Category: Yomi Odunuga

  • Anenih, Abiola and the untold stories of June 12

    TWENTY-THREE years after the annulment of an election that has become a watershed in the nation’s history, the stories of June 12, 1993 are still being relayed in flashes of tragic interjections – coloured now and then, with subjective biases. For those who lived through the drama of that period, the intrigues, maiming, exile experiences, murders and suspicious deaths, June 12 cast a pall of gloom on Nigeria’s socio-political development.

    Today, scholars have not relented in their efforts to interrogate that era with the sole aim of unravelling the mystery that puts an abrupt end to the inspiring life of one of Africa’s greatest philanthropists, industrialist and publisher, Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, the presidential candidate of the then Social Democratic Party and undeclared winner of an election steeped in the most benign treachery plotted and executed by three jolly good friends.

    As a friend or associate, Judas couldn’t have done worse. At the centre of the whole shenanigan and tomfoolery of a national election that was designed to fail, was General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, the self-styled evil genius who, with ‘Maradonic’ infectiousness allegedly took Abiola on a rigmarole that saw him ending up six feet deep in the bowels of mother earth, with unquantifiable collateral damage to his family and business empire.

    For now, none of the volumes of literature on the June 12 saga has been definitive about how Abiola died mysteriously in detention at an advanced stage of his anticipated release following the death of General Sani Abacha. What we do know is that he was the ultimate victim of a high-wired conspiracy that flushed him out of the way after sipping a cup of tea in the presence of a delegation from the United States of America who had come to broker peace.

    Was the tea laden with a lethal substance? Was his death a secret collaborative effort between the then General Abdulsalami Abubakar government and the USA to put an end to the standoff? Well, Abiola’s death didn’t put the final nail on the shady secrets surrounding the election. Instead, it reawakens the urge in Nigerians to know what truly went wrong. People not only raised questions.

    They point accusing fingers at some notable personalities, nudging them to offer answers. It wasn’t just because so many innocent lives were sacrificed in a bid to undo the injustice of the annulment; they also wanted to know why Kudirat Abiola and Pa Rewane were murdered in cold blood. What exactly did we gain from the harvest of bloodletting? Why should a man, who was unjustly robbed of his mandate on the basis of tendentious excuses, be unfairly murdered? While answers to those questions hang precariously in the sky, there is a ray of hope that the full story would be told one day.

    Chief Tony Anenih, who was the chairman of the SDP at the time, ignited that belief with the public presentation of the book, ‘My Life and Nigerian Politics’. The 221-paged biography throws fresh, even if unpalatable, insight into the Abiola personae. Written in prose couched in benevolent anger, Anenih suggests that Abiola’s inordinate ambition to become president by all means possible, sounded his death knell. In spite of his well-known native intelligence, wisdom and craftiness, Abiola was said to have been dining with the devil with the shortest of spoons. According to the writer, he was prepared to do anything to reclaim his mandate, including trading off some of the politicians who stood by him through thick and thin.

    Tried as he could to dab the seething rage with tempered language, the author couldn’t help painting a shocking picture outside the image of a dogged fighter that was etched in our psyche when Abiola passed on. In our collective memories, too, is the not-so-faint public suspicion that the SDP leadership, ably led by Anenih sold away an iconic victory in exchange for God knows what. But there no scintilla of a selloff in that book. Instead, Abiola got all the flak. Anenih’s revelations were truly shocking in a sense. Okay, maybe some parts were not that difficult to understand.

    At least, we were all conversant with Abiola’s legendary stubbornness, wit and ability to deploy local proverbs to aptly capture his feelings at every point in time. What we did not know, according to Anenih, was that Abiola’s populist posturing was remarkably different from his condemnable dalliances with the military authorities that were out to leave him in the sun to dry.

    From Anenih’s accounts, while the military announced the obituary of June 12, Abiola was the undertaker. His action and inaction culminated in the final burial of June 12 with a wreath of infamy ferociously dancing on the graveyard. Conversely, Anenih had no such ugly commentary in the military regime that annulled Abiola’s electoral victory in the freest election Nigeria ever had.

    He presented himself as the Voltron that looked eyeball to eyeball with the military, insisting that Abiola must be crowned president! Listen to Anenih in bits and pieces. “Abiola was not only dining with the devil with reckless abandon, his analogy of getting to ‘Kano’ by air instead of experiencing the painful agonies of road travel symbolized the haste with which he sought to reclaim his mandate”.

    In that blind pursuit, Anenih said he went behind the decision of the party leadership to “hold discussions with General Sani Abacha who had promised him that if Chief Abiola supported, and if he, General Abacha, took over from Chief Shonekan today, he would hand over the reins of government to Chief Abiola the next day.” That naivety, coupled with several other factors bordering on untamed ambition, did Abiola in, Anenih stated.

    In fact, Anenih recalled how Abiola worked against Chief Ernest Shonekan’s Interim National Government and helped Abacha to realise his ambition to become Head of State. Continuing, he said: “The ING fell due to the adroit maneuvers of Chief Abiola, orchestrated attacks from his supporters, as well as the lack of political base and support for Chief Shonekan who had good intentions for the country…..It is a pity, indeed, that Chief Abiola kept the leadership away from his arrangement with General Abacha to take over from Shonekan.

    If he had brought it to the leadership of the party, he would have been well advised. The ‘agreement’ was phony and hollow. It was an agreement which was inexplicable and inexcusable in its folly and terrible in its consequences”. Of course, the metaphor became clearer when the former Minister of Works, popularly known as “Mr. Fix It”, said Abiola was truly airborne to Kano but he never landed. He was crated back to Lagos from Abuja in a body bag.

    Nothing could be fixed. Anenih said Abiola trod not just a “self-destructive, but also ruinous” path. Do we then conclude that this celebrated icon of the historic June 12 election was a tragic villain with a voracious lust for power? Did Abiola blindly follow a path that destroyed him or was he betrayed by trusted friends whom Anenih said never wanted Abiola in the Presidency because of the discovery of several cases of inflated contracts in his favour? Was that an indictment that Abiola corruptly enriched himself? Like I said, the June 12 saga remains an unfolding drama. In a recent interaction with

    ‘The Interview’ magazine, Babangida’s view on why the contraption called ING failed was remarkably different from the blame-it-all-on-Abiola perspective in Anenih’s book. Justifying the annulment on the presumption that the military had a premonition that the democratic process was going to be short lived based on what was available to the authorities, Babangida said the ING collapsed because the media never wanted and worked against it. For him, the media created a fertile environment for Abacha to strike and, therefore, denied the Anenih-led SDP the opportunity to win a fresh election with Abiola out of the equation.

    He sounded as if Abiola was stopped to save him from a tragic end. Asked if he believed Abiola died of natural causes, Babangida quipped: “I should know? I didn’t serve the tea”. And, after all the merry go round, we are right back to where it all started: who or what killed Abiola on July 7, 1998? All those who have written books on the issue, including those privileged to watch him sip the tea and probably writhe agonizingly to the very last, have cleverly dodged that question. How convenient is it for the living to blame it all on the dead? Unfortunately, Abiola is not here to tell his story.

    He would never have the opportunity to tell us why he took some of those actions that his party leadership felt was against the general interest. If there was any agreement with Abacha, it would have been interesting to know the details beyond what we could glimpse from Anenih’s book. How depressing can it be when an important key to unravelling a mystery has been silenced with a fatal sip of tea in a cup offered by friendly hands? Is that what they call friendly fire? Who will tell Abiola’s own undiluted story with his usual wittiness, who?

  • Trump, Oyegun and the 2019 challenge

    AS the world grapples with dreadful anxieties about the inevitability of a President Donald Trump in the Oval Office in Washington DC, the shocking reality of Trump becoming the 45th President of the self-proclaimed world power hit many Nigerians like a thunderbolt.

    For Trump, the author of the bestseller, ‘Think like a Champion’, victory at the polls against a formidable and experienced opponent like Hillary Rodham Clinton justifies his personal cant that quitters never win. We may not like his crude and oftentimes demeaning pronouncements that preceded his steps towards the White House.

    But, in more ways than one, Trump played the populist tune, wowed his crowd and got the presidential prize in an election that poignantly highlighted the deep-seated divisiveness in the American society. It was one historic election with lots of histrionics and a rather sublime ending. Nonetheless, the world was stunned that someone who was considered the greatest joke by the establishment could sweep the poll at such an auspicious moment.

    Many across the globe are waiting, with bated breath; to see what direction America is headed with Trump in charge. Some three weeks after, Americans are still divided on the outcome and questions have been raised on the use of the Electoral College system over the popular votes which Clinton clearly won. Somehow, what happened in the USA could be said to be similar to what happened in Nigeria in 2015 when, in spite of all odds, General Muhammadu Buhari won a keenly contested election against former President Goodluck Jonathan. Like Trump, majority of those who voted for Buhari did so with blind trust.

    In spite of the countless fault lines and scary prospects of a likely failed presidency as espoused by the then ruling Peoples Democratic Party, Buhari still scaled the hurdle in a blaze of glory that shocked everyone. In the U.S., that shock is at a global scale. I could understand why the Democratic Party’s candidate, Hillary, declined to give a concession speech on the night Republican Trump snatched victory from the deadly jaws of defeat. She needed to assimilate what had just hit her and the damage it would have on the legacy of the outgoing President Barrack Obama. It was a devastation that rubbished all projections and left both the winner and loser gaping.

    In Nigeria today, we have gone past gaping. For, if we must say the truth, the enthusiasm that propelled Buhari into power has waned significantly 17 months after. Was that what happened in America after Obama’s eight years of change have failed to change the way Washington does things? Well, the jury is still out on the Obama legacy. What is clear is that whilst sectional sentiments played a significant role in Buhari’s emergence, race was pivotal to Trump’s victory.

    The sophistication of America’s democracy notwithstanding, the demographics show that the Republican candidate targeted the teeming band of disgruntled and uneducated white voters. With his diehard supporters holding aloft an irreverent banner of dreadful ‘ideology’ and occasional chants of ‘Lock her up’, he caused an upset whose consequences are yet to unfold. It is not impossible too that many of these persons just wanted to see a fresh face in the White House, someone who had no links with the establishment and Donald Trump just fits that description at this point in time.

    It was his moment to exhale. However, it was humbling that Trump graciously admitted that he had to live above the showmanship and ugly shenanigan of the campaigns if he must succeed as a President. He acknowledged the deep gulf of mutual suspicion that the election had wrought on the psyche of the people and promised to unite Americans. With a hint of diplomatese, he said while he would put the interest of America first and make himself available to deal fairly with other countries in the global community. The problem is that those are the usual tones deployed in politics.

    Until the world starts seeing a Trump who not only uses tempered language but equally walk his talk, they would continue to nurse palpable fears about his Presidency like Nigerians presently do with Buhari. For, in truth, Nigerians are gradually losing patience about the promise to turn things around for the good of all. Aside its war on corruption, there has hardly been any other notable strides that would place this administration in a good stead to return to power in 2019.

    This is not just about how the massive goodwill that shot this administration into power is being badly affected by the day, it is more about its seeming delay in adding value to the lives of the people struggling to wade through an economy in recession. You ask: how many jobs has this government created for both the educated youth and the educationally disadvantaged? The records are poor, very dismal. As I write this, the plan to recruit 10,000 policemen is enmeshed in National Assembly versus the executive politicking on recruitment quota. And we thought they say they are going to do things differently.

    The N500bn Social Intervention Scheme which was projected to employ 500,000 teachers and about 200,000 persons in agriculture in addition to the training of hundreds of youths in ICT are all shrouded in secrecy. Yet, people lose jobs daily in every sector of the economy. Many families now live in constant fear of an unsure future.

    It is pointless projecting a better deal in 2017 at a period when the Senate has thrown out the government’s request to borrow $30bn and the Medium Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF) which it opaquely described as empty! And so, with an All Progressives Congress whose leadership torn through the middle, one is shell-shocked that its National Chairman, Chief John Odigie-Oyegun, has declared that a Buhari return to power in 2019 as a fait accompli. And what exactly were the points Oyegun tabled to justify this? First, he says the president is the only Nigerian politician alive with a capacity to win 12 million votes “without major campaign.” Second, he is the only man with courage to make changes that Nigeria needs. Third, that even if the growing band of disgruntled members ship out of the APC, new members would fill the vacuum as there is “no strong party anymore.”

    Four, octogenarian Oyegun said he would fast and pray to ensure that Buhari agrees to run for reelection in 2019. And lastly, he reasoned that an additional four years is needed “to get this country to subscribe to a new morality, a new ethic and turn its back on corruption of the very type we are trying to uproot now.” How simplistic can this man be? The ‘No Vacancy’ position would have been justified if Oyegun had carefully highlighted Buhari’s major achievements instead of rambling about 12 million votes, which left his party leader hanging in the sun to roast in the 2011 presidential election. He forgot so soon that thunder would have struck twice in 2015 but for the powerful coalition that stopped the PDP in its stride.

    Do we then say that Oyegun now derides that coalition as insignificant should these members decide to move to another party? How forgetful can some people be? In any case, has Oyegun gone back to the region that produced the 12 million votes for Buhari to access the ratio of those who would still stand by his candidacy after 17 months of deferred dreams? Could he be suggesting that no other Nigerian is eminently qualified to contest for the Presidency should Buhari turn down his plea to re-contest after his fasting and prayer bid? I do not know if Oyegun has taken anything away from the outcome of the American election since he granted the above interview to a national daily some few weeks back. If he has not, then the right time to do it is now. There is a big lesson to learn from the Trump victory. It is one that should humble all those who walk with the swagger of invincibility.

    Trump did not win because he was the most loved among the candidates. He won because he played his politics right and tapped into the sentiments of disgruntled citizens who were fed up with the establishment that is long on words and short on deliveries. If he looks back, he would see that more Nigerians are getting more impatient about the Buhari administration’s promise to turn things around. The ethnic divide and mutual suspicions, which have always defined our perception of governance, have deepened due to a rash of appointments that favour a particular section of the country. Therefore, it is not an impossibility that millions of the silent majority fervently wait to give a dose of the Trump treatment. Hillary Clinton’s defeat, in spite of Obama’s approval rating which was 55 per cent before the November 8 election, should send warning signals to those who relish empty triumphalism while quoting figures that may jolly well amount to an unexpected defeat! The time for some deep retrospect is now. But would the APC take that bold step of readjusting itself to the wailing anguish of despair in the land as the first act of a redemptive process? Only time will tell.

  • When violence dominates a people’s psyche…

    Unfolding events across the nation point to just one crying truth about us: we are a country that perpetually strives to progress at the same pace with which we regress in error. Some skeptics even say it’s sometimes one step forward, two steps backwards. If only we could hold ourselves to the mirror, we would come to grips with the deep rot that has brought us to this sorry mess. Our outward pontifications notwithstanding, the Nigerian nation suffers gravely from the malady of self-centered interest at the expense of the common good. The time-tested principles of morality hardly play any significant role in our quotidian living even when we pretend to be one indivisible entity. Collectively, we inflict damning injuries on the wellbeing of a nation gasping for breath since 1960. We deceive ourselves if we think all is well with a country that relishes taking a step forward amid countless movements in endless circles. Our post-independence pretence has merely left us trapped in this maze of movement without motion.

    Come to think of it, one would have thought that, after many years of experimentation, we would have gone past the era in which the highest legislative body in the land would shamelessly engage in self-gratification in the guise of making laws for the good governance of its hapless citizens. It is, indeed, a tragic commentary that the so-called Nigerian elite has not only perfected the art of rapaciously raping the national till in endless circles, it has also ceaselessly inflicted a seeming benevolent violence on its peoples. How on earth can the Dr. Bukola Saraki-led Senate surreptitiously amend the Code of Conduct and Tribunal Act at a time when Saraki is facing trial on charges bothering on failure to declare assets as enshrined in the laws? The mere fact that this Senate aims to snatch the powers of the President to appoint the leadership of the CCB by transferring the controlling powers to the National Assembly is not only petty but shameless. It is the kind of subtle violence that pervades our system and which has only diminished us as a country. And this is the same National Assembly that has hardly passed any bill that touches on the general wellbeing of the people in the last 17 months. In actual fact, these lawmakers have spent more time on recess that one wonders where they derive the courage to claim the humongous paychecks they get compensated with monthly!

    By the way, what exactly was the Senate Leader, Ali Ndume, driving at when he rubbished insinuations that the amendment of the CCB Act has everything to do with Saraki’s ongoing trial before the CCT? Now, that’s laughable. Ndume said he found it ‘insulting” that anyone would assume that our distinguished senators would sheepishly succumb to the bidding of Saraki when it should be clear to any right-thinking person that “laws are not made in retrospect.” What’s that? Hollow gibberish. If he must know, this particular amendment not only belittles whatever is left of the integrity of the Senate, it also denigrates the personality of the characters that made themselves available to be used to abuse the fine and delicate principles of lawmaking. Of all the tomfoolery that has taken place in our over 17 years of democratic governance, the speed with which the two chambers rushed through this bill takes the prize for errant legislative impunity. It was an ill-timed vengeance that would neither fly with the Nigerian people nor its main target, the executive

    Ndume’s argument that the aim was to make the CCB more effective and that the Saraki allusion was a secondary matter fly in the face of common logic. It was very convenient for him to throw in a depressing white lie that the urgency given the controversial amendment was in line with his vow that all bills that emanated from the House “must not be allowed to suffer setback” but must be concurred with by the Senate. Oh, what a defence! So, how many of such bills that emanated from the lower chamber has the Senate concurred with in the 8th National Assembly? Do those bills receive the speed of light with which the CCB Act was passed? Figuratively, I’m yet to understand the message Ndume was trying send when he said the Senate couldn’t have passed the law because of an individual since “the Senate President is Saraki, but Saraki is not the Senators’ president.” Ha! What figure of speech is that? Now, you see how these folks torment our psyche and inflict the basest of violence even on the simplest of tenses?

    I really don’t know if violence has become some sort of catharsis in our society. Just the other day in Oyo State, some pupils reportedly went on the rampage in three secondary schools. By the time they were through venting a perceived anger over the decision of the state’s education ministry to put merit before a questionable strategy called ‘automatic promotion’; properties worth millions of naira had gone down in ruins. School buildings were torched; libraries were razed; staff rooms were mobbed, and reading materials including records of academic performances were burnt into ashes. For daring to fail those who wanted an automatic ticket to the next class while their colleagues burnt the midnight lamps, all hell was let loose. And you ask: when did things turn this tragically awry for us as a nation?

    Well, the signs have always been there but we ignored them as we always did many things. Spread across different parts of the states are specially designated outlets called ‘miracle centres’ where pupils patronise with the aim of securing fantastic School Leaving certificates with which they get easy passage into the universities. The sad reality is that there exist many private secondary schools whose proprietors insist on a zero-failure ratio even if certain pupils do not have the capacity to digest any academic rigour. In the main, the schools’ authorities end up paying mercenary teachers to infiltrate examinations halls and practically dish answers to the students. Have you wondered why, in spite of the abysmal standards of our education system, some schools regularly record excellent, almost impeccable results year in, year out?

    The irony is that these days, parents, those who claim to have struggled to make it in life, are at the forefront of hiring mercenaries or sending their children to these wonderful results incubating factories! What happened to hard work and commitment to one’s studies? While we reserve the right to blame the spoilt brats of those three schools in Oyo for the silly madness they unleashed on the community, we need to reexamine the kind of educational system we run in this country. We forget easily that a nation is as good as the kinds of ethical value it instills in the future generation. It is not an accident of history that we now have all manners of dubious characters laying a stranglehold on different sectors of our national life. The thuggish mentality that pervades the land is a direct product of the failed system we cuddle with relish. When adolescents employ the crudest form of violence to demand automatic promotion after a woeful performance, we can only wonder what these ones would do if they succeed in fighting their way to holding key positions in the executive, legislature or even the judiciary. Or are we also going to deny seeing remnants of this national malaise rearing their ugly heads in our polity presently?

    Another form of violence that should concern us a people is the emotional violence and avoidable trauma that thousands of Internally Displaced Persons are made to experience daily at the various camps. Before the Human Rights Watch came out with its shocking report about the dehumanising treatment of these persons by those saddled with the responsibility of taking care of them, we have always suspected that some of the so-called humanitarian bodies could be short-changing these vulnerable Nigerians displaced by the deadly activities of the Boko Haram insurgents. What we did not know is that some otherwise responsive and respectable persons were actually in competition with the insurgents in perpetuating the most despicable violence on their fellow human beings. Or how else does one describe a situation where an officer of the law raped a 17-year-old in the IDP camp and threatened to silence her if she ever told anyone he was responsible for her pregnancy? Who were the demented camp leaders, policemen and soldiers that sexually abused the 43 women and girls captured in the HRW report? What picture do we paint of our humanity when it was “reported that 66 percent of 400 displaced people in Adamawa, Borno and Yobe states” were sexually abused, drugged and violently raped by camp officials? What manner of caregivers would deny the IDPs essential items like food, drugs and clothing materials just to satisfy a libidinous craving bothering on carnal rascality? Where lies our humanity, where?

    The way things are today, it is not impossible that most Nigerians might not see anything condemnable in all the examples. Some would even argue that the exigencies of the times compel the smart ones among us to achieve their goal by whatever means possible in a Hobbesian setting.  Unfortunately, they fail to realise that these bits and pieces nurture the depravities that clip our wings to the rudder of underdevelopment. Like someone asked, don’t we all need a brain reset and an ethical reorientation if this country must work for the good of all?

  • Mr. Jonathan’s irreverent sacrifice

    Former President Goodluck Jonathan is a man who hankers, with tepid anxiety, over how history would judge him. He knows the signs appear not to be in his favour despite the accolades he received for voluntarily accepting a humiliating defeat. Perhaps, enamored by our inelastic capacity for mischief, the zoologist is doing everything within his power to fast track the future in the present. Lest we forget, Jonathan was, until May 29, 2015, the man in control of the levers of governance here for more than five years. And so, we assume he must be conversant with all that transpired under his watch in those better-forgotten days when stealing or helping yourself to the public till was never equated to corruption. It is equally safe for us to assume that Jonathan, the dangerously calculating dove who refused to be a lion in office, must have meticulously gathered enough evidence to support his claim, in recent times, that he dedicated all his years in public stewardship to empower future generation. Having invested such rare personal sacrifice into making Nigeria what it was when he was kicked out through the ballot, it should not be surprising that the Otuoke-born politician is frenetically angling to set the record straight before we hang him in the sun to dry.

    So, what were the issues? Bursting with righteous rage during his lecture on Youth Entrepreneurship at the Oxford University, England, the former President wouldn’t just buy into the crap being peddled by the President Muhammadu Buhari administration that, under his eagle-eyed leadership, his embattled former National Security Adviser, Col. Sambo Dasuki, would ‘steal’ a whopping $2.2 billion cash appropriated for the procurement of arms to fight insurgency in the North-East. Dismissing the claim with childish indignation, Jonathan, in response to a question, fired a riposte: “They said the National Security Adviser (Sambo Dasuki) stole $2.2billion. I don’t believe somebody can just steal $2.2 billion. We bought warships, we bought aircraft, we bought lots of weapons for the army and so on and so forth and you are still saying $ 2.2 billion. So, where did we get the money to buy all those things? Yes, there were some issues. Yes, there are still corruption issues but some of it was overblown. I’d say exaggerated and they give a very bad impression about our nation. You cannot say the national security adviser stole $2.2billion. It is not just possible.”

    You know what? I really don’t know how and when this nation would have a break from the ill luck of having a harvest of clowns bestriding the highest office of the land. Yes, Jonathan is a nice man with an infectious poise. He is what you call a jolly good fellow. Yet, his buffoonery is annoyingly silly. Sometimes, silence is eternally golden. How, for the life of me, could someone who played an active role in the endless repatriation of the billions of dollars looted by the late General Sani Abacha cast a pall of doubts over the investigations that his ‘trusted’ NSA magnanimously diverted a whopping $2.2 billion arms cash to service various political interests ranging from the stupidly sublime to the outrageously mundane? To the best of my knowledge, none of the investigative authorities has dared to accuse Dasuki of unilaterally stealing the lump sum of $2.2 billion. Instead, they say Dasuki is under investigation for superintending over what may turn out to the biggest organised larceny in the history of dashing out monetary freebies in Nigeria. We do not need to remind Jonathan that some of those fingered in the scandal have returned parts of the loot while others have been singing like birds with broken beaks at the offices of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission. Or were those also stage-managed confessions aimed at tainting the Jonathan regime with a ‘very bad impression?’

    Honestly, I feel sorry for this country when I remember that it was this same Jonathan that offhandedly dismissed allegations made by the former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Emir Sanusi Lamido Sanusi that over $20 billion was creamed off the accounts of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation in a clinical heist that escaped all the technical and scientific checks put in place to ward off such abuse of privileges.. In defending the then Minister of Petroleum Resources during a live media chat, Jonathan quipped: “How can anyone say such an amount was missing? If that kind of money was missing, the US would know. It is their money!” I almost fainted when I heard that lame defence. Nigerians may be intellectually lazy to follow up on that blunder. That does not in any way mean that they do not know a presidential let down when they see one. By all shades and purpose, Mr. Jonathan’s performance at the Oxford lecture was not only poor but tragic. It was bad Public Relations stunt for a man who desperately needs a makeover following revelations of stultifying graft that was allegedly perpetrated under him.

    By a queer stroke of irony, Jonathan made the statements on a day the EFCC chose to interrogate his media minder, the un-putdownable Dr. Reuben Abati and one of the influential ministers in his administration, Senator Bala Mohammed of the Federal Capital Territory. There was no prize for guessing that Abati was queried over a sum N50m traced to his account from the same $2.2bn under Dasuki’s watch. Okay, maybe the NSA was a charitable Father Christmas who, at every whim, dipped his hands into the public till to etch a smile on the faces of his boss’ friends. Do we take it that such an atrocious misdemeanor and flagrant abuse of power, in the good thinking of Jonathan, ought to be put under the sub-head of philanthropy instead of the label of corruption that Buhari and his hatchet men had given it? Is that what this defence of a loyal staff is all about?

    And so, Jonathan would like history to judge him strictly based on the huge sacrifices he made to make Nigeria great again. Of course, such sacrifices must necessarily include his magnanimity in relinquishing power after the humiliating defeat at the poll. My question is: what would he have done when it was obvious that the election had been won and lost? Turn the country into a graveyard of blood and sorrow because of a failed ambition? Would that be in tandem with the principles of representative governments which thrusted him into power in the first place?

    Yet, the Oxford parley was not all about whining over an alleged corrosive corruption that jeered at us while he was in charge. Jonathan also took time to wow his audience with the giant strides he took while in office. In case we have forgotten, he reminded the audience that, though imperfect, his administration offered Nigeria the best with unprecedented economic growth; Africa’s fastest growing economy in 2015; and the emphasis his administration placed on youth empowerment. And then, the clincher: “Nigerian youths are an inspiration to their leaders. I once said that I was not elected President of Nigeria to spread poverty, I was elected to generate and spread wealth.”

    Of course, there were moments to cheer about as regards Jonathan’s claim of empowering the youth. Yet, questions hang over some curious empowerment programmes that focus on certain youths from a part of the country. In the real sense of the word, how many ex-militants benefit from the Presidential Amnesty Programme and how many children of the rich and influential were conscripted into the programme to partake in the foreign training? Or is Jonathan pretending that he did not know that such trainings, which gulped billions of naira, were heavily skewed in favour of his geo-political zone? And when Jonathan deny knowledge of how Dasuki was disbursing funds on his directive, do we take it that he did not know that Dasuki equally spent about N4.7bn from the $2.2bn on youth empowerment? Below are excerpts from a statement Dasuki freely gave before his prolonged detention.

    “I am aware in November (I cannot remember the exact date), my office requested the CBN to exchange N10billion from the account of the Office of National Security Adviser domiciled in CBN. The money was exchanged at $47m and some Euros which I cannot remember. The exact amount was delivered at my residence. The money was for delegates that attended the nomination convention for the PDP presidential ticket. The money was paid and sent to Hon. (Waripamowei) Dudafa (SSAP Household) and ADC(C-IC) for distribution on the instruction of the President. Based on the statement of Director of Finance and Administration (Salisu), Ibrahim Wambai, and Yazidu Ibrahim, all the cash (both foreign and local) are usually given to them for official use. I also noted the statement of Sagir Bafarawa whose stated that his company, Dalhatu Investment received the sum of N4,633,000,000 from the account of the Office of the NSA. I authorized the payment. The money was for vehicles, motorcycles for youth empowerment and women sent to Saudi Arabia. I got the proposal from the President. I do not have the proposal; it should be at the office in the Villa.”

    With these kinds of approvals, it is not impossible for the former President to have forgotten that, in a desperate attempt to remain in office, the sum of $2.2 billion can only be a drop in the ocean. How many more of such outrageously laughable approvals are yet to be declassified? Or was it not in that same regime a particular lady first claimed that the millions of dollars traced to her accounts variously belonged to her late mum, her savings as a Permanent Secretary in her state and gifts from visitors to Aso Villa? Sometimes, you cannot help but believe Abati’s fabulous fantasy about ghosts, demons, devils and gnomes controlling the thinking faculties of otherwise intelligent leaders in the corridors of power. So much for presidential sacrifice! It’s a pity, really.

  • Freed Chibok Girls and other stories

    Like most concerned parents, I felt a mixture of joy and sadness in equal measure when the news of the released 21 abducted Chibok school girls and a child went viral. In a sense, that should not be surprising. Having written several pieces on the heart-wrenching narrative of these girls on this page, it was a relief that a ray of hope was lit with the release of the 21 that made the list. True, we may not be privy to all that went on behind the scenes including the likely implications of the reported swap of some key leaders of the Boko Haram insurgents which made the release possible. The government’s denial notwithstanding, it is not impossible that some hard currencies may have exchanged hands in a bid to ensure the safe handover of these lucky girls. We would be deceiving ourselves to assume that those who held them for over two years would just allow the girls to walk to freedom without having some sense of victory no matter how feeble. Yet, while they giggle in triumphalism, the rest of us should be compensated by the smiles etched not only on the faces of the parents that had lived in endless anguish in all the days that the girls were in captivity but also in the emotive words that they could offer in teardrops of joy. While the perennial doubters of the abduction saga raise both germane and mundane questions regarding this matter, it is important to restate the fact that the story of the Chibok girls should be elevated from the realm of petty politics. Those who feel the pain know how deep it hurts. Having seen the pictures of the girls on the day they regained freedom, it beggars belief that some persons out there still hold on to the prognosis that they were traded off by their uncaring parents as a political strategy to blackmail former President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration as clueless and incompetent. Pity.

    But for the fatal damage wrought on our collective sense of humanity, which is at the heart of our national crisis and inexplicable impotence, I doubt if anyone would still be raising dust over the reality of the abduction of over 200 girls in Government Secondary School, Chibok by the Boko Haram insurgents. By the way, why do these people find it convenient to believe the callous massacre of hundreds of students in their dormitories in the same North East by these deadly gang while rubbishing a traumatic abduction saga that was supported with video evidence by the insurgents? Is it just politics or something deeper than hate?

    Quite honestly, I do not have a reasonable explanation regarding why the freed girls opted to relive their better-forgotten experiences in Hausa language. However, it does not in any way erode the empathy and riotous rage that boil within. Tried as I could, the images that kept on flashing before me were frightening. The transformation was total. In just two years and some months, these girls have become women. They have aged beyond my wildest imagination. Some had become walking corpses. You could even count the bones as they struggled to make meanings out of their new environment. They were too dazed to understand the implication of the newfound freedom. They alone knew what they had lost. It was evident that these ones have been dehumanized. Each one with spectacular stories that would be told in flashes of horror. They must have seen hell in its practical fearsomeness. Their physical appearance bore tragic testimony of the travails that they went through in that fortress called Sambisa forest. They once died. But by a divine magical stroke of luck, they now have the chance to live again. Lo, they are alive!

    And that, to me, was the significance of Sunday, October 16 when the girls were given the opportunity to reunite with their biological parents and towns men at the Medical Clinic of the Department of State Security. Some cried. Some laughed. Some went berserk with joy. Some just stood there, stupefied. They all danced. In all, it was joy unstoppable. They could never have imagined that a day like that would come. Not after what their captors said had happened to their girls. Sold out. Married off. Killed following military operations. Randomly abused until they could take it no more. But for that unforgettable reunion, how would we have known that these young girls went a marathon forty days without food. They merely survived on water and crumbs. That was the gripping story that Gloria Dama told the gathering on Sunday. She knew their survival was nothing short of an act of God. She must have seen many die in cold blood. When it comes to killing people, nothing is beyond the capacity of the insurgents. They live by the sword and shedding blood fills them with some sort of sadist, masochistic thrill. Yet, God saw these ones through. Is that the stuff miracles are made of?

    Hear her: “I did not know that a day like this will come that we will be dancing and giving thanks to God among people. We were praying to God to touch the lives of Boko Haram to repent and we are calling on all Nigerians to pray and fast for the release of our remaining ones in captivity.”

    With just 22 girls regaining their freedom and the government getting set to negotiate the release of another 83 out of the original 217, we can only hope for the best. It is definitely not the best of times for those parents whose children remain in the hands of their captors. All they can cling on to is hope. It is the only thing that has sustained many amid the depressing doubts. When we say Chibok matters, it is because we know an end must be put to the sickening plot. If the Bring Back Our Girls group had relented, it is most probable that the Chibok 21 wouldn’t have happened. Together, it can be a win-win situation if the government would stop throwing its nose in the sky whenever it is called upon to walk its talk on rescuing the girls. Now that some of the girls are back in the arms of their loved ones, would the President Muhammadu Buhari administration deny reaping some political benefits from the feat? Is there anything that can be compared to the electrifying atmosphere of last Sunday where one of the parents excitedly explained how his pregnant daughter was abducted on that fateful night? How soothing was it seeing Mrs. Rilwanu John strapping a long-lost daughter to her back with shouts of ecstasy? Was it ennobling listening to these girls as they kept on praising the government for the resilience shown in negotiating their freedom? And has the Mrs. Oby Ezekwesili-led BBOG not justified their position that a narrative of hopelessness can be turned around if one focuses on the goal instead of the listening to the distracting rants of negative voices? Didn’t the President feel special when he met with the joyous parents on Wednesday in Aso Rock? And was that not a nice feeling even if the BBOG group is new being tactically avoided like a plague? Well, that’s a shame.

    When other things give one the jitters about a country on the cusp of failure, stories like that of the Chibok 21 keep the flame of regeneration burning. In a country where the sacrilegious has become the norm, Chibok opens a vista of possibilities. At a time of benumbing happenstances when state chief executives latched on to immunity clause to pervert the course of justice; at a season when the secret service break down walls at the residents of serving judges in the search for incriminating evidence of graft; at a period when the President and his wife portray themselves as clearly not in sync on how best to captain the ship of state and at a time when key government officials are being accused of offering billions of Naira as bribes to buy justice, the release of the Chibok 21 might just be the fillip we all need to keep our humanity on track. Or are there other things to cheer about in times like this? Is it the incredulous bold face being shown by those who should cover their heads in shame for turning the country into one huge bazaar where graft taunts us back with billions of laughter? Or is it not confounding that someone accused of collecting billions of arms funds to run an election that brought him back to office has blamed it all on a determined effort to smear him by all means possible? How, if I may ask, does that justify the shameless act? But then, why do I always forget that this is Nigeria where shame always gets a red carpet treatment?

  • Will Buhari sell Nigeria?

    It’s official. The ruling All Progressives Congress, a political marriage of convenience for strange political bedfellows, has learnt nothing from the tragedy that consumed the Peoples Democratic Party. The rousing success which emblematized its status as the government of the day has become its greatest burden. It is one of the greatest ironies of history that this government, led by President Muhammadu Buhari, is not just winking in the dark but also regaling in epileptic fixations as to what to do with the power craved with maddening gusto. Put bluntly, the APC, in less than two years, is a study in bewilderment. It is sick and in need of a quick fix for it to avoid a likely record as Nigeria’s ruling party with the shortest span or tenure. Some months back, one would have thought this was a party that would pull the country out of the doldrums of retrogression and fast track unrivalled development in all facets of our economy. Not that the signs of a positive outing were not there in the beginning. That was when a lot of hope was placed on Buhari and his lieutenants to drive that process of visible change. That belief couldn’t have come at a better time with Buhari saying the right words at the most inauspicious moment in our history.

    Unfortunately, the honeymoon lasted just few months. Things started falling apart not just over the scramble for leadership seats in the National Assembly but the negative vibration also reared its ugly heads with the pettiness that the leading founders of the party treated the matter. Ego took over commonsense and a staccato of selfish voices of ‘reason’ ensured that the APC now swims in its own self-inflicted maladies. Well, it wouldn’t have mattered much if there had been positive signs from the center that the boiling water wouldn’t spill over and rubbish all the scented promises of change that the government vowed to engender. Today, no one is sure whether the President is running the manifesto of his party or a hidden agenda tucked under his Babariga whilst taking his oath of allegiance on May 29, 2015. Out there on the streets, people wonder if this was the change they sacrificed an arm and a leg for. Could it be?

    If I may ask, where, in the APC agenda for change, did it promise to sell key viable assets of the country in order to raise money to fund the 2016 budgets or ameliorate the pains of a recession that has gripped us by the neck? Regardless of the denial by the Presidency, any keen political observer about how key government’s firms were sold in the past to lackeys who later stripped the firms of assets before dumping the carcasses, cannot afford to sit idly as government perfects another plan to sell off some of the nation’s assets. No matter what former President Olusegun Obasanjo says, there is no single evidence to continue with this madness of selling off key properties in time of temporary gloom. At least, we do know that none of the major assets sold by Obasanjo to the so-called investors during his tenure can be said to be doing well. With the exception of Nicon-Noga Hilton which was able to survive a shaky start post sale, can Obasanjo give a thumb up for the sales of NICON Insurance or even the Ajaokuta Steel Mill among many others? What has become of these once-thriving even if corrupt-laden national assets after they were handed over to the briefcase businessmen who were merely stooges for the real faces behind the purchase? Why, for crying out loud, must we cut the head to put a final stop to a troubling headache?

    It is not enough for the government to tell us that no concrete decision has been taken on the suggestions in some quarters that certain national assets should be sold off to enable the government raise funds. We need a firm reassurance that the Buhari government would not fall victim to this enticing trap. Of course, it offers little assurance when newspapers quoted ‘reliable sources’ in The Presidency as offering strict conditionalities for the sale of these assets. That is balderdash. We know the times are hard and it is increasingly becoming difficult for the government to meet its financial obligations. What this calls for is for the authorities to think outside the box instead of falling ‘mugu’ to the elite’s conspiracy of stripping it of commonsense. If we continue selling our collective inheritance at every sign of recession, the Nigerian nation would be wreathed in poverty in due course. It is inevitable that a time would come when there would be nothing to sell again. A pointer to that was painted by a national daily which portrayed President Buhari bearing a tray, containing viable national assets, on his head. The message was poignantly unmistakable. There goes Mr. President, the hawker, looking for the highest bidder to take possession of them. Call it editorializing if you like but that is not a cool picture of man who came into power with so much expectations and promises of bequeathing a better legacy.

    Perhaps, no one captures the angst in the land better than my friend and diehard supporter of the President, Olurotimi Anifowose, who wrote this on his Facebook wall: “When I voted for PMB in 2015 as the President of Nigeria, I did that based on my strong conviction that he was a better candidate among those that contested. I didn’t do so because of any party affiliation since I am not a card-carrying party member. Also, I didn’t do that to mortgage my inalienable right to comment on policies that I may see to be inimical to the wellbeing of our great nation. So, I want to tell you what I didn’t vote for: I didn’t vote for sales of our national assets to fund profligacy that is associated with the political system that we run in Nigeria. I didn’t vote for rhetorical governance that is laced with pontification without corresponding level of seriousness. I didn’t vote for discordant governmental statements from the ministers and officials. I didn’t vote for a campaign against corruption with much air without completeness. So, while you tell me about how we need to support PMB, be guided that our support for his administration would not be diminished when we offer constructive criticism of some of his administration’s policies.”

    On Olurotimi’s words do I anchor my next question: Will President Buhari sell our national patrimony to the same hawks that put us in this eternal agony? If indeed the Nigeria Liquefied Natural Gas company fetched billions of dollars in the last few months, why should any right-thinking government sell it off instead of putting in place a workable mechanism to sustain the growth? Why has a company that lays the golden egg in this era of dwindling oil revenue suddenly become attractive to some select moneybags in our midst with the effective backing of the leadership of the Nigerian Senate, the Nigeria Governors’ Forum and some ministers in Buhari’s cabinet who have chosen to speak with both sides of the mouth? Could it be a matter of sheer coincidence that this issue has become a matter of national discourse with the clinical and timed contributions on the need to sell by some self-enlightened interests? How come these same interests have not offered advice on how to buy back the national assets that were earlier sold and are now effectively under intensive care? Like someone asked, if this is about patriotism and the ability to turn moribund firms around, why have these persons not indicated interest in buying into our perennially underperforming rail system, Ajaokuta steel complex, all federal highways in Nigeria or even our moribund refineries? If it is that easy to rekindle hope in some of these national assets that were sold off, one wonders why the respectable Daily Times of Nigeria and NITEL are still groping for survival in our business climate.

    For sure, I do not envy the President. The buck, as they say, stops on his table. He is fortunate to have a deep well, swarming with ideas to sift from. How many national assets did the American or British governments have to sell off before swimming their ways out of recession? Thankfully, the same Senate that flew the kite on the imperative of selling these national assets has decided to chew its shame by cautioning the President against any haste in selling the assets. Coming from a Senate that has spent more time on recess than on discussing critical national issues, one can only hope that it would also play its role when the President finally sends the Emergency Economic Stimulus Bill to it for consideration. It is also heartwarming that the Senate, like many other concerned Nigerians, has deemed it fit to warn the President that: “a sensitive issue, like the sale of national assets, should be approached from a commitment to protecting the common patrimony of Nigerians by preventing the assets from falling into the hands of sharks, assets strippers and cannibals while also guarding against the fueling of further inequities in the society and polity.”

    All it requires is for the President to dissect this message and ask: who exactly are these sharks, assets strippers and cannibals of our collective patrimony in the era of change? If he does, maybe he would find them among those ogling around him, nestling him to continue making the mistakes that may end up perching him atop the ladder of Nigeria’s greatest mistake in a post-military era. The good thing about all this is that the choice is his to make. So, what would it be, my dear President?

  • If only Mama Peace remembers… (2)

    By the way, there is no law that says your husband must remain in office for two terms if the electorates think otherwise. In a democracy, the power is in the thumb and not in the wishful thinking of any candidate regardless of whether such person is an incumbent. And so, it beggars belief that you were quoted as insisting that nothing would stop your “moving train” from completing “our two terms in office.” As usual, you quoted the constitution out of context by insisting at the Benin rally that: “Everybody is staying there for eight years. Now it’s our turn. We must complete our eight years. It is in the constitution of this country. Two,  two terms. We will complete our two terms and hand over.” Ha! I bet you wouldn’t have babbled this vomit if you had paused for a while to reflect on the likely consequences if the wife of the late President Umaru Yar’Adua had insisted on the implementation of this your queer interpretation of the Nigerian Constitution. Fact is: you missed he point Madam. That power your husband holds in trust for the people can be withdrawn and given to another person in the general election. Of course, he is entitled to contest for another term but his fate to remain in the office for another term lies squarely in the thumb of every eligible voter. The Nigerian electorate alone reserves the right to determine whose ‘turn’ it is to occupy Aso Villa and that’s a legitimate route to oust a moving train!

    Also, there is something about your split image that unnerves the spirit—the way you cuddle peace with the cold comfort of a warrior! You crave peace with the biting pellets of hate on the campaign tuft. Aside the hate messages filtering from the embittered mouth of the man you gloriously called your ‘junior husband’, Governor Ayo Fayose of Ekiti State, no other Nigerian has physically unleashed terrifyingly annoying language to malign the person of General Buhari than you. If you were not calling Buhari a spent force on diapers at 70 like some person’s mother, you would be busy diagnosing him as brain dead. If you were not indicting him for spending “donkey years” in office as a military Head of State for less than 20 months, you would be regaling in the assumption that your husband was contesting with an ‘expired drug.’ If you were not casting aspersions on a tribe as ‘born troway’, you would be somewhere encouraging people to stone anyone that dared to chant the word ‘change.’

    Mama Peace, here was what you said about peace: “I am a peaceful person and I preach peace anywhere I go. They are looking for a fight; they are looking for war. They are troublesome people. That is why they went and took expired drugs. Now they are crying. They are the people stoning people and nobody talked.”

    Peace, as Albert Einstein puts it, “is not merely the absence of war but the presence of justice, of law, of order —in short, of government.” As a woman who never gets tired of describing herself as “good” with the belief that your husband has given Nigerians all they ever wanted in a democracy, there should be no need for the veiled threats and outright abuse of power. Or could it be that you opened yourself to the corrupt nature of power which corrupts absolutely? For a man who has given a good account of himself as far as good governance is concerned, people really didn’t understand why Mama Peace was nursing an eternally disturbing phobia that her husband may end up in jail should he fail to make it back to Aso Villa. They ask: What scares Patience Jonathan? Why does she think she may have to be taking food to a good man in prison when no court of competent jurisdiction has indicted her husband?

    Well, I am the least qualified to answer their questions. All I can offer, Madam, is my One Kobo advice: when next you go on the campaign train on behalf of your husband, employ the simplest of language to drum home your points. Stop the posturing, whining over inanities that trigger comical laughter even within the hired crowd. Just beseech them to vote for your husband because he is a good husband that overlooks the laughable excesses of a loving wife just that peace would prevail! No more forays into uncharted territories that continue to serve as veritable raw materials for stand-up comedians please!

    Sadly, with the latest development, this is no longer a joke for stand-up comedians. The chicken perches on a tiny strand of rope and none is comfortable. Now, that old saying about a broken egg ought to make sense. Does it?

  • If only Mama Peace remembers… (1)

    Our elders say words are like eggs and once broken, the pieces cannot be gathered into a whole again. Sometimes on March 21, 2015, I had cautioned the then flamboyant First Lady of Nigeria to be wary of the consequences of actions or inaction. Today, and I couldn’t but revisit the piece titled, “For Mama Peace, a speech advisory.” If only she had applied the brakes, then. If only. The piece reads…

    Mama Nigeria or whatever the eternal lickspittle sycophants in the corridors of power chose to label you Ma, let’s just say this is not the right time to embark on such frivolities like that self-delusory courtesies of first ladyship. No disrespect to that office which you are committed to continue holding for yet more years anyway. As the Nigerian Nobel Laureate in Literature, Prof. Wole Soyinka, recently observed, every lady needs to first learn what it means to be a lady before being elevated to the position of a First Lady. That office, though manifestly unconstitutional, is a privilege enjoyed by wives of certain personalities in our warped political arrangement. It’s an unpalatable pill that an ever-docile populace has decided to swallow with tepid equanimity in spite of the persistent abuse of such privileges by previous and present occupiers of that illegal post. And so, it is safe to say that you are not the first and probably won’t be the last to wield a power that was never reposed in you beyond your due recognition as the wife of the President. I hate to use the word domestic appendage because that would be pedestrian. Be that as it may, the least the society expects from you is the deployment of your feminine wit in the physical, emotional and psychological balancing at the home front as the fate of millions of Nigerians hangs on the lean shoulders of your husband, President Goodluck Jonathan.

    In most cases, the wife of the man of power, especially one with the kind of unrestrained power that the Constitution confers on the Nigerian president, is expected to be the moral compass that ought to temper the likely temptation of an abuse. I want to assume that you are conversant with the elementary theory of power to wit: it is said to be held in trust for the good governance of the people. It is also my belief that you must have heard the time-worn saying that “power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely.” Now, I need not stress your wit by asking you to discuss the fundamental ideology behind that statement. We all know that John Dalberg-Acton constructed that masterpiece, right? Generally, power is a double-edged sword. On one hand, it intoxicates. On the other, it is temporal. This means no one wields power ad-infinitum. It must end one day and that is why common sense dictates that it should be exercised with utmost caution.

    Madam, do not get it twisted. We are not unmindful of the fact that your husband would, once in a while, attempt to wield power crudely. Such is the ruinous allure of power. For someone who should ordinarily redirect her husband from treading that path of infamy, it is shocking that you have comfortably adjusted yourself to the situation with cold ease. If the bootlickers in and around the seat of power relish telling the President only what he wants to hear, it is your responsibility to pull his nose down the reality lane. You are to help him in keeping his head straight and focused. Unfortunately, you have hardly displayed any of these attributes in words and in deed. You are a direct opposite of what you say you are. As they say it in the creeks, ‘you don fall ya Oga hand, no be small.’ How? You asked. I will explain.

    The problem really has nothing to do with your refusal to remain an ordinary domestic appendage in Aso Rock. I doubt if it is even about your outlandish comical showmanship. Most Nigerians are used to such executive comic relief in an economically challenged environment. They could even forgive the occasional flailing and railing. After all, you are human too and blood, we assume, flows in your motherly vein. What is difficult to stomach, our dear Madam Peace, is the violence and murderous intent embedded in your grammatically wonderful speeches, especially in the bid to get votes for the President who happens to be your husband. They worry not just because of the bare-knuckle punches you unleash on the use of Mama Charlie’s language. Instead, they marvel at the utter discourteousness and sheer baloney in your speech. Rather than wooing the electorate on the strength of your convictions, you tend to be convicting your husband in the court of public opinion. Painfully, and mercifully so, your speechmaking is a disaster to the art of oratory and many parents must have real fears about the likely future of children who dutifully follow or learn your mis-command of the English language.

    Take, for example, your latest attempt at wowing the crowd in Ado Ekiti the other day. As usual, it was a bad copy of what electoral marketing is all about. Simply put, you were a bundle of contradictions. So, you knew right from the onset that you were an illegal occupant of a non-existent Office of the First Lady and that you were just a wife of the President? Wonderful! Question is: why the persistent abuse of the privileges as a wife of President Jonathan? Each time you stepped out to market your husband as a presidential product, you ended up raising doubts about his competence to continue on that seat with the kind of questions you posed.

     

  • This inflatable kite will fly into damnation

    Come to think of it, the speed at which this government of President Muhammadu Buhari has been fiddling with the luck that has sustained it in times past is benumbing. It appears no one, in Aso Rock Villa, remembers that patience is not an infinitely elastic commodity anywhere in the world. When a suffering, yet understanding populace gets pushed to the wall, the natural instinct is not only to fight but fight dirty. When this romance started some months back, no one would have imagined that we would be singing a sorrowful dirge this early on the journey to nationhood.  By the way, who were those yamheads flying the kite of another increase in the price of petroleum products at a time this? And let no one tell me that those testing the waters did it without the support of some heartless fellows in the corridors of power. That would be absolute balderdash. We are no longer strangers to how the cabal in that sector works and this latest treachery is not an exception.

    How did it happen that, barely a year and four months into a four-year tenure, the man who wowed us with the populist statement of being “friend to everybody and friend to nobody” canticle has taken a 360-degree turnaround? Could it be the same Buhari who vowed to leave no rock unturned in his search for the abducted Chibok girls during the pre-election period that stone-facedly rebuffed a meeting with members of the BringBackOurGirls group last Tuesday? It is, indeed, laughable, worrisome and sad that some ‘arrangee’ crowd would hastily be packaged as a “pro-Buhari supporters’ group” with the sole aim of barring the Oby Ezekwesili-led peaceful group from meeting or pressurising the President to walk his talk. Even former President Goodluck Jonathan would giggle in stupefaction on hearing this piece of sorry tale! I would have been shocked If the police had not played the usual despicable role of asking for a permit from the protesters. If they did so under Jonathan, why should things be different under a President who had chosen to shove off the ladder through which he climbed, with majestic piety, onto the presidential pedestal? Now, the newly-confirmed Inspector General of Police, Ibrahim Idris, has found a new project to handle as a bootlicker—the Chibok protesters. He is the new musician in town, singing the enough is enough song. Now, I guffaw.

    I am yet to fathom why it is difficult for the President and his men to understand the deep mess in which this country has found itself. Statistics show that more Nigerians have lost jobs in the last one year than in the last 16 years of the much-criticized reign of the Peoples Democratic Party. The unemployment rate grows with geometrical progression – at a speed that should scare genuine leaders and all those who still earn some sort of a living. The silent killer called depression creeps into the lives of many while some are barely trudging on with the hope that this recession would not consume them. Yet while people die of hunger, government is far from convincing itself about the severity of what millions are going through daily. Those who couldn’t stand the heat resort to suicide. The other day in a suburb of Lagos, it was a young man that hung himself with a rope in an uncompleted building simply because he could not pay for a one-room apartment in his ghetto area of Aboru. Then, in Abuja, another young man reportedly committed suicide after an endless wait for the payment of monies owed him by a Federal agency. There abound many unreported cases of fatal deaths due to the harsh economic conditions. We cannot begin to recall the increasing number of tragedies that have befallen some homes including how Nigerians have now resorted to the self-help of stealing food items from homes. It has never been this bad. Families now scavenge for food while many able-bodied men have resorted to begging. The reality is that some persons are already in a recession even before the government accepted that fact.

    And then, you ask: what is the Buhari government doing about it? Someone said the other day that this government is needlessly paranoid with the past administration so much so that it has become uninspiringly clueless. Other countries that suffered recession did not sit on their hands and inflict more pains on the citizens. What they did was to inspire confidence and create a sense of community with a bonding that reawakened national pride. Here, what we have is an ebbing patriotism and a disjointed centre riddled with suppressed feelings of mutual suspicion. We have not only politicised this recession, we equally underestimate its potential to wreak the gravest damage on our collective humanity.

    When they say there is hunger in the land, some people think it is just the inability to fill our stomachs with food. No, it is deeper than that. And that is where this government is getting it wrong by asking people to go the farms. The hard truth is that farming will never get us out of this self-inflicted famine just like the oil boom has left us in gloom. For as long as we maintain our voracious appetite for consuming things we never manufacture, we will remain in the doldrums. For as long as we have a civil service system that is creatively indolent but stupendously rich, we will forever live this deceit. And for as long as President Buhari believes he still has the unquestioning backing of that vociferous crowd that voted him into power last year, he would continue to take those damning steps that would only lead him to doom. He may not believe it. But the truth is that what he has behind him these days is nothing but a band of hired praise-singers—–the type that tried to confront the Oby Ezekwesili group the other day.

    I want to assume that the same crowd could be behind those beating this fresh drum of fuel price increase. If that is the case, then the President’s arch enemies must be living right under his nostrils without him perceiving the putrid odour. In the long history of fuel price increase in this country, not one Nigerian leader, military or civilian, enjoyed the kind of goodwill extended to Buhari when he removed subsidy on Premium Motor Spirit earlier in the year. In the past, the streets would have been lit with the fires of violence. But for Buhari, it appeared he pulled much wool over the eyes of the organised labour and the entire nation. We all took it as a painful pill that we needed to swallow so that this eternally limping country can walk again. Today, that decision still hurts millions of people in countless ways. They just bite their pain in silence, hoping that things would soon get better.

    And so, it would be a tragedy of unimaginable proportion if anyone thinks the best way to compensate an already sapped people is to inflict another misery of fuel price increase on them. I just don’t know why they think they can push their luck this far without dire consequences. If this government can, for once, be truthful to itself, it would accept the fact that it has done nothing other than to sing from the songs of lamentation since its inauguration on May 29, 2015. It promised mass recruitment of the unemployed but that remains a project in the making. It speaks of diversification but that train is annoyingly slow. It is in a battle with elements that looted the treasury in the past while fresh, refined looters take over the space. All it has done is to blame its failings on the sleaze of the past as if it lacks the vision to create its own wealth by managing the little it can generate. With falling crude prices in the international market, it beggars belief that the Buhari government has failed to exploit a peaceful means of interfacing with the militants of the Niger Delta in exchange for a steady and safe delivery of the product. What the needless confrontation has caused us is a loss of over one million barrels of crude daily according to the Vice President, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo. Do we know what that means to this sinking economy? Does anyone know the ripple effect this is having on our fortunes as a people?

    Well, in case they don’t know or they have simply refused to see the full picture, here is a glimpse of what we are currently facing as captured in a statement by the Trade Union Congress: “Businesses are shutting down, leading to millions of job losses, which of course have accentuated increased cases of crime and other vices. The economy is already on its knees, and it is our thinking that the priority of government now should be how to salvage the situation through other creative and resourceful avenues, such as: downwardly reviewing the cost of governance, creating friendly business environment and jobs, diversifying the economy, setting up an economic team that would creatively fashion out modalities to navigate the stormy waters of recession. If persons in government feel our pains as it claims to do, then the news that people are already exchanging their children for bags of rice should prick their conscience.”

    Thunder may not have struck when this government broke all the rules and lured us to buying PMS at N145 per litre some months back. Nigerians bent backwards then. This time, I just hope the President would decipher the handwriting on the wall and restrain the urge to press the button that may bring the roof crashing down on his head. It is not too late to put a call through to Jonathan and ask him when the shoes started hurting him!

  • Pain, gain and change

    When I remember the fact that Nigeria is now officially in a recession, the shamelessness of officially-licensed larceny going on in the National Assembly with the Abdulmumin Jibrin’s ‘confessions’ and the crying poverty biting the common and the not-so-common citizenry, I can’t help but revisit this piece published in January 2. No doubt, it is going to be a long way to economic recovery for this country if the authorities continue playing the ostrich…

    In this period of good tidings, it is generally assumed that the beginning of another year should ignite the feeling of hope across the world. Unfortunately, you rarely see the jollity or good feelings of the season on the face of the average Nigerian. Instead, he bears a melancholic, plastic smile on the face; in spite of everything around him, he wants to feel and seem happy. But repressed concerns and emotions surface into the consciousness now and then. For him, the rude joke of belt-tightening has gone beyond ‘be careful’ as they say in the suburb. Ironically, in this period of joyful bloom elsewhere, all that surrounds him is a pall of gloom. It becomes manifestly clear when he realises that the 2014 celebration, though low-keyed with the crumbs he could muster for the family, was far better than the no-budget reality that gnawed at him last year. The people on our streets are not smiling even when the government has not officially declared any austerity crisis. The pain and anguish of a deflated economy are already biting without anyone knowing when its reality would be officially made public. Yes, it is an era of change with a promise of a brighter tomorrow. What confounds the citizen is the possibility of not seeing that tomorrow if nothing urgent is done now, to save him from becoming a casualty of the present economic strangulation. Crudely put, this country is wobbling on its legs!

    As I write this, I can only imagine the number of families that celebrated Christmas in 2015 with the mood of a horde mourning the death, not the birth, of Jesus Christ. It is not just about those who could excuse the tragedy on a curious ‘presidential order’ that civil servants be paid salaries on the eve of a 5-day long public holidays. It is more about that commoner on the street who forages for fate daily in a society that has lost its humanity due to the raw greed of the privileged few. It is not just about the pain that aggravates the heart of the one who was used to drawing infectious laughter out of the harsh faces of few beneficiaries from his generosity both far and wide.  This year, he just could not do anything while being rendered useless by the asphyxiating economic conundrum in which the country has found itself. It is more about the unmitigated gloom that most families have been thrown into, in a season of imprisoned hope.

    And so, when President Muhammadu Buhari drew applause with his inspirational canticles on the floor of the National Assembly during the presentation of the 2016 Budget the other day, many had thought that the three-volume documents would be spared the perennial repetitive streak that has turned the annual ritual into a waste of precious time by all. But if feelers are anything to go by, then President Buhari would need more than elevated language to convince anyone that The Presidency is not about to shift into higher gear towards exceeding the benumbing profligacy of the immediate past tenants. Yes, Buhari may not have watched idly like Jonathan did when he stamped his presidential imprimatur on the illegal sharing of billions of Naira to apologists, hangers-on and unscrupulous aides by the former National Security Adviser, Col. Sambo Dasuki. Maybe he wouldn’t have tolerated the callous rape of the treasury by all manner of characters hanging around the corridors of power in the guise of protecting a weakling whose main interest was returning to office by all means possible. Well, those who participated in the heist are facing the odd music being played by the orchestra of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission.

    Having said this, some seven months into the life of the Buhari government (now more that 14 months), we are not exactly sure if anything significantly different has changed in the way Abuja is doing things. It is one thing for Buhari to wax poetic about how deeply sorry he was to see the anguish on Nigerian faces as they eke for a slice of porridge in a challenging economic terrain. It is definitely another bitter pill to swallow when we were treated to the shocking reality that the details of the 2016 national budget reflect nothing more than a continuation of the wasteful allocations of the past 16 years. Simply put, there is something unnerving about a budget that seems to appropriate more money for The Presidency to service the luxurious tastes of a few individuals in an era of recession. Unless Buhari convinces Knuckle-headed me that he never saw the breakdown of what Aso Rock would gulp before rushing to the National Assembly to wow us with his “I feel your pain” lyrics, then I align with those who have refused to be overoptimistic about that three-tome disaster called a budget!

    In case none of his aides has been bold enough to tell him, there is a world of difference between saying the right things and doing what ought to be done to instill sanity into a system that is corrosively corrupt. How can a Buhari, an epitome of frugal living, justify the allocation of a whopping N3.6bn for the purchase of posh BMW cars for his office in the 2016 budget? Why must the State House change cutleries in a yearly ritual that gulps millions of Naira of taxpayers’ sweat? We thought that era of sickening madness had gone with the Jonathan mistake. What we did not bargain for is the report that the present change agents, whose Aso Rock residence was refurbished shortly before moving in in May last year, would be needing N387m to renovate a guest house; N47m to furnish the guest house; N27m to buy computers and N764m to provide recreational facilities. If we labelled Jonathan reckless for cornering N944m for his foreign and local junkets in 2015, why shouldn’t we cry daylight murder if Buhari now plans to hug the skies in 2016 with N1.4bn only? And what’s that thing we hear about the appropriation of N189m to purchase tyres for vehicles?

    To be fair to Buhari, he has drastically cut down on the gluttonous allocation for food in the last ten years or more. But The Presidency budget is not just about bread and butter alone. There is little or less to cheer in a budget that projects to spend N29bn, about N5bn more than what Jonathan spent last year, on certain fussy sub-heads. It is not just about the bloated figure but also about the list of spend. Besides the questions hanging over the planned purchase of exotic vehicles to mostly political appointees, it beggars belief and logical reasoning that Mr. Buhari’s palatial residence would be needing N326m for wildlife conservation and the purchase of exotic animals. Pray, wouldn’t Jonathan be laughing his head off especially when we took him to the cleaners for daring to spend common N24.6m on the same subhead last year? Like I wrote in a piece last year, I still cannot fathom any cogent reason why they keep on changing ‘canteen material and kitchen equipment’ every year in Aso Rock. Now, we are being told that N89m would be needed in 2016 to change cutleries; about five million naira more would be added to the N11m spent last year in the Vice President’s office to buy foodstuff and catering services; N12m for recreational materials and N30m to purchase tool boxes, car jacks and diagnostic machines for Buhari’s bulletproof cars! If care is not taken, I may abandon this thankless job and take up appointment as an apprentice motor mechanic in Aso Rock!

    I’m personally pained that the mistakes of the past have crept into this latest experiment at budgeting, thereby exposing the government to ridicule. It is either someone had failed to do his job with the seriousness it required or the government has refused to take the feelings of the common person seriously. You can only attract condemnation when you come out with a budget that ingloriously assumes that it is perfectly cool to spend a whopping N27m on buying C-caution sign triangles, fire extinguishers and cables. Do they think something better couldn’t have been done with N114m instead of wasting it on the upgrade of internet infrastructure in the State House?

    I perfectly understand that the State House needs to be heavily protected especially with the state of general insecurity in the land. Yet, one wouldn’t mind if the drafters of this bogus budget can explain why they need N100m for ‘Active Devices for State House Network’ and another N35m for security appliances, licenses and computer anti-virus software. How much of these gadgets were purchased last year and why should they crop up in the 2016 budget again? Now, what kind of ‘All-eye” surveillance project would be costing the Office of the National Security Adviser to install at N8.7bn with another N9bn going into what this paper tagged an esoterically-named “Stravinsky Project” in this budget of humongous figures?

    We may go on and on about the fundamental errors in the Buhari budget. In fact, some persons may even justify the appropriations. However, what is not in doubt is that The Presidency has failed to lead by example in its campaign of change by failing to cut down on its excesses and needless longing for impudent prodigality. In his budget summation at the National Assembly, Buhari said: “I know the state of our economy is a source of concern for many, worsened by the unbridled corruption and security challenges we have faced in the last few years. Fellow Nigerians, the confidence of many might be shaken. However, I stand before you today promising that we will secure our country, rebuild our economy, and make the Federal Republic of Nigeria stronger than it has even been”.

    Quite a number of persons would naturally doubt how these lofty ideals can be achieved if this unproductive tradition of profligate spending is yet to be nipped in the bud right under the nose of a President with a knack for simple if not rustic living. There is nothing reflective of Buhari’s hyped love for Spartan life and moderation in this budget! Nothing at all to show that we have changed for the better. Should the rot persist, then that would be the greatest pain, the deepest disappointment for the masses in this experimental journey of change. Will Buhari call for a re-jig of The Presidency’s appropriations for 2016 to reflect the pain he claims to feel for the suffering masses? Now that’s a tall order.

    You know what? Now that we are officially in the red, can we have a new figure on The Presidency’s spend reflecting all the cuts from the initial humongous figures that were hastily yanked off the official site of the Budget Office? Can we know if this recession bites them too?