsibility of the apex authority of the NCS, Abuja.”

    The Public Relations Officer (PRO) of Ogun State Police Command, Mr. Muyiwa Adejobi, a Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP), confirmed the arrest of the killer-Customs man.

    He said: “It is true that the Customs officer who allegedly killed the late Fausat Bankole has been handed over to the police. The case is currently being handled by the Homicide Section of the State Criminal Investigation Department (SCID), Eleweran, Abeokuta, for proper investigation.”

    The killing of Fausat happened barely one year after the killing of a 21-year-old tailor, Elijah Aiyelade, in the Idiroko area of the Ipokia Local Government Area by some Customs men while chasing some smugglers. He was killed on the eve of his graduation and a few days to the anniversary of his brother’s death who was also killed in similar circumstances by Customs men. While the family of Aiyelade insisted their son was not a smuggler, the Customs authority had claimed that he was shot during a shoot out with some hoodlums who seized a Customs man’s rifle.