The Nation Newspaper

Category: Yomi Odunuga

  • Rivers on the brink: Shall we allow it to sink?

    Rivers on the brink: Shall we allow it to sink?

    Let’s be clear: the political crisis in Rivers State has reached a boiling point, with far-reaching implications for governance, the economy, and the state’s social fabric. At the heart of the turmoil is a fierce power struggle between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his former ally-turned-adversary, Nyesom Wike, now serving as the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister. The articulated vehicle that crashed into both the godfather and his estranged protégé did so with such force that it left little room for any mechanical—nay, political—realignment that could have ensured at least a semblance of stability until the next general election in 2027. It is as if both camps were already bracing for the worst, with no middle ground in sight. The battle is now an all-or-nothing affair—either snatching victory from the jaws of political annihilation or being permanently vanquished. But there is a steep price to pay, and the consequences could be dire, especially now that the Supreme Court’s judgment seems to have emboldened Wike’s supporters.

    In the days following the Supreme Court’s intervention, which legitimised the pro-Wike legislators and reinforced their authority over lawmaking in the state, some of his supporters have gone a step further. They are not just pushing for Fubara’s impeachment; they are also advocating for a state of emergency in Rivers—a move that would effectively neutralise the governor’s powers. But is this truly the best solution to a crisis that has already been exacerbated by the interference of powerful external forces, including the Presidency and national party leaders from both the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)? I highly doubt it, given the complex dynamics that have plunged Rivers into this political coma.

    The irony of it all is that, despite the chaos, no one is willing to articulate the real reason behind Wike and Fubara’s falling out. Beyond whispers of disagreements over revenue-sharing formulas—considering the massive allocations that flow into the state—neither of the two gladiators has openly stated the root cause of their dispute. Instead, they both claim to be fighting for the soul and future of Rivers State. But what exactly does that mean? In reality, their battle for supremacy has led to a constitutional deadlock, with the Rivers State House of Assembly split along factional lines. Legal battles have followed, including a Federal High Court ruling directing the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to withhold the state’s allocations until a valid appropriation act is passed by a legally recognised assembly. However, with the Supreme Court’s stamp of approval now in place, Fubara has no choice but to navigate the intricate web of political intrigues that will undoubtedly unfold in the coming weeks and months.

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    The warning signs are already there: unless both factions step back from the brink, the state could plunge deeper into crisis. This is no time for theatrics or political grandstanding. After all the rallies and road shows, it is time for serious, pragmatic leadership. Resolving the crisis requires addressing its root causes through genuine dialogue and reconciliation among all stakeholders. Governor Fubara must take the lead by engaging his opponents and former allies in a manner that is constructive and respectful.

    For those eagerly advocating for a state of emergency, it is worth considering whether such a move would truly bring peace—or push the crisis into even more dangerous territory. The reality is that egos have been bruised on both sides. But should that be reason enough to set the entire state on fire? What is most alarming is the reckless haste with which some individuals are calling for emergency rule, simply to render the governor powerless. Have they forgotten that other states have endured worse crises without such extreme measures being taken? The reason is simple: history has shown that declaring a state of emergency is a contentious and often counterproductive step. While it may offer a temporary fix, it has never been the best long-term solution.

    Rivers State has had its fair share of political turmoil involving its heavyweights, yet no one ever pushed for emergency rule in those cases. During his tenure as governor, Rotimi Amaechi faced a similarly divided House of Assembly and even shut down the state judiciary for a year to stave off impeachment threats. Later, the Amaechi-Wike feud over the 2015 elections saw Wike leading a protest to the state police headquarters, demanding the removal of the Commissioner of Police. Throughout these tensions, there was never a call for an emergency government. So why, then, are some now eager to ignite a full-scale crisis that could spiral into an ethnic conflict? Wouldn’t it be far more productive for all parties to return to the negotiation table and work out a political settlement—one that benefits not just the warring factions, but also the people of Rivers State, who remain the ultimate victims of this nearly two-year-long power struggle?

    Let me be clear: while I strongly oppose the threats issued by certain militant groups vowing fire and brimstone should any attempt be made to remove Fubara—whom they hail as “the first Ijaw governor of Rivers State since 1999″—it is imperative for the authorities to act swiftly in preventing another Niger Delta conflagration. This crisis does not require brute force; it requires sincerity, fairness, and a genuine commitment to peace. No individual or group should feel emboldened by state power to act with impunity. Similarly, those militants threatening to bomb oil pipelines must understand that such actions would be self-destructive. Destroying critical infrastructure in their own state is akin to cutting off one’s nose to spite one’s face. Is that the path they want to take while Rivers State teeters on the edge of political and economic collapse?

    Since this crisis is largely self-inflicted, its resolution must be political. After all the flexing of muscles and posturing over how the Supreme Court ruling favoured one camp while leaving the other gasping for air, wisdom demands that both sides return to the negotiating table. The exact reasons behind the breakdown of their initial agreements remain unclear, but what is certain is that political realignments and renegotiations are inevitable. Addressing the deeper structural issues that have fueled this conflict is equally critical. Any approach that escalates tensions will only breed more violence and instability—an outcome that neither the people of Rivers nor Nigerians in general wish to see.

    As the saying goes, all politics is local. While the gladiators may be toasting to their so-called victories, they should remember that there are still many rivers to cross before peace is restored. As a former Inspector-General of Police, Mike Okiro, rightly noted, the first step is for all factions to sheathe their swords and allow peace to prevail. While the political heavyweights lock horns, it is the ordinary people who suffer the most. By now, everyone should grasp the consequences of withholding the state’s allocations as ordered by the court. The time for political grandstanding is over. Egos must be set aside for meaningful negotiations to take place. That is precisely why Okiro, a notable leader from the state, has urged traditional rulers, elders, religious leaders, and other key stakeholders to intervene and broker peace, while Fubara must comply with the court’s directives. Anything less would be sheer recklessness—and ultimately, counterproductive for both sides.

    In conclusion, the resolution of Rivers State’s political crisis demands a commitment to peace, justice, and good governance. Above all, stakeholders must put the interests of the state and its people ahead of personal ambitions and cold political calculations. The question now is: will they listen?

  • Still on Babangida’s June 12, 1993 ‘truth’

    Still on Babangida’s June 12, 1993 ‘truth’

    Actions, inactions and misdeeds surrounding the elections of June 12, 1993 will remain deeply etched in Nigeria’s history. It was a watershed moment in the country’s political journey. It wasn’t a make-believe event conjured up by a genius filmmaker. This date marked a turning point where lives were snuffed out, dreams were shattered, and peace was obliterated. Even after more than three decades, the events surrounding that day continue to evoke intense passions. It was a story of betrayal and outright theft of Chief Moshood Kasimawo Olawale Abiola’s presidential mandate by military runners..

    Nigerian citizens who lived through that dark chapter do not treat the events lightly. They don’t laugh off the nightmare of that period as the attendees in Abuja did last week when General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida (rtd.) tried to tell his own version of the truth regarding Nigeria’s political collapse under his reign as military President. For years, many Nigerians had hoped Babangida would finally come clean about his actions before his time runs out. But did that happen? It was too unlikely! The event, with its lively atmosphere, had the feel of a gathering where a group of perpetrators celebrate their bloody deeds at the graves of their victims—32 years after the fact. The occasion wasn’t only about flowery praise for Babangida; it also involved raising an astronomical sum of N17 billion during the launch of his autobiography, A Journey in Service. Whether this stands as the world or Africa’s record for the highest-grossing book launch is still up for debate, but one thing is clear: it certainly takes the crown in Nigeria’s book-launching history. As his supporters said, Babangida’s friends gathered to mark his 83rd birthday. And also spit deliriously on the shallow graves of the victims of that tragic moment in Nigeria’s political trajectories!

    But beyond the lavish fanfare, the book failed to meet expectations. Many had hoped it would provide answers, bringing clarity to the unanswered questions surrounding his eight years of military dictatorship. Instead, the book fell disappointingly short. Those who read it found it to be pure Babangida—shifty and evasive—skirting around key issues. For those who sought closure, the book proved even more frustrating. It presented a man who seemed to live in total denial, refusing to show any remorse or offer an apology, especially in relation to the June 12 annulment and the tragic events that followed. Babangida’s actions led to the death of Abiola, with his family, civil society activists, critics, and countless innocent Nigerians caught in the crossfire. His refusal to express any regret left many wondering if there would ever be accountability for the horrors of that era.

    Babangida’s so-called ‘acceptance of responsibility’ for what happened after his departure—particularly for the atrocities committed under General Sani Abacha—felt hollow. Expressing remorse or apologising, however, was too difficult for him. His cold response to the murder of journalist Dele Giwa, who was killed in 1986, only confirmed his detachment from the truth. Babangida’s dismissal of the question, “Who killed Dele Giwa?” with arrogance, instead of addressing it directly, was a display of sheer defiance. Despite numerous accounts implicating his aides in the murder, he feigned ignorance. That was his ‘truth’, and he seemed determined to stick to it.

    Babangida’s manner of speaking about his actions has long been characterised by this same evasive approach. A particularly revealing instance occurred during an interview with CNN’s Christian Purefoy. Babangida’s handling of Purefoy’s attempts to get him to apologise for annulling the 1993 elections showcased his well-rehearsed evasions. It is important to note that the interview was conducted 17 years after that unfortunate annulment of the election. Here’s an excerpt from that exchange:

    CNN:: You annulled what has seemed to be the freest and fairest election in Nigeria in 1993. Do you regret annulling the elections?

    IBB: You must admit, this man ran the freest, the best election in the history of this country.

    CNN: But then you annulled it.

    IBB: We had to do what would be in the best interest of the country at that time and I accepted full responsibility.

    CNN: How could annulling elections be in the best interest of the country?

    IBB: Don’t forget, as a government, I have more in terms of information about what is likely going to happen. Stability of the country is first and foremost. I knew what I was going to leave behind.

    CNN: But you left behind Abacha; after you annulled the elections, one of Nigeria’s worst dictators came to power.

    IBB: No, he stabilised this country. It didn’t break up. That is credit to him.

    CNN: So, do you feel – looking back – that you regret annulling the elections?

    IBB: Did I? I said it was wrong.

    CNN: So, do you regret annulling the elections?

    IBB; I thought people should understand when you accept responsibility, he is saying blame it on me, and not on any other person.

    CNN: What do you feel is the responsibility of that blame on you?

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    IBB: Nigerians are sensible. Nigerians do understand. After taking a long time, they read back and in retrospect, they say “Wait a minute. I think we judged him unfairly. We judged him harshly.”

    CNN: Have you ever apologised to Nigerians for annulling those elections?

    IBB: I told the Nigerians it was wrong. I told the Nigerians “Please, don’t kill anybody, kill me.”

    CNN: Do you feel you should apologise to Nigerians for those annulled elections?

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    IBB: Those elections were annulled seventeen years ago. What I keep telling Nigerians is for Christ’s sake, let us move forward.

    CNN: Why are you running again? Why do you want to become the President of Nigeria again?

    IBB: We all, every Nigerian should aspire to be the president of this country. That is the first thing and anybody who thinks he has something to offer this country… don’t forget I gave my life; I carried a bullet in me just for the sake of this country.

    CNN: In the past elections, politicians have been involved in paying off young men, stuff ballot boxes in the Delta, arm young boys to put in their politicians in to power. Are you ready to do that to win the election?

    IBB: No, I’m just a candidate. I’m not in the position to ask young men to fill up the boxes, because that will be illegal. The government, however, promised, assured us that it will conduct a free, transparent, each vote will count, and there will be no forgery.

    CNN: Do you think that is the case? Do you think that’s what’s going on right now?

    IBB: I think I have no option but to accept that the government is going to do it. I said I was going to conduct a free and fair election, and I did.

    This response, which praises Abacha for “stabilising” Nigeria, glosses over the devastating consequences of Babangida’s actions. He conveniently forgets that it was his annulment of the election that paved the way for Abacha’s bloody reign. Still, Babangida continues to praise himself as someone who “sacrificed” everything for the country. This idea of sainthood has been perpetuated by Babangida over the years, despite the evidence that suggests otherwise.

    Looking back on that interview and Babangida’s long history of dodging accountability, it’s clear that his “truth” has been carefully constructed. Thirty-two years after June 12, 1993, his version of events is now laden with an increasingly diluted narrative, tailored to suit those he deems “sensible” Nigerians. However, critics remain unconvinced, especially since Babangida has now publicly admitted that Abiola won the election by meeting all the requirements: majority votes and the necessary geographic spread. Still, many question Babangida’s unwillingness to take responsibility for the crisis he triggered. He had the power as Commander-in-Chief to reverse the annulment but chose not to. Critics point out that his so-called regret rings hollow when he had the chance to right the wrongs.

    Many see Babangida’s ‘truth’ as a mere collection of half-truths and lies. While it’s understandable that he may want to sanitise his image in his autobiography, genuine remorse can only come with full accountability. Those who were part of his regime and are now telling their own stories continue to challenge the narrative Babangida has crafted. His autobiography has left those searching for closure back at square one: the quest for truth remains unfulfilled.

    It is frustrating that, after all these years, the story of June 12 is still told with so much distortion, coloured by biases and lies. Is there any hope that we will ever read a book that will finally provide answers to the lingering questions? Will we ever get closure, or will we remain trapped in this cycle of evasion, with Babangida’s autobiography leading us nowhere?

  • Whither Nigeria in the fight against postpartum hemorrhage?

    Whither Nigeria in the fight against postpartum hemorrhage?

    There is no love quite like a mother’s— selfless, enduring, and unwavering. It is the kind of love that inspired Prince Nico Mbarga’s timeless anthem ‘Sweet Mother’, a song that still echoes across generations, reminding us of the sacrifices women make to bring life into the world. In the 1970s, Nicholas Mbarga’s timeless melody, Sweet Mother, echoed across Nigeria and beyond, immortalising the sacrifices and boundless love of mothers. The song, a cultural anthem, resonated deeply because it spoke to a universal truth: mothers are the bedrock of our families, communities, and nation.

    Yet, in Nigeria, where motherhood is revered across all ethnic and cultural divides, there remains a cruel irony: far too many mothers do not survive childbirth. Postpartum hemorrhage (PPH) continues to claim the lives of thousands of Nigerian women each year, yet society appears desensitised, as if maternal mortality were an unavoidable fate rather than a preventable crisis. Every day, in the quiet corners of our villages and the bustling wards of our hospitals, Nigerian women face the harrowing reality of PPH. It is a silent epidemic, claiming lives with a ferocity that belies our collective indifference. Despite the strides made in modern medicine, PPH remains a leading cause of maternal mortality in Nigeria, a grim reminder of the gaps in our healthcare system and the societal apathy that allows this tragedy to persist.

    Postpartum hemorrhage, defined as excessive bleeding after childbirth, is not just a medical term—it is a death sentence for too many women. It is the young mother in Kano who never gets to hold her newborn, the vibrant woman in Enugu whose dreams are cut short, the poor woman in Oyo whose motherly struggles ended with the birth of another little one, and the countless others whose stories remain untold.

    For decades, this tragedy of indifference continues to manifest and a firm, effective check is now long overdue. Every day, Nigerian women step into the delivery room carrying not just the weight of impending motherhood but also the silent fear of bleeding to death. Postpartum hemorrhage—excessive bleeding exceeding 500 milliliters after vaginal delivery or more than 1,000 milliliters following a caesarean section—remains the leading cause of maternal deaths in Nigeria. It is a silent killer that strikes within hours of delivery, yet its grip on our healthcare system is anything but invisible.

    According to Professor Hadiza Galadanci of Bayero University, approximately 14 million women worldwide experience PPH annually, with a staggering 70,000 losing their lives. Nigeria, with its staggering maternal mortality ratio of 512 deaths per 100,000 live births, shoulders a disproportionate share of this burden. A nation that prides itself on family values cannot continue to tolerate such preventable loss of life.

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    How does a nation that celebrates motherhood allow so many of its mothers to perish? The answer lies in a web of long-existing systemic failures: underfunded healthcare facilities, a shrinking number of skilled birth attendants and cultural norms that keep women away from hospitals until it is too late. In rural areas, where healthcare infrastructure is almost nonexistent, pregnant women rely on traditional birth attendants who, despite their good intentions, often lack the medical training necessary to manage complications like PPH. In urban centres, overcrowded hospitals and a shortage of essential supplies like oxytocic drugs and blood transfusion services exacerbate the crisis.

    The grim reality is that many of these deaths occur not because treatment does not exist, but because help arrives too late—or not at all. Financial constraints further compound the problem, with high out-of-pocket expenses preventing expectant mothers from seeking skilled care. Poverty, illiteracy, and deep-rooted cultural beliefs ensure that PPH remains a shadowy menace, striking silently and indiscriminately.

    The causes of PPH are well-documented: uterine atony, trauma during delivery, and coagulation disorders, among others. Yet, the root causes of its prevalence in Nigeria are far more insidious. They lie in the delayed detection and treatment due to ill-equipped healthcare facilities, the sociocultural barriers that discourage women from seeking skilled care, and the crushing weight of poverty that makes healthcare inaccessible for many. In rural areas, where traditional beliefs often overshadow medical advice, women are left to deliver at home, far from the life-saving interventions that could prevent PPH.

    Nonetheless, this is not a fate we must accept. The tools to end this tragedy exist. The World Health Organization’s E-MOTIVE initiative, a groundbreaking approach to PPH management, has shown such remarkable success that makes it a veritable blueprint for change. It is good news that solutions exist, and they are neither elusive nor unattainable. The WHO’s E-MOTIVE approach, an evidence-based intervention that has shown a 60% reduction in severe PPH cases in clinical trials across Africa. This initiative, which involves early detection through calibrated blood-collection drapes and a standardised first-response treatment protocol, has the potential to save countless Nigerian mothers’ lives if adopted nationwide. The potentials for 60% reduction in PPH prevalence is not just a statistic—it is a beacon of hope, a testament to what is possible when we prioritise maternal health.

    Yet, hope alone is not enough. We need action—swift, decisive, and collective. The Nigerian government at all levels must lead the charge by integrating evidence-based strategies like the E-MOTIVE bundle into national health policies. Healthcare facilities, especially in rural areas, must be equipped with the tools, medications, and trained personnel to manage PPH effectively. Community engagement is equally critical. We must work with traditional birth attendants, religious leaders, and local influencers to challenge harmful practices and encourage hospital deliveries.

    Policy alone will not suffice. Government alone cannot do it. Deep-seated cultural beliefs that discourage hospital deliveries must be confronted through grassroots advocacy. Community radio programmes and social media campaigns can be powerful tools in reshaping public perception and encouraging women to seek professional medical care. Engaging religious and community leaders as champions for maternal health is also crucial. Their voices carry immense weight, and their advocacy can help dismantle harmful practices that contribute to maternal deaths.

    Meanwhile, financial interventions, such as subsidised maternity care and the expansion of health insurance schemes, will ensure that no woman is denied life-saving treatment simply because she cannot afford it. Education and empowerment are also key. When women are educated and economically empowered, they make informed decisions about their health. Male partners must be actively involved in maternal health decisions, breaking down the barriers that prevent women from accessing care. Financial constraints should never stand between a woman and her right to life. Through expanded health insurance, subsidised maternal health services and increased funding for maternal health programmes are not just policy recommendations—they are moral imperatives.

    On the whole, the time for half-measures and empty promises is over. Every mother’s life is precious, and no woman should die giving birth when we have the knowledge and tools to prevent it. There must be a clarion call to action. We must stop treating maternal mortality as a statistic and start seeing it for what it truly is: a humanitarian crisis that demands urgent action. Surely, this is not the time to pay lip service to such a critical aspect in our healthcare dairy.

    Let us honour the spirit of Sweet Mother by ensuring that every Nigerian woman has the chance to hold her child, to nurture her family, and to live a life free from the shadow of PPH. The path forward is clear. It requires political will, community engagement, and unwavering commitment. Together, we can end this tragedy. Together, we can save our mothers. The time for action is now. Every life matters. There should be no excuses for failure where there is a determination to succeed. Or should there be?

  • The Ogun State ‘Baale’ who ‘owns’ the Police

    The Ogun State ‘Baale’ who ‘owns’ the Police

    Across Yorubaland, there are Obas who reign over kingdoms and Baales who hold lordships over smaller territories, often under the authority of an Oba. It is customary for these Obas and Baales to embody the great virtues of an Omoluwabi—the Yoruba ideal of a well-mannered, morally upright individual. However, as with every rule, there are exceptions. A former Baale, whose shocking mistreatment of an elderly man recently went viral on social media, appears to be one of these rare exceptions.

    Before January 2025, when he decided to publicly strip himself of any pretense of dignity by exposing the arrogance with which he controls his small fiefdom, Oba Abdulsemiu Ogunjobi, the Orile Ifo, was largely unknown. Despite his boastful claims of having the power to kill, maim, and destroy, Ogunjobi was a bully, albeit an anonymous one. A retired police officer, Sergeant Ogunjobi was one of the many hamlet Baales elevated to the position of kingship purely for political expediency during the tenure of Ibikunle Amosun as governor of Ogun State, rather than for any notable socio-political or traditional reasons.

    I must admit, from the outset, that the cherished cultural and traditional values that the Yoruba people hold dear are being eroded by the actions and inactions of powerful political figures in the region. Were it not for their penchant for exploiting everything for political gain, characters like Ogunjobi, with their utter lack of substance, would never have risen beyond the status of village ruffians. But, alas, he became a king, adorned with all the symbols of office and accompanied by a coterie of sycophants.

    Before delving further, let me take a moment to discuss the significance of Yoruba culture, language, and traditions. The Yoruba are a tightly-knit people primarily located in the South-West geopolitical zone of Nigeria, though their roots extend beyond the nation’s borders, reaching as far as Brazil. A key distinguishing factor among the Yoruba is the concept of Omoluwabi, which demands that one exhibits the traits of a well-trained individual, not only in the manner in which we interact with each other but also in personal conduct. This concept, passed down through generations, embodies the ideals of good character, moral excellence, and virtuous living. Omoluwabi refers to a person of integrity, respect, responsibility, humility, self-discipline, and empathy. It is an essential philosophy that encourages individuals to lead lives of integrity and responsibility, and it is the bedrock of Yoruba tradition. The Omoluwabi culture plays a vital role in fostering strong, harmonious communities.

    Equally significant in Yoruba culture is the honorific nature of their language. Yoruba speech is structured with a complex system of address forms and speech levels that convey respect, deference, and social hierarchy. It is common to see members of the community reprimanding those who step out of line by addressing elders disrespectfully. This respect is not about power, influence, or wealth; rather, it is the Yoruba way of enforcing humility, irrespective of one’s status. A prime example of this reverence for elders can be seen in the uproar that followed the way Fuji music maestro King Wasiu Ayinde Marshall addressed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in a recent viral video. While I digress, one could also mention the “Ganusi” controversy, though it is largely a product of a musician pushing an unnecessary narrative.

    Of note is the vital role language plays in showing respect, especially when interacting with elders, royalty, or those of higher social status in Yoruba culture. The language is rich in various polite expressions, honorifics, and formalities designed to show respect and maintain social harmony. Words and phrases differ depending on the person’s social standing, with distinct pronouns, verb conjugations, and honorific suffixes employed to convey deference. The language’s nuanced complexity reflects the Yoruba people’s core cultural values of respect and humility, and mastering these forms of speech is essential for effective communication.

    This brings us back to Oba Abdulsemiu Ogunjobi, whose actions have been a stark contrast to the values I have just discussed. The disgraceful treatment he meted out to Chief Abraham Areola, a 73-year-old subject, is a deplorable reflection of the king’s utter lack of respect for his elders. The video that went viral, which ultimately led to the intervention of the Ogun State Government, shows Ogunjobi humiliating Areola as the elderly man knelt on a busy road. Initially, one might have mistaken the video for one of the many mindless skits circulated by fame-seeking Nigerians. But as Oba Ogunjobi ranted, spouted ancestral curses, and boasted about his ability to make people “disappear,” it became clear this was a real-life incident unfolding in Orile Ifo, Ifo Local Government of Ogun State.

    Despite Areola’s pleas to be allowed to go home and return later to resolve a chieftaincy dispute, Ogunjobi continued his verbal assault. Worse still, one of his aides slapped Areola and forced him to roll in the dirt. It was an utterly shocking scene, especially in 2025 Nigeria. Ogunjobi’s hateful words included: “Die if you want to die. We will bury you, and nobody will know. The entire Ifo land belongs to me. I will send you to prison. I own the entire Nigeria Police Force. I will send you to prison.”

    It is difficult to comprehend that a figure of royalty, who should be held in the highest esteem, has so thoroughly debased himself and the stool he occupies. While it is not surprising, given the arrogance of many Nigerian elites, that Ogunjobi boasted about controlling the police, it is becoming increasingly disturbing that such claims are being normalised. Recently, a member of the House of Representatives bragged to a Bolt driver about his influence over the Inspector General of Police, and the matter was swept under the rug. Now, Ogunjobi, a low-level retired police officer, claims to “own” the entire Nigeria Police Force, allegedly under the leadership of Kayode Egbetokun. Extraordinary!

    As I write this, it is somewhat reassuring to note that Ogunjobi is reportedly enjoying the comforts of Ilaro Correctional Centre after failing to meet his bail conditions following his arraignment for assault. The irony is that the Yoruba say ‘ori ade ko gbodo sun ita’ which means the royalty should never be seen wandering outside the palace. But this particular royalty has been confined to the four walls of a prison by the same police he claims to own. Pity!

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    However, it is deeply troubling that we have arrived at this point, due in large part to the undue influence of politicians in traditional and cultural matters. In times past, characters like Ogunjobi would never have even been considered for a chieftaincy title, let alone a revered traditional stool. But today, we find ourselves with a troubling array of unqualified individuals—drug barons, political thugs, pastors, all manner of clerics, and moneybags—being thrust into traditional offices for political gain. The consequences of such abuse of power are evident in many parts of Yorubaland.

    Without naming names, we are all aware of several traditional rulers who have sold their dignity to musicians, other traditional leaders, women, and even politicians. Some of these individuals now speak and behave like touts, spewing empty rhetoric while donning the trappings of royalty. Many of them are clueless about what it means to truly uphold the dignity of their office. It is a sad state of affairs, and a direct consequence of a society that elevates the worst among us to positions of honour, without regard for what the gods and traditions have to say. This is why we now have figures like Ogunjobi, who, despite not being a legitimate traditional ruler, arrogantly claims control over the Nigerian Police Force. If this madness continues unchecked, it won’t be long before someone else claims ownership of Aso Rock, and the rest of us will have to contend with such absurdities.

  • Urgent! A GoFundMe for General Buhari

    Urgent! A GoFundMe for General Buhari

    My heart is troubled, deeply troubled, because we are on the verge of losing the one thing that sets Nigeria apart as the largest gathering of caring, appreciative, and happiest people on the surface of the earth. Available records have shown that we are our brother’s keeper, no matter the odds confronting us at any given moment. We are that unique species forever prepared to blot out the sins of our fellow countrymen, urging them, if they can, to feel free to commit further sins some other time. As a people, we have mastered the art of explaining away the glaring indiscretions of our once-upon-a-time tormentors-in-chief, venerating them as untouchable tin gods.

    Such is the purity of our hearts that we allow those who have plundered our collective patrimony to walk off with their loot, even as they continue pelting us with stones. Sometimes, we go a step further and reward these audacious great ones with grand chieftaincy titles. Yes, we are so understanding that those who once pinched millions from our coffers have now graduated to performing financial abracadabra with billions of naira in one fell swoop—just to ensure they live happily ever after, post-office, either as elected representatives or as privileged government bureaucrats. Time and again, we have proven to the world that we are satisfied with the crumbs left on the table by these pillagers, as long as they are our fellow compatriots. We even mock those who preach against grand larceny, asking them to wait until their turn comes for unrestricted access to the national pie and see if they won’t do worse. Yes, we are that dim-witted in the defense of our own, sometimes dancing to the rhythm of infernal drums at the market square just to celebrate successful white-collar criminals.

    In all of this, one man has stood out. He came into power with nothing beyond a few cows and left office with even fewer, surviving only on the meagre pension and allowances the state could afford. The irony is not that his better half enjoys plush luxury in Dubai; rather, it is that despite leaving room for a significant number of aides and hangers-on to become overnight billionaires in naira and dollars, this exceptional paragon of honesty in Nigeria’s 25 years of democratic practice has apparently retired to his farm, almost poorer than he was in 2015. Even this week, another of his aides was called in by the EFCC for allegedly awarding contracts to family members, inflating NHIS’ ICT budget from N4.9 billion to N8.7 billion, and approving payments beyond his limit. But I assure you, Buhari’s impeccable record remains just that—impeccable!

    While his predecessors boast of some of the finest homes and businesses linked to their cronies, this seemingly unreal Nigerian former leader has claimed he can barely feed himself. Now, if this isn’t a rarity in our clime, what is? And this is why I am deeply troubled that not a single Nigerian has deemed it fit to set up a GoFundMe account to help former President Muhammadu Buhari at this critical moment, two years after he magisterially vacated the Aso Rock Villa.

    Are you still pretending not to grasp the urgency of Knucklehead’s plea today? No, don’t be whimsical. This is not the time for jokes. It is, for me, a time to be serious about helping one of our own, just as we have done for others we barely know outside of social media and blogs. We have numerous accounts of how Nigerians have rallied together to put smiles on the faces of hundreds of vulnerable citizens at their lowest points. If we have done this unprompted before, why shouldn’t we now be eager to rain naira on Buhari, who, in a shocking turn of events, recently revealed that he has been struggling to make ends meet? Oh, let’s not pretend we didn’t hear the news—it was widely publicised. How can anyone with blood running through their veins ignore the muted cry for help from a man who once held Africa’s largest economy in his grip? Why should we allow him to descend so low that he is now reportedly living on rent from one of his houses in Kaduna? That is not the Nigerian spirit of brotherhood the world has come to recognise!

    Let me state clearly that I am unmoved by the coordinated blackmail of some online rats and Buhari haters questioning what the two-time Nigerian leader and retired Army General has been doing with the humongous pensions and gratuities extended to him by the Federal Government and the Nigerian Army, including gifts of exotic cars and payments for domestic staff. My problem with these ungrateful elements is this—by the way, how much is that pittance being mischievously described as a government largesse that we now expect Buhari to use in feeding his large family? Why are we so callous towards a man who dedicated his life to public service at the expense of his personal wellbeing?

    Remember, when he was leaving office, his spokesman, Garba Shehu, informed us that Buhari recorded a decrease in the number of cows at his Daura ranch, which he once said were easier to control than Nigerians. “The completed (assets) declaration shows that his movable assets did not increase, at home in Nigeria or outside, and he did not add new bank accounts beyond the one he had in Union Bank, Kaduna,” Shehu reported. He further disclosed that the number of cattle and goats on Buhari’s farm had only slightly decreased. True, Mai Gaskiya did not publicly declare his assets before and after office, but the ever-suspicious Nigerian media and civic groups continued mounting pressure on him to publish his asset declaration documents for independent verification.

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    In December 2023, the government earmarked N13,805,814,220 for the upkeep of former presidents, vice-presidents, heads of state, Chiefs of General Staff, retired heads of service, permanent secretaries, and former heads of agencies in the 2024 fiscal year. Out of this sum, only N2.3 billion was allocated to Buhari, Olusegun Obasanjo, Goodluck Jonathan, Atiku Abubakar, Yemi Osinbajo, and other former leaders. When broken down, we realise that the nation is short-changing these men of lofty ideals, particularly a Buhari who neither saw nor spoke against the alleged corruption within his inner circle. Should we now allow such a man to live on rent in Kaduna?

    What is wrong with raising a few billion or trillion naira as a token of our love for a man who reshaped our lives during eight years of smiling through our pain? In a country overflowing with millionaires and billionaires, he shouldn’t be waiting on rent to feed. Or should he?

    Buhari himself has hinted at something deeper. “Nigeria is a difficult country to govern, but most Nigerians are unaware. Until you find yourself in an administrative position, you won’t understand the complexities. I look much better and healthier now than when I was President. Anyone who sees me acknowledges that. After my eight years as President, I have only three houses—one in Daura and two in Kaduna. I have given one out for rent, from which I get money for feeding.”

    It is beyond the scope of this piece to verify the claims of those who say that empty bank accounts suddenly became fat within years of entering government. My concern is to appeal to the ever-supportive and understanding Nigerians to rally together and support our former leader in his time of need. We’re not asking for much—just a small donation to help him put food on the table, pay his utilities, and manage his miscellaneous expenses. After all, being a former President comes with its perks, but also its costs.

    So, let’s come together and make this happen. Let’s show President Buhari that we care, that we appreciate all he has done for us. The target is flexible and achievable—even though we won’t invite Emefiele, Sirika, or any of the ‘miracle workers’ from the Buhari era. Maybe N10 trillion will do, to support Buhari’s living expenses. It’s a lofty goal, but together, we can make it happen.

    So, what are you waiting for? Head to our GoFundMe page and make a donation today. Let’s make this happen, Nigeria! Let’s support our former President in his time of need. Who is with me?

  • Corruption in Nigeria: Anation’s Achilles’heel

    Corruption in Nigeria: Anation’s Achilles’heel

    In May 2016, at a Commonwealth event in London focused on corruption and its detrimental effects on national growth and economic development, former British Prime Minister David Cameron made a statement that many Nigerians found uncomfortable but undeniably truthful. Cameron famously described Nigeria as “a fantastically corrupt” country. Among those present in the group of eminent Commonwealth leaders was then-President Muhammad Buhari, who was scheduled to deliver a keynote address at the event themed “Tackling Corruption Together: A Conference for Civil Society, Business, and Government Leaders,” held at the Commonwealth Secretariat. Whether Buhari, who ascended to power as an incorruptible, no-nonsense former Army General and Military Head of State, was taken aback by Cameron’s blunt remarks is uncertain. His reaction later suggested that he was not particularly fazed by the comments, likely because they were not revelations to him. Buhari himself had often referred to key government officials as thieves during and outside his campaigns.

     When asked by the media to respond to Cameron’s remarks, Buhari brushed them off, affirming his agreement with the description of Nigeria as fantastically corrupt. Rather than demand an apology, Buhari pragmatically requested that Cameron expedite the return of Nigeria’s stolen assets stashed in the UK by corrupt leaders. Citing the infamous case of former Bayelsa State Governor Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, Buhari quipped, “I am not going to be demanding any apology from anybody. What I will be demanding is the return of assets.” His remarks, delivered with humour, elicited laughter from participants at the event.

     At the time, some Nigerians saw Buhari’s reaction as measured, given Nigeria’s precarious situation. The country was grappling with allegations that officials under the Goodluck Jonathan administration had re-looted billions of dollars from the returned General Sani Abacha loot, funds that were intended for specific projects. Instead, these funds were allegedly misused under dubious headings, such as financing religious pilgrimages or the ever burgeoning security votes which details are mostly shrouded in secrecy. Meanwhile, the British government expressed willingness to repatriate £1.8 million looted by Alamieyeseigha, including £1 million in cash and properties worth £10 million, which he abandoned after fleeing the UK disguised as a woman in November 2005.

     Buhari’s stance at the conference raised hopes that his administration would break the cycle of corruption. Yet, by the time he left office in May 2023, several of his trusted aides were embroiled in corruption scandals. Ironically, the man who vowed to tackle corruption found himself surrounded by officials allegedly plundering public funds. Despite Buhari’s boastfulness about empowering anti-corruption agencies like the EFCC, ICPC, and the Code of Conduct Bureau, these institutions largely turned a blind eye as officials enriched themselves. One of Buhari’s ministers, tasked with delivering a national carrier, orchestrated what many describe as a grand heist just days before the administration’s end. There were many others allegedly involved in salacious heist and blind looting as if they never cared about Buhari’s intimidating presence as an anti-corruption campaigner in his own right.

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     Nevertheless, Buhari’s focus on recovering stolen assets offered hope for better infrastructure and services for Nigeria’s impoverished citizens. However, even these recovered funds were not spared. For instance, billions allocated to social welfare programmes under the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs were reportedly diverted, leaving millions in dire need. Under Buhari’s watch, significant sums from the Abacha loot were repatriated. In 2017, Switzerland returned $320 million for National Social Safety Net projects, while in 2020, the U.S. and Jersey repatriated $311 million, earmarked for infrastructure projects like the Second Niger Bridge and Mambilla Power Project. At that time, presidential spokesperson, Mallam Garba Shehu, vowed that the money would be used to fund the infrastructure projects in the country. Shehu also threw shades at former Nigerian leaders before Buhari, saying that the release of the funds was delayed for many years because the previous governments were “too corrupt and venal to be trusted not to steal the money again.’ He listed many projects that would benefit from the disbursement of the funds including the Second Niger Bridge and the Mambilla Power Project which would provide electricity to over 10 million Nigerians. Also, in August 2022, another $23m was repatriated to Nigeria by the United States’ government still from the dollar-vomiting $5bn Abacha loot. In all, in the past 24 years, reports say that over $3.65bn had been returned to country by various foreign countries. Unfortunately, substantial parts of that humongous money were re-looted by different government officials in different administration.  Talk about corrosive corruption and you have it in crying colours here. The uncomfortable truth is that these projects remain mired in controversy and arbitration, raising questions about how the funds were managed. Tragically, much of this money was re-looted.

    Sadly, it is not impossible to project that, if care is not taken early, the current administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu could face similar challenges. In November 2023, the French government pledged to return $150 million of Abacha loot. Additionally, $52.8 million linked to former Petroleum Minister Diezani Alison-Madueke was repatriated from the U.S. However, questions linger about whether these funds will be transparently utilised. Nigerians are already asking questions and demanding transparency in how these funds, some sort windfall in this difficult time, are utilised for the benefit of the majority.

    Be that as it may, one cannot overemphasise the need for greater transparency and accountability in the management of the recovered funds to prevent them from being re-looted. The fact is that corrupt practices within the Nigerian government have far-reaching implications that hinder the country’s general growth and development. Nigeria, despite being richly endowed with natural resources, has struggled to translate its wealth into tangible benefits for its citizens. Corruption is a significant obstacle to Nigeria’s progress, and its effects are multifaceted. Within the inner circles of government which is mostly peopled by so-called technocrats, bureaucrats, politicians of different hue and shape, the daily graft that goes on has led to the misallocation of resources, as funds intended for public goods and services are diverted into private pockets. This results in inadequate infrastructure, poor healthcare, and a lack of access to quality education. The consequences are a stagnant economy, high levels of poverty, and a widening income gap.

    Coupled with this is the fact that corruption perpetuates inequality and social injustice. When government officials embezzle funds meant for social programmes, vulnerable populations such as the poor, women, and children are disproportionately affected. This exacerbates social tensions, leading to increased crime rates, social unrest, and even violence. Corrosive corruption also undermines democratic institutions and the rule of law. When leaders prioritise personal gain over public service, the legitimacy of the government is eroded. This can lead to political instability, as citizens lose trust in their leaders and institutions. The consequences can be seen in the widespread disillusionment among Nigerians, who often feel disenfranchised and disconnected from the political process.

    If we desire to put an end to the kind of insults inflicted on the nation by the likes of Cameron, then each and every one of us must be ready to do the right thing and demand the best standard practice from the government. By now, it should be clear to us that Nigeria’s corruption challenges have international implications. The country’s reputation is tarnished, making it less attractive to foreign investors. This, in turn, hinders economic growth and development. Furthermore, corruption in Nigeria contributes to global illicit financial flows, undermining international efforts to combat money laundering and terrorist financing.

    To prevent further damage, Nigeria must prioritise transparency and accountability in managing recovered funds. This requires collective action from government officials, civil society, and citizens. Only through such efforts can the country break free from the cycle of corruption and unlock its full potential. Are we ready to take this bold step toward national redemption?

  • When will the madness end?

    When will the madness end?

    No one who has a daughter or sister can afford to be indifferent about the harrowing story of a deranged individual who randomly butchered someone’s daughter without any sane cause. Let me state unequivocally that I do not buy into the tale of “love gone sour” as the real motive behind the cold-blooded murder of 24-year-old Salome Adaodu by Timileyin Ajayi—a despicable individual whose life seems devoid of purpose beyond his charade of pretentiousness as a motivational speaker, wannabe TikToker, and aspiring gospel artist.

    Characters like Ajayi do not belong in society. They don’t even deserve the gallows, where they would live off taxpayers’ money under the state’s responsibility to provide for those in correctional facilities. If you ask me, such depraved individuals belong to the most desolate corners of Hades.

    To say I am pained by Salome’s gruesome death would be an understatement. She could have been anyone’s daughter, friend, relative or even a neighbour. No one deserves such a gory ending . The details of how Ajayi dismembered a woman he claimed to love are not just heart-wrenching—they are revolting. That he openly declared he had no regrets, citing his warped understanding of “reciprocity,” only underscores the depravity within him. The sheer audacity to mutilate a fellow human being and justify it reflects the depth of lawlessness and moral decay in our society.

    As we navigate the first month of the new year, the stories emanating from Nigeria paint a bleak picture: tales of abductions, ritual killings, and other grotesque acts of violence dominate the headlines. The tragic case of Salome and her killer, Ajayi, is emblematic of a society teetering on the brink of chaos. Ajayi’s justification for his heinous act—infidelity suspicions—highlights a deeper societal malaise where human life holds no sanctity.

    We are a society at a crossroads. Owing to decades of official indifference to mental health, years of parental neglect, poor role models as well as the worsening situation in our schools over the years, Nigeria is sinking into an abyss of lawlessness, ritualism, and greed. Each day, the headlines remind us of the brazenness with which people pursue wealth at all costs. From high-profile abductions to ritual killings, the sheer frequency of these crimes is alarming. It is a societal cancer that thrives because our leaders, often blinded by their own pursuits of wealth, refuse to ask the hard questions. How can they ask the hard questions when they are neck in deep corrosive corruption that has impoverished the majority of the populace while they live in imperial splendour?

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    Ajayi’s case also exposes the failure of mentorship and moral guidance for Generation Z. If he hadn’t been apprehended, he might have become a minor celebrity within his circles, celebrated for his ability to fake success. Instead, his gruesome actions leave us questioning the kind of values being passed down to younger generations.

    Reports indicate that Salome, a 24-year-old NYSC member serving in Abuja, was abducted and killed by Ajayi, who dismembered her in an alleged fit of jealousy. Yet, Ajayi’s erratic behavior, including his boastful ramblings about his actions, suggests a deeper psychological issue—one that reflects a society in dire need of mental health awareness and support.

    Since pre-independence days, mental health remains a neglected topic in Nigeria, despite its growing relevance in cases like Ajayi’s. While his actions cannot be excused, understanding the mental health crisis in the country is crucial. The lack of mental health facilities, stigma surrounding mental illness, and the absence of preventive measures create an environment where individuals with untreated psychological issues can spiral into violence.

    Of course, this is not the first time Nigerians have cried out for justice after heinous crimes. Sadly, our justice system often fails to deliver closure. In a nation where money can buy freedom, there is little hope that Salome’s family will see true justice.

    Like I said, we should all be concerned with the rising spate of abductions either for monetary gains or ritual killings in the country. Daily, our streets are being filled with the noisome pestilence of self-acclaimed billionaires and millionaires with no traceable means of livelihood. And as it is with our society, no one cares to know how they come about this humongous wealth as they get celebrated for hitting unknown jackpots. Right before us, our society is derailing and we turn blind eyes to the rot. The stories, though gory in all ramifications, seem not to bother us as it should. In 2022, a lawmaker in Anambra State was beheaded along with his personal assistant, and their lifeless heads were left in a carton by the roadside. This is 2025 and it appeared we have moved on. Also, there have been reports of a hook-up specialist in Ogun State who lures ladies to be dismembered by his principal. In Imo State, intending “yahoo boys” have been known to kill their family members, including plucking out their eyes and burying them alive, in a bid to gain wealth. The other day, a woman in Anambra State was arrested for running a baby factory where young ladies are harboured and their babies used to produce bath soaps and creams for power-seekers and spiritualists. As we know, there are far too many chilling stories that one cannot relate on this page.

    However, it should be noted that the rising wave of ritual killings and abductions stems from a combination of factors: deep-rooted traditional beliefs, poverty, and unemployment. The belief that human sacrifices bring wealth continues to fuel these atrocities, particularly in rural areas where education and awareness are lacking. Reports of young people sacrificing family members, and even infants, for wealth are all too common.

    To combat this scourge, Nigeria must adopt a multi-faceted approach chief of which is an education awareness campaign. This is critical at this moment as it remains an essential tool to dismantle harmful traditional beliefs that promote ritual killings.

    The government also needs to intensify action on evolving a true economic empowerment strategy since it has been discovered that poverty and unemployment are breeding grounds for the desperation we see among the youths. By creating opportunities for economic stability, Nigeria can reduce the allure of quick wealth through criminal acts.

    I know many Nigerians may find this a bitter pill to swallow especially when the issue of mental health is not something we like talking about in this clime. But, the reality is that we must pay attention to Mental Health Support: Addressing the mental health crisis is critical. Policies must focus on providing access to mental health services, especially for at-risk populations.

    Equally important is the need to strengthen our law enforcement process and implementation. Nigeria’s justice system must be reformed to ensure swift and fair trials for perpetrators.

    The government, we must stress, must also tackle the underlying motivations for ritual killings: the belief in their efficacy and the societal glorification of ill-gotten wealth. This is key. Until we collectively reject these toxic narratives, the cycle will continue.

    No doubt, the gruesome murder of Salome Adaodu is a wake-up call. Our streets are teeming with individuals who flaunt unexplained wealth, while society turns a blind eye. The normalisation of such behaviours creates an enabling environment for crimes like ritual killings.

    And so, as we reflect on this tragedy, we must ask ourselves: when will this madness end? When will Nigeria become a nation where our daughters and loved ones can walk freely without fear? The time for action is now, and it starts with each of us taking responsibility for the moral and mental well-being of our society.

  • Obi, Morka, and Atiku’s opportunistic meddlesomeness

    Obi, Morka, and Atiku’s opportunistic meddlesomeness

    As we step into 2025, the Nigerian political landscape is once again filled with dramatic spectacles and comical interludes. These have become a hallmark of our political space, where sharp political exchanges and commentary are now routine. In an environment where almost everything can be politicised, it is no surprise that the brewing controversy between Mr. Peter Obi, the presidential candidate of the Labour Party, and Mr. Felix Morka, the Publicity Secretary of the All Progressives Congress (APC), is evolving into yet another national debacle. This feud is no longer limited to the clash between the ‘Obidients’ and the leadership of the ruling party; it is now resonating throughout the entire nation.

    While many might hesitate to admit it, the root of this conflict lies in the bitter division that characterised the political battles of 2023, which continue to fester. There are still those whose disappointment in the election outcome drives them to seek extreme measures, attempting to undermine the government at all costs simply because their preferred candidate is not in power. On the opposite side, we have the sometimes overzealous supporters of the ruling party, who fail to recognise that taunting those whose egos were bruised by the election and the court rulings is not the solution to achieving peace or promoting unity. To me, this explains why we are once again witnessing a needless feud between the esteemed political figure, Obi, and the highly-regarded APC’s spokesperson, Morka.

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    Last week, I acknowledged the fact that the government would be doing itself a disservice by ignoring the issues raised by Obi in his New Year message to Nigerians. In that message, Obi highlighted several pertinent issues that the government should either address with verifiable data or explain why the bleak picture he painted of Nigeria cannot be accepted. In any functioning democracy, it is the responsibility of the opposition to hold the government accountable. It is not uncommon for the opposition to depict a scenario of chaos and accuse the ruling party of neglecting the people’s concerns. After all, politics is never a one-way street where the government is guaranteed praise. For this reason, I see no fault in Obi’s call for the government to address issues that would improve the lives of Nigerians, who have suffered through painful economic reforms, leaving many of them in a far worse situation than they ever imagined.

    Truth, though often painful, is not something we should shy away from. I would be the first to admit that Obi, on several occasions, has used questionable data to support his narrative, particularly leading up to the 2023 election. At times, he did miss the mark in his attempts to appease his supporters. However, I struggle to understand the outrage over his recent New Year message, which should, by all accounts, be a standard practice. Was anyone truly expecting Obi, who is a presidential hopeful for 2027, to highlight the achievements of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s government? Would anyone have expected Atiku Abubakar to laud Tinubu’s 18 months in office? If not, then why should Obi’s critique be met with such hostile, bile-filled reactions from spokespersons or presidential aides?

    Let us examine the facts. Obi raised alternative perspectives on key governance issues in Nigeria. There’s a Yoruba saying that aptly captures the essence of his message: “We cannot all sleep and face the same direction.” Looking back at Obi’s statement, I do acknowledge that some of the data he presented seemed hollow and overstated. For instance, his claim that over 100 million Nigerians live in extreme poverty, with an additional 150 million suffering from multidimensional poverty, raises valid questions about the accuracy of these figures, especially since the country’s total population is currently 223.8 million. However, beyond this, Obi was right in bringing attention to critical concerns regarding food security, energy challenges, and the mounting national debt.

    Last week, I wrote: “He raised a few pressing questions. For example, is Nigeria grappling with an escalating food insecurity crisis? Has any solution been found for the persistent energy supply problems, including frequent grid collapses? Is corruption still pervasive in our system? Is the national debt truly over N100 trillion, up from about N15 trillion in 2015? Are Nigerians safer now than they were on May 29, 2023? Should we take Obi seriously when he says Nigeria’s fortunes are in clear decline? And is it true that the newly approved minimum wage of N70,000 can’t even buy a bag of rice?” These critiques call for vigilance but also underline the importance of fostering constructive dialogue to address the valid concerns they highlight. These issues stem from years of ineffective governance. We cannot deny the failure of leadership that has left many Nigerians impoverished. Fortunately, Tinubu has pledged to change this narrative, but this will require difficult decisions in policy and governance.”

    Perhaps the firestorm could have been avoided had Morka chosen his words more carefully in his response to Obi’s New Year message during an interview on Arise Television, which triggered the latest confrontation. As the elders say, “Words are like eggs dropped from great heights; once they fall, you cannot take them back.” Unfortunately, Morka’s remark that “Obi has crossed the line many times, and whatever is coming to him, he should manage it” was, at best, unhelpful and, at worst, deeply uncouth. It’s my firm belief that those who manage our politicians, whether as spokespersons or media consultants, should avoid joining them in throwing tantrums or making veiled threats. Though Morka has since denied threatening Obi’s life or family, challenging Obi to produce evidence, the public backlash has been swift, with many taking this as an opportunity to stoke the flames of controversy.

    This is compounded by the meddlesome involvement of Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, the presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Atiku, in an apparent attempt to score political points, declared that Morka’s comments amounted to threats and used the occasion to attack his perennial political adversary, President Tinubu. Atiku claimed that Morka’s statements pointed to a “shift toward authoritarian governance.” In the same breath, Atiku criticised Morka’s words, calling them “disgraceful” and suggesting that they represented an attack on democratic principles. Atiku’s call for the government to respect dissent and engage in meaningful dialogue would be more credible if he acknowledged that he himself has not always adhered to these values. After all, it was Atiku who, after the announcement of the 2023 presidential election results, referred to Tinubu using unprintable terms, even labeling him a drug lord.

    Atiku’s statement also raised the question of why he has failed to condemn those who have allegedly threatened Morka and his family over the same issue. If Tinubu truly sought to stifle dissent, why has he not made an example of those who continue to make unfounded allegations against him and his associates, even after the courts have ruled in his favour? The question remains: when will this madness end?

    What is clear as this situation unfolds is that the dispute between Peter Obi and Felix Morka highlights the growing divisions within Nigeria’s political scene. However, the solution does not lie in exacerbating an already fraught situation. There is always a better way to address such matters, provided both parties are willing to embrace common sense. Politics should not be so fiercely combative if the ultimate goal is to improve the lives of the people. With empathy, dialogue, and a commitment to finding common ground, this dispute can be resolved. Morka has already provided context for his contentious statement, and it is clear there are better ways to express grievances without resorting to offensive language. Both parties must now focus on peace, avoiding personal attacks, and addressing the issues at hand. This is the way politics should be played. If politicians in Nigeria can cultivate a culture of respectful, constructive dialogue and adhere to democratic principles, the country will see less of the divisiveness that has hindered progress for far too long. Are we ready for this shift? Only time will tell.

  • Trailing Tinubu’s economic agenda in 2025

    Trailing Tinubu’s economic agenda in 2025

    It may have surprised many that a leading Nigerian newspaper chose President Bola Ahmed Tinubu as its Man of the Year, particularly after the widespread economic challenges that marked 2024. These challenges were largely tied to the administration’s bold reforms, which, while controversial, were designed to set Nigeria on a path of long-term stability. Nevertheless, the editors of ThisDay deemed Tinubu’s resilience and determination to implement these tough but necessary reforms worthy of recognition. For some, this decision was unexpected. In a nation still healing from a fiercely contested election, it is natural that divergent opinions about the President’s popularity persist. Yet, the undeniable fact remains: Bola Ahmed Tinubu is the President, entrusted with the mandate to govern Nigeria until 2027 and the leadership responsibility in this regard includes taking tough decisions to reverse the accumulated effects caused by many years of apathetic governance.

    The ThisDay group of editors, in their wisdom, believes that Tinubu’s resilience and determination to implement the tough reforms are more than enough reasons to justify his emergence. But for some unrelenting critics, it was simply an unimaginable choice. In a country where many are still wailing over the outcome of a keenly contested election, it is understandable if some persons still prefer to see the President as being unpopular and, probably, unqualified to be called their president. But all these are within the realm of political postulations. The reality today is that, good or bad, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is the one with the official mandate saddled with the responsibility to lead Nigeria till another general election takes place. In the meantime, what Tinubu does with that mandate especially as it relates to improving the standards of living of Nigerians should be of major concern to everyone regardless of political affiliations. This, I must stress from the beginning, is not really about whether anyone likes the President’s face or not. It is more about the collective will to make Nigeria a better place after all the intriguing political brickbats that defined the 2023. Understandably, the daggers remain unshielded in the do-or-die politics that we play here. But then, there should come a time when the country should move on and the focus should be on the winner’s policies and how they impact on the people.

    How the President utilises his mandate, particularly in advancing economic growth and improving the lives of Nigerians, should be the primary focus for all, regardless of political differences.

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    This conversation transcends partisan allegiances or personal preferences for the President. It revolves around the collective need to chart a brighter course for Nigeria after the heated political debates of 2023, culminating in the Supreme Court’s verdict. While the lingering political tensions are understandable, the time has come to prioritise governance and its impact on citizens over lingering electoral disputes.

    And so, President Tinubu’s policies deserve careful evaluation, especially considering his willingness to take full responsibility for his administration’s decisions. In his recent media chat, Tinubu candidly displayed a sense of accountability and forthrightness, explaining the rationale behind the administration’s policy choices. He likened the discomfort arising from these reforms to the labour pains of childbirth, asserting that these challenges are a precursor to better times ahead. ThisDay aptly summarised his approach: “Tinubu has proven to be a bold and determined leader, willing to embrace unpopular reforms based on his convictions rather than pandering to sentiment.”

    Among Tinubu’s most significant economic moves was the removal of the fuel subsidy, a policy decision rooted in legislation enacted by the Ninth National Assembly during the Buhari administration. Managing the consequences of this policy has been one of Tinubu’s most challenging tasks. Additionally, the decision to float the Naira to allow market-driven stability, while difficult, was aimed at strengthening the economy in the long run. Both policies were bold steps taken to address Nigeria’s pressing economic realities; indeed, no short cut can prove feasible in the face of our reality today.

    In his New Year message, President Tinubu laid out an ambitious economic agenda for 2025, focusing on critical reforms aimed at fostering growth. Central to this vision is reducing inflation from 34.6% to 15% by boosting food production, encouraging local manufacturing, and promoting domestic production of medical supplies. These measures are expected to ease the cost of living for Nigerian households. Furthermore, the administration plans to enhance credit access through the National Credit Guarantee Company, which will provide risk-sharing mechanisms to support financial institutions and stimulate economic activity.

    The President also reiterated his commitment to building on the foundation of his Renewed Hope Agenda, targeting sustainable prosperity. His vision for a $1 trillion economy involves policies aimed at achieving economic stability through trade surpluses, strengthening foreign reserves, and stabilizing the naira. Tinubu’s agenda emphasizes youth empowerment, inclusion, and a pro-poor tax reform designed to alleviate tax burdens while increasing state revenue.

    While these economic plans are ambitious, they also reflect a deep understanding of Nigeria’s challenges and opportunities. The administration’s focus on reforms highlights its determination to create a more resilient and inclusive economy.

    However, achieving these goals will require effective implementation and continuous engagements with stakeholders who need to rapidly get acquainted with the pragmatic adjustments required in this season of enduring changes.

    It is also important to recognise alternative perspectives, such as those expressed by opposition figures like Peter Obi. In his New Year message, Obi raised concerns about pressing national issues, including food insecurity, energy supply challenges, and rising national debt.

    So what were those questions Obi raised? He raised a few posers. For example, is it true that Nigeria is passing through a worsening food insecurity crisis as many can hardly feed themselves? Was Obi right when he said no answer has been found for the perennial issue of inadequate energy supply with frequent grid collapse? Is corruption still having that larger than life image in our system? Is it true that we now have a skyrocketing national debt of over N100 trillion from about N15 trillion in 2015 when President Muhammadu Buhari took over the mantle of governance? Are Nigerians more secured now than they were in May 29, 2023? Should we take Obi seriously when he said Nigeria and its fortunes are in clear reverse? Is it true that over 100 million Nigerians are living in extreme poverty while more than 150 million citizens are living in multidimensional poverty? And can it be true that the newly approved minimum wage of N70,000 cannot buy a bag of rice?

    While these critiques underscore the need for vigilance, they also serve as a reminder of the importance of fostering constructive dialogue and addressing valid concerns. Nonetheless, it must be stated that these challenges identified by Obi emanate from many years of inadequate official effectiveness. No one should run away from this reality of a failed leadership structure that has impoverished many Nigerians. Fortunately, Tinubu said he has come to change that narrative and it requires taking tough, hard and gritty decisions in policy and governance.

    In journalism, facts remain sacred while opinions are free. It is essential for the government to balance its optimistic outlook with responsiveness to the lived experiences of Nigerians. Constructive criticism, when taken in good faith, can help strengthen governance and ensure that reforms are inclusive and impactful.

    President Tinubu’s leadership has been marked by boldness and resilience, qualities that are essential in addressing Nigeria’s multifaceted challenges. While some sectors have shown signs of positive change, many Nigerians are eager to see these benefits reflected more broadly in their daily lives. Striking this balance will be critical in ensuring that the government’s policies achieve their intended impact.

    Ultimately, Tinubu’s ability to translate his vision into tangible progress will define his Presidency. His designation as ThisDay’s Man of the Year underscores the high expectations placed on him as a leader at a pivotal moment in Nigeria’s history. As the nation trails Tinubu’s economic agenda into 2025, the hope is that his reforms will pave the way for a stronger, more prosperous Nigeria. That, to my mind, is what the Renewal Hope mantra should be all about as we trudge on again in 2025.

  • Tinubu, Gates and the imperative of human capital development

    Tinubu, Gates and the imperative of human capital development

    Last Wednesday in Abuja, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu presented an audacious N49.7 trillion 2025 Appropriation Bill before a joint session of the 10th National Assembly for deliberation and approval. By all standards, this stands as the highest national budget estimate ever presented to the National Assembly since Nigeria’s independence. For keen observers of such annual presentations, it is evident that the exercise transcends a routine ritual of throwing around figures, exchanging banter, and hastily granting approvals. No, it is much more. Indeed, this period is one that any serious-minded lawmaker anticipates with keen interest. To lose focus during this critical screening and re-screening of the multi-trillion-naira budget proposal could result in significant regret. Do you get the drift?

    It is common knowledge that, in the end, figures are often adjusted, shifted, or justified by the same lawmakers who might have cheered the President’s speech. The occasion was lightened with humour, particularly when the President unknowingly referred to the 10th Assembly as the 11th. Well, we must give it to him that he handled that particular slip well by jocularly assuring members they were on the path to re-election. Yet, amid the humour, Senate President Godswill Akpabio issued a stern warning to Tinubu’s ministers and aides, emphasising that the National Assembly would no longer tolerate errant behaviour, especially from those who habitually ignore the summons by lawmakers who have the constitutional power to oversight the Ministries, Departments and Agencies and other sundry bodies. Akpabio’s message was clear: the era of hiding under presidential cover to flout legislative oversight has ended. Ministers and aides must be ready to honour invitations, as this budget, with its unprecedented figures, is not something lawmakers are willing to approach lightly. Of significant interest to them are the constituency projects which, as Akpabio noted, should be treated with all seriousness. Do you understand?

    At the heart of Akpabio’s address was the call to ensure constitutional projects are integral to annual budget presentations. This appeal underscores a pressing need to break away from a historical pattern of budgetary abuse, where padded figures often fail to translate into meaningful development. It is Nigerians’ fervent wish that this can be achieved as the lawmakers begin to work on the budget this time. All it takes is the will to approach the task with a determination to make the budget a working piece of document that puts the people first.

    Read Also: New trajectory of NNPCL under Kyari’s leadership

    Back to the crux of the matter, a N49.7 trillion budget holds immense potential for national transformation if it is implemented judiciously. Unfortunately, the nation’s financial trajectory has been marred by a tragic tradition of mismanagement. Presidents have consistently promised, in flowery language, to lift citizens out of poverty and uncertainty. Yet, these promises often dissolve into hollow rhetoric, leaving budgets skewed in favour of the privileged few.

    This raises the question: what makes Tinubu’s latest budget proposal different? Analysts are already dissecting the N49.7 trillion proposal, scrutinizing its feasibility and development prospects. However, my primary concern lies in the President’s emphasis on human capital development—a critical area where Nigeria has historically lagged. The nation’s investment in human capital is abysmally low, a situation reflected in its Human Capital Index (HCI), which hovers between 34% and 36%, far below the global benchmark of 56%.

    According to a recent report, “Nigeria’s HCI is 36%, meaning a child born in Nigeria today will be 36% less productive than they could be with full access to quality education and healthcare.” This dire statistic underscores the need for urgent reform. With adequate investment, Nigeria could exceed the benchmark and rival leading nations such as Singapore and Japan. While skeptics may dismiss this as overly ambitious, Tinubu’s proposed allocations to health and education—N826 billion for educational infrastructure (out of N3.3tr) and N680 billion for revitalizing the health sector(out of N2.4tr)—offer a glimmer of hope.

    These figures, if properly utilized, could signal a departure from the lip service that previous administrations have paid to these critical sectors. As Tinubu aptly noted, prioritising education and healthcare will lay the foundation for a prosperous future, enabling Nigerian children to compete globally. Surely, this would be a significant paradigm shift should Tinubu walk the talk.

    This perspective aligns with the long-standing advocacy of Mr. Bill Gates, who consistently emphasised the transformative power of investing in health and education. Gates, an American billionaire who continues to donate billions of dollars in different continents to mitigate issues concerning better living conditions for humanity, once remarked, “In the long run, your human capital is your main base of competition.” This truth is evident in countries with robust human capital investment catalysing economic prosperity. Mr. Bill Gates emphasised the need for Nigeria and other African countries to pay serious attention to investments in the health and education sectors. His reasoning is simply this: a wise leader is the one who empowers others. And how best can one enrich the potential of another to be greater if not by providing such a person the opportunity to access quality education and a top-notch healthcare system? When this happens or when it becomes the norm in our governance system, it will give a competitive advantage to millions of youths who are presently battling for survival. It will also reduce drastically the number of out-of-school children and enhance a culture of learning that would ultimately empower the individual. As Gates puts it, an investment in people’s health and education and providing growth opportunities is crucial for sustained prosperity.

    Sadly, Nigeria’s potential remains stifled by elite greed and systemic inefficiencies. Gates’ observation that Nigeria’s economic stagnation stems from its failure to invest in its greatest asset—its people—is both accurate and disheartening. True economic recovery and growth cannot occur without a deliberate commitment to empowering the populace.

    And so, beyond the significant allocations for security and agriculture in the 2025 budget, the focus on social infrastructure—education and healthcare—is pivotal. Properly funded hospitals and clinics would enhance workforce productivity, reduce healthcare burdens, and improve population health. Similarly, investments in educational infrastructure would foster a skilled labour force, essential for economic diversification and global competitiveness.

    Tragically, the urgency of these investments was underscored by the recent Ibadan incident, where 32 children lost their lives in a stampede during an end-of-year charity event. This calamity, rooted in poverty, highlights the consequences of systemic neglect. Such a calamity, I dare say, can only happen in a society like ours where poverty has been weaponised such that the rich always take maximum advantage to publicise their generous tokenism at every given opportunity. The irony is that those mourning the latest loss of innocent lives would hardly learn the key lessons from the avoidable disaster. A report by the BBC detailed related tragic moments that should have served as warning signals for the organisers of the Ibadan event to take adequate precautions. The report stated that: “In March, two female students were crushed to death at the Nasarawa State University, Keffi, near the capital Abuja, when a rice distribution programme by the state governor caused a crowd surge. At least 23 people were injured. Three days later in the northern state of Bauchi, at least seven people died in another crush when a philanthropist and businessman was giving handouts of 5,000 naira. Earlier in February, five people were reported killed in Lagos when the Nigerian Customs Service auctioned seized bags of rice. A crowd surge for bags of rice being auctioned for about $7:00 led to the trampling to death of five people with dozens more injured.”

    All these happened in Nigeria before the latest tragedy in Ibadan. The question is: what have we learned? Tomorrow, when some other rich dude in town invites 10,000 people to pick some loaves of bread at a stadium in Kaduna or Lagos, I won’t be surprised if another stampede kills scores or more. It once happened at the Abuja stadium where job applicants were stampeded to death just because some persons wanted to make fast millions from desperate unemployed graduates. This is what the inimitable Afrobeat icon, Fela Anikulapo Kuti, aptly described as ‘suffering and smiling.’ Would those 35 children have perished if their families had access to the necessities of life? Likely not. Pity.

    But then, there is hope—a glimmer of hope in the 2025 budget that was submitted by the President. As Tinubu pursues his “Budget of restoration, securing peace and rebuilding prosperity,” he has an opportunity to redefine Nigeria’s human capital development trajectory. But success, we must point out, will require lawmakers, bureaucrats, and stakeholders to align with this vision. Only time will reveal whether Nigeria seizes this moment to chart a new course toward sustainable prosperity.