Category: Yomi Odunuga

  • Atiku’s Mbeki and our political lilliputians 

    If inspiring speeches and test of character were to be the key indices that would define the outcome of the 2019 Presidential Election, perhaps President Muhammadu Buhari and former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar would find it hard to be heard or received with much seriousness in some places. Unfortunately, the candidates that Nigerians ought to have serious interest in seeing or hearing are presently operating down the ladder, stridently trying to make their feeble voices heard in a political system that panders more to the hollow noise in the marketplace amidst a lackluster economic situation. Regardless of how hard they try to flaunt their intellectual capacity and varied experience both locally and internationally, these voices would continue to resonate in the wilderness until those who determine who gets what begin to see things beyond their selfish and parochial interest. Quite honestly, if Nigeria’s realities deeply matter, Buhari and Atiku wouldn’t be the two sides of a bad coin that Nigerians would be left to pick from in the coming election. Sadly, they remain the leading contenders.

    To say the truth, what we have in our hands are two products of doubtful authenticity shrouded in self-claimed delusion of grandeur. And that’s what makes it a hard choice, really. When you ask those hankering for an articulate Atiku candidacy after he routed some more intellectually savvy aspirants in the race at their Port Harcourt convention, they gleefully tell you he is the best man for the job; they mumble something about his tested record of being an employer of labour, waving a list of his economic wizardry as deputy to former President Olusegun Obasanjo during an era in which they claim to have witnessed a profoundly positive turnaround of the economy. And when you try to point out loads of failed moves that cost the nation billions in losses under the same Atiku, they shout you down. Conversely too, the same vacuous adulation applies to those diehard Buhari supporters who blindly assert that he is the next best thing to happen in the history of Nigeria’s democracy despite his loads of crying failures that include gross indifference to rampant waste of human lives and an almost suicidal obduracy in pointing a gun to his own head where one had expected him to apply wisdom.

    Let’s face it, the greatest lie anyone could spin about the Buhari administration is the propaganda that credits it with living up to its countless but unfulfilled electoral promises. How? In many ways than one, we must admit that this administration has been a huge disappointment especially in ushering in the positive change it adumbrated as the core of its mandate. Some bare knuckle truth wouldn’t be a bad idea in forging forward. It is also laughable for anyone to assume that the narrative would change if given another chance to enforce a change that has been carried out in the breach in the last three years unless Buhari has decided to adopt an all-encompassing leadership style which has been lacking for reasons best known to him. Sometimes, you ask if Buhari understands the complexities that define multi-ethnic Nigeria and if they matter to him in taking decisions. He doesn’t appear or behave as one who does.

    On the flip side, when you ask the cheer leaders of the Atiku-must-be-president band to justify the optimism that his presidency would lead to economic prosperity, they tell you that he would allow money to flow freely and ‘everybody would get something as it was under the President Goodluck Jonathan administration!” Now, don’t dare ask how because you’d be pushing your luck too far. For them, it is enough to have a belief in an Atiku that would open the vault of the Central Bank of Nigeria for all to ‘chop’ according to their social status. With that, they assume Nigeria’s multilateral problems including insurgency would be over. Atiku is the cure-all medicine that would wipe away Buhari’s clannish and feudalistic reign, they tell you. If Buhari was, according to them, unqualified to rule the country because of the controversy around his secondary school certificate, it is a breath of fresh air that an Atiku, with a Diploma in Law, would work wonders on the Nigerian economy. His alleged past misdeeds as captured by Obasanjo and other bodies count for nothing as no single case of corruption is hanging on his neck at any court of competent jurisdiction, they argue. Besides, he is the only candidate with the financial muscle to tackle the ruling party naira for naira, dollar for dollar and pounds sterling for pound sterling. That’s the template for the 2019 election. It is a money contest and lots of it would flow.

    Then, you ask: What is the fate of cerebral candidates like Donald Duke, a fine gentleman that exudes limitless sartorial elegance in and out of office as two-time governor of Cross River State? Is Duke, a qualified lawyer and tested hands in governance matters, not better than the one that holds an ordinary Diploma in Law? Shouldn’t we be looking at his chances with the Social Democratic Party? What’s wrong with putting our fate in the feminine but caring hands of Anambra State-born Oby Ezekwesili, a woman whose soul and heart crave nothing but a better Nigeria for all? By now, Oby, who holds a Master’s degree in International Law and Diplomacy from the University of Lagos and another one in Public Administration from the Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, her quality training with the firm of Deloitte and Touche and qualified chartered accountant, should be top on the lips of those who truly want change for the country. But that would never happen as long we always want to climb to the top through the window.

    It won’t happen because, like Oby’s Allied Congress Party of Nigeria, Dr. Obadiah Mailafia’s African Democratic Congress is handicapped not only due to inadequate funding but also because the hawks of power are either in Buhari’s All Progressives Congress or Atiku’s Peoples Democratic Party. And, in this game, Mailafia’s deep knowledge of the Nigerian economy and rich resume as a Career Economist, Banker and International Development Specialist coupled with service to fatherland as a Deputy Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria and Special Adviser to the President on Economic and Policy Matters, mean nothing. He is just another candidate that would fill the space and record a couple of thousands as votes if not hundreds. So also is Kingsley Moghalu of the Young Progressive Party. You wonder why people waste precious time making a song and dance of Buhari’s school certificate or celebrating Atiku’s diploma when they could have easily switched allegiance to Moghalu, who happens to be more than qualified to be in that office. His resume speaks volume: He is a political economist, lawyer, former United Nations official and Professor in International Business and Public Policy from The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University. Moghalu is also the Founder of Sogato Strategies LLC and a Senior Adviser of the Official Monetary and Financial Institutions Forum (OMFIF) having worked with the Central Banking Journal as Contributory Editor. When you hear him talk, you just get that feeling that his passion for a transformed Nigeria is skin deep. But does that really matter?

     

    • Continued online

    www.staging.thenationonlineng.net

     

     

     

     

     

    There are many others in the race who, given a level-playing field, would have silenced the cacophonous ululation over the emergence of an Alhaji Atiku to face his Northern brother in the presidential contest. I’m sure the North has better qualified persons who would have vied for the job if the dynamics were to be different. But since this is all about permutations and deft calculations that would ensure the continuation of the mercantilist’ grip on power by proxy, we are stuck with what we have in our hands. Already, Atiku is up to the intriguing game by flying the kite of a single term of four years in power. He has decided reenact a script he once penciled Obasanjo as lead character in the run-off to the 2003 elections—the Nelson Mandela role. Rather that succumb to Atiku’s blackmail which was part of his sinister plot to become President as early as possible, Obasanjo had rebuffed the move, snidely pointing out that while the Madiba had the luxury of handing over to a soul mate in the name of Thabo Mbeki to continue with the ideals of the African National Congress, there was no Mbeki-like character on hand for him to relinquish power to. For those who followed the politics of that period, that was the beginning of the prolonged war between Obasanjo and Atiku until the recent reconciliation in Abeokuta.

    Now that Atiku seems to have assumed the position of Mandela by opting to sign an undertaking to serve one term, one is tempted to ask if he has found a willing Mbeki in his running mate and former Governor of Anambra State, Dr. Peter Obi. If that were the case, is it possible to know the worth of that undertaking? What guarantees are there that Atiku would be compelled to walk his talk when he mounts the presidential seat? Is that agreement binding on all other party members both in the South-East where Obi comes from and the other five geo-political zones? Was there a time in the history of our political permutations in Nigeria when such undertakings were obeyed to the letter? As it was in the past, would Atiku not become a captive to power by succumbing to pressures by his ‘teeming supporters’ to spend another four years so that he could finish the job? And, like Buhari, would he not come to the realisation in office that four years is too short a time to make an impact that would stand the test of time? Should that happen, would his ‘Mbeki’ to-be not cry blue murder and fight tooth and nail like Atiku did to Obasanjo in 2003?

    Only time will unveil the fascinating possibilities that may emerge from these pregnant questions. We wait for time to unveil the hidden secret. Time.

     

     

  • Anenih’s death and today’s fixers

    In his book, “My Life And Nigerian Politics”, Chief Tony Anenih confessed that though he was not thrilled by the ‘Mr. Fix It’ sobriquet which had stuck with him till the grim reaper came knocking on his door last Sunday, there was nothing he could do about it. He expressed shock that the influence he wielded in military and political circles must have informed the belief that he could never fail in any task he set before himself. Fortunately, he said he didn’t believe in that delusion as he was just a mere mortal, stretching himself to the limits with the aim of achieving result. And there was no doubting the fact that he did miss some steps on his life’s journey while he got his nose rubbed on the harsh floor a couple of times to make him realise that he was just human after all. He had power yet power did not avail him at one point or the other. That, to him, exemplifies the dynamics of quotidian living. Nothing is fixed. Nothing lasts forever. Everything is in a flux and it is subjected to the vagaries of time. And then, the ultimate reality that death fixes all humans at its chosen time.

    Since the official announcement of his final exit, loads of political heavyweights have been trooping to his homes in Abuja and Edo to rehash the usual nice things we say about the dead here. They go through the drill of signing condolence registers and write about the legacies the dead left behind even when they were not sure about any. After that, we proceed to celebrate the life that was well spent in the service of God and humanity even if the dead were an atheist with a fatalist mentality. We are wired never to speak ill of the dead. Be that as it may, are we also programmed not to learn hard lessons from the dead and readjust our lifestyles? I ask because I’m yet to see if any of those power drunk politicians huffing and puffing has taken time to think about the vanity of it all. At least, it should count for something that a man reputed with the ability to fix anything including who should occupy the highest office in the land (he was famously known for his ‘no vacancy in Aso Rock’ declaration to former Vice President Atiku Abubakar) would just die like that, having disappeared from the limelight for quite a while.

    When I think about Anenih’s death, it occurs to me that, instead of rushing to his homes to score cheap political points and fill condolence registers with hollow, flowery words, our pretentious, modern day ‘Mr. Fix It’ should have a deep introspection and decide whether it was worth the trouble to insist on planting their preferred stooges in power. And here, I speak specifically about the crisis the leadership of the All Progressives Congress is facing within its fold. Sometimes, you wonder what is so special about power that makes men to adorn the toga of demi gods. In Ogun State, for example, Governor Ibikunle Amosun’s bloated ego is pushing him to the precipice of self-destruct. To say the truth, all the attributes I used to admire in Senator Amosun in those days in Abuja before mother luck elevated him to the position of state chief executive were no longer there. Now, he is all pumped up; self-serving and egoistic.

    They say you would never know the true colour of a man until you try him with three things—money, women and power. In all these, power appears to be the greatest intoxicant which depresses common sense and imbues the individual with a false sense of infallibility. It is that kind of dubious arrogance that pushes Amosun to imagine that he could unilaterally fix his choice lackeys into all positions open for electoral contest in the state without the consent of equally powerful stakeholders in the APC. If you ask me if there was anything wrong with someone in his position having a preferred aspirant as successor, I will tell you it was nothing out of the ordinary going by the kind of politics we play here. What is unacceptable was the crude and irrational method he sought to bully his way through. Listening to him in one particular occasion, he sounded as someone whose decision cannot be questioned by any other person, flaunting his presumed closeness to President Muhammadu Buhari as an ace. If the game had been played that way eight years down the line, Amosun wouldn’t have been governor. It took a lot of horse-trading, negotiations and sacrifice by other people before Amosun got the green light to contest after the humiliation he suffered then as the candidate of the All Nigerian Peoples Congress. No one knew he had the force of power to bully his way then. And, if all politics are local as they say here, he should have known that he doesn’t have the capacity to lord it over other party members who care less about the frequency with which he drops Buhari’s name!

    Some would say his counterparts in other states got away with the same thing. Yes, that may be true. But did Amosun and Imo State’s Rochas Okorocha find out if the dynamics were the same? Even the late Anenih would tell you that, in political battles, a wise man should know when to withdraw and reach a compromise to avoid ending up with a bloody nose. And he did receive some devastating blows in his lifetime. I’m sorry to say that Amosun and his co-travellers now threatening fire and brimstone over the outcome of the party primaries in their states didn’t tread with that wisdom tucked in their flowing babanriga or oversized fila. When you look at the fate of Governor Abdulaziz Yari of Zamfara State in his attempt to foist his handpicked candidates on the party, you would see the folly in underrating the other camp, which works clinical dexterity to deflate the ego of an overrated Mr. Fix It. It is not just about the deployment of raw power. It comes with a large dose of intricate political intrigue with measured accuracy. The truth is that these persons, though powerful with access to huge war chest, are neophytes on the tuft. Now, they are at their wit’s end trying to fix the mess they found themselves. They have been sulking for weeks, wondering what hit them. Well, I can only wish them luck as they run from pillar to post on a salvage mission that may end up in disgrace.

    Should that happen, the reason is quite simple—they didn’t take time to study Anenih’s template on how to fix and unfix. According to him, the manual has little to do with the cacophonous and empty grandstanding that these persons have displayed in the past few weeks. Instead, it involves strategic planning and the ability to accept what cannot be changed so that one can lick one’s wound with some bit of dignity.

    Listen to Anenih: “In this story of my life, I have not tried in any way to portray myself as a saint or the ideal politician. I have only set out what I know, what I did and what I believe in. Though I may not be a saint, this is not to say that I am singularly or particularly a sinner or devil. I am just a pragmatic and altruistic individual who is not given to abstract theorizing but more inclined to practical realities and solutions. I walk the path of the possible. I cherish planning for targeted goals and the careful choice of means to a given or envisaged end.

    “All I do is to devise ways and means to tread such paths rapidly and as smoothly as can be. In the process, I have acquired a reputation for never failing. I am aware that some have given me the sobriquet of “Mr. Fix-it.”  I am not thrilled by the nickname but there is nothing I can do about it. On the Nigerian political scene, I have only tried to play my part in the true Shakespearian sense of

    “All the world’s a stage,

     

    And all the men and women merely players:

     

    They have their exits and their entrances;

     

    And one man in his time plays many parts.”

    This is not the right time to interrogate those moments of betrayals and base treachery that we are all too familiar with especially the events that led to the murder of Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, the true hero of the June 12 saga. However, it is instructive enough that Anenih acknowledged the fact that he was never a saint neither was he a wholesome devil. He fixed a number of things and his fingers were burnt in many others. He knew when to apply the brakes and chew his loss within the four corners of his wall. It is this vital lesson that those who are struggling to emulate him by insisting that governance should be run by their cronies, lackeys and relatives alone have failed to imbibe. And that is why, right before their eyes, the power is slipping out of their hands as they cry blue murder. Can they fix it?

     

     

  • A future dissembled on the altar of Inane religiosity

    How many more innocent lives would be wasted before we come to the reality that this unfettered depravity puts a giant question mark on our collective humanity? I have tried to wrap my head around this, yet I couldn’t just make headway. Why, I ask, do ordinary men take up the job of killing for God? Which indoctrination pushes a man to pump hot lead into the bodies of his unarmed victims in the name of a religion that criminalises the faith and fate of others? Why do they kill faithful of all religions and what makes their own brand of faith superior? And when will this sickening madness stop? Where in the holy book was it written that the path to godly living is founded upon this extremely sadistic flood of innocent blood? In short, where do men borrow the script to play God in the affairs of men?

    As I sit down to write this, my head aches. The keyboard tasks one’s patience with its stiffness. Yet, with trembling hands, the words struggle to find expression on the blank page. If we don’t speak out, how would the world know that we were never tired of appealing to their sense of reason? And it didn’t start today. It started when the bombs kept flying and the body bags were being counted in hundreds of thousands. We said Abuja could play all the politics but it cannot afford to turn its back on the raging fire of an insurgency that appears to be crippling its existence. We saw death when it came too close for comfort in the plume of flames that damaged the United Nations building in Abuja; we saw it at Banex Plaza when once-bubbly lives were darkened by the campaign of hate that was delivered through IEDs; we saw it in Nyanyan that fateful morning when charred remains of human flesh were splashed on the streets. We felt the grief in Adamawa, Kano, Yobe, Plateau and Borno where death became so cheap that living became a matter of luck. We recorded flashes of terror here and there. We couldn’t have forgotten Buni Yadi or even Chibok and many of those conflagrations. We just knew it didn’t smell good. Terror can never be good news and it was taking too long to nip it in the bud.

    Now, before our very own eyes, it has taken a life of its own. The enemy is closer home than we thought. They say this faceless enemy is a coward. Yet, his cowardice keeps shredding us into pieces. He is adept at hitting us below the belt, leaving us crestfallen with teardrops flooding down our eyes. When we cry, he sniggers back with rabid lunacy. Or how else can we justify the senselessness in the callous murder of 24-year-old Hauwa Liman, a midwife who was abducted whilst on humanitarian duty in Rann, Borno State? All Hauwa wanted to do was to help the vulnerable, sick and displaced to have a belief in the hope of a better tomorrow.  What she got back was a brutal end to her inspiring life. Put bluntly, she was murdered by the mindless imps who parade themselves as warlords for the gods. She was an aid worker but we didn’t come to her aid when she needed it most. Her captors wasted her the same way they did her colleague, Saifura Ahmed, last month.

    And as if the innocent blood on their hands was not enough, they have threatened to perpetrate heinous crime against the other women in captivity including Leah Sharibu who was abducted in Dapchi with over 100 of her colleagues. While the others were released after a fruitful negotiations with the government, Leah, the only Christian in that group, remains in the hands of the terrorists. As days run into months, the hope of her release dwindles. Thoughts of what could happen to her shatter us. We become hopelessly hopeful. You ask why nothing has been done in effecting her release and those that should know within government circles would tell you ‘everything humanly possible’ was being done to ensure her safe return to the comfort of her anguished parents. Those words, when vocalised, were meant to sooth the nerves. But do they?

    In the past, we had upbraided government for its sanctimonious offering of platitude when disasters happen as if that was its main responsibility. We had thought that that era had gone with the reported daily aerial pummeling of the fortresses where the insurgents were said to be hiding in the North East. But, with the brazenness and cold depravity the insurgents displayed in the killing of the two aid workers and the palpable anger one feels in their threat to make Leah and the other worker slave for life, I doubt if Nigerians still have the patience to listen to platitudes. When President Muhammadu Buhari told Hauwa’s parents that the government did its best to prevent her gruesome murder, there was that strong temptation to assume that he was merely playing the politics of political correctness. Question is: how far did the government go in saving the aid workers’ lives? If they could reach an agreement with the terrorists in the release of over 100 abducted school girls in Dapchi, why was it difficult to secure freedom for Leah Sharibu in all these months? What’s the point in crying when the head is already cut off?

    When Hauwa’s mother said she wouldn’t believe in the fate that was said to have befallen her daughter until she sees her corpse, she was merely looking for an escapist route in fantasy land. Like the parents of Dapchi and Chibok girls, it was not impossible that Hauwa’s mum must have placed implicit trust in the government’s capacity to bring her daughter back to her, broken but not hopeless. Unfortunately, that was not to be. The Limans might not even enjoy the privilege of organising a befitting burial for their wonderful Hauwa. In a country with a scary figure of over 13 million out-of-school children foraging for fate, it is depressing that we daily witness the killings of the lucky few who, through dint of hard work and determination, have been able to cross that barrier of illiteracy. Saifura (a nurse) and Hauwa (a midwife) were examples of how a nation kills its future when criminals are allowed to inflict a reign of terror on hapless citizens by a government that tends to have a close affinity with morbid inaction!

    The prognosis becomes scarier when one interrogates the unmitigated killings that go on daily even in relatively safer locations in the country. Here, we are not talking about the bloody clashes between herders and farmers with hundreds of deaths recorded across the land or even the communal clashes that turn brothers against one another in an elimination battle that exposes the bestiality buried in our plastic laughter. What I speak of is the senseless killings, ritual murders, vicious attacks and accidental discharges that have sent many to their early graves. Just these snippets: Somewhere on the Jos/Bauchi road, a recently retired Maj.-Gen. Idris Alkali went missing. Though his car was later discovered in a lake in what appeared to be premeditated murder, his body is yet to be found. In Kaduna, bandits shot dead two mobile policemen on active duty. In Abuja the other day, four policemen were killed in like manner by yet to be apprehended bandits. And in Mpape Extension, a suburb in Abuja, a trigger-happy policeman in a four-man patrol team opened fire on Miss Anita Akapson and killed her instantly. While the family of the young lady was left to bury the dead, the initial police report indicated that it was a case of mistaken identity. And then you ask: for how long would the police hold on to this silly excuse to explain away its irresponsibility? How come the bullets are being unleashed on innocent citizens while those who have embraced killings as some sports by employing religion as a camouflage keep on inflicting the most horrendous terror on the society? Why?

    Well, so long as Leah Sharibu and other captives remain in the den of the wanton blood suckers holding them, so long would we continue to question the government’s ability to secure the lives and property of all citizens. Would the government continue to wring its hands in surrender as the agents of death ply their trade or would it, for once, stand up to be counted for taking decisive action when it historically matters most? The answer ominously hangs in the sky.

  • OBJ on Atiku: Yesterday, today and tomorrow

    Change, they say, is as constant as the northern star. In other words, we are bound to change at one point or the other. It is one thing that is as sure as the rising and setting of the sun. And so, some would say there is nothing wrong with former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s 360 degree turnaround in acknowledging that his once estranged deputy, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, has acquired the requisite experience and maturity to become Nigeira’s President, some 13 odd years after they both parted ways. I concur, based on the fact that certain principles and dynamics must occur before change happens. Even at that, I guess it would be a bit hasty to generalise that Obasanjo’s new reality about Atiku must be informed by the belief in politics that the meeting point is a belief in permanent interest while enemies are expectedly varied. That is why political ideology has become nothing but a slogan in the lexicon of politicians. What binds most is what slices of the national cake falls into their plates or corners at every negotiating discourse. Scary? No, not really.

    Before we dissect the Obasanjo that spoke so glowingly of Atiku’s capacity to captain this sinking ship of state, let’s meet the OBJ that serially took Atiku to the cleaners, both nationally and internationally, some few years back. In an article titled “Now, Obasanjo spits on own grave” published September 14, 2013, I had surmised that: “There are a thousand and one reasons to dislike former President Olusegun Obasanjo. What one can’t help but admire is his infantile garrulousness. After close to 12 years in office at the highest level of governance, many had expected that Baba would gloriously retire to his Ota farms, tending his chickens and enjoying fresh palm wine away from Abuja’s intriguing politics. No one had thought he would still be that active to disturb a nation’s peace with scathing parodies. It turned out that we had placed too much value on a man who worships nothing but his own ego. We may not have a sense of history but we are not that dumb not to understand why an Obasanjo would forever find it convenient to run his mouth riot on his former deputy, Atiku Abubakar or anyone for that matter.

    “This man sees himself as some kind of superhuman. And he may deny it till the end of life; Obasanjo knows that there is more to his sour relationship with Atiku than the allegations of corruption. Central to this pathological heckling of Atiku at any given opportunity is the ‘disloyal’ role Atiku played in frustrating the self-perpetuation agenda otherwise known as tenure elongation in the days of the long knives. Second was the humiliation that Obasanjo went through in the hands of Atiku before he was eventually given the green light to contest for a second term in office. Aside these two, all other things seem to exist in Obasanjo’s fantasies.

    ‘Before I proceed, I hasten to make this clarification. Atiku does not, by any standard, come close to anyone’s definition of a man without blemish. Like Obasanjo, he is part of the Nigerian problem. He may be a dogged fighter for whatever reasons; he is clearly not doing that purely out of a patriotic calling. He may not have won the war against Obasanjo in the struggle to remain in power; Atiku should be given the credit for winning a battle aimed at consigning him to the dustbin of history. It is also to his credit that the sucker punch he delivered on Obasanjo’s jaws some seven years back has turned the retired Army General into something of the proverbial bird with the broken beak. Perhaps, Obasanjo would have looked elsewhere for a toothpick if Atiku had not chickened out when his lieutenants had expected him to pull the trigger. Today, he is the victim of that grave mistake of 2003 when General Obasanjo was seeking a lifeline on bended knees!’

    That was when OBJ spat hot phlegm into the air and never care a hoot that the rheum landed on his face, swearing with magisterial infallibility, that Atiku must be arrested by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission for what he considered to be Atiku’s unforgivable crimes against his government and the Nigerian state. He had, in the in-house publication of the EFCC, Zero Tolerance, gone on a binge of delirium by not only labeling Atiku an international money launderer ‘frantically being sought by the Government of the United States of America but also accepted that he could not bear the fact that the man still walked on the streets as a free man despite his many sins.

    Reminded that Atiku still travelled to other countries, OBJ blurted: “He travels? Travels to where? To Dubai? Let him go to America and return to Nigeria. Well, I don’t know what the EFCC has found out about him, but I don’t know if he can go to America. Do you know? I am asking you, do you know?”

    That was then. Today, the narrative has changed. Having won the presidential ticket of the Peoples Democratic Party with the potential of realising a life-long ambition to rule this country, Obasanjo, who once said God would never forgive him if he turned his eyes the other way and allowed Atiku to mount the mantle, has started singing a new song. What did the magic? Could it be Atiku’s contrition which had not yielded any positive result in the last 13 years until last Thursday in Abeokuta or the fact that he had sworn to install any other person as President as long as President Muhammadu Buhari is retired to tend his cows in Daura? Well, it could be both. It could even be the fact that these two, in cahoot, with some forces must work together in the battle to defeat a common enemy and retired General, Buhari. Isn’t that what they call permanent interest?

    Suddenly, all the anger and deep bitterness had disappeared. Atiku, the butt of OBJ’s rabid attack, is now the poster boy for Nigeria’s glorious past, the present and the future. Though still magisterial in speech with an air of infallibility around him, Obasanjo said he had carried out a thorough psychoanalytical study on Atiku and discovered that the person sitting before him has undergone a personality cleansing that places him in a good stead to become Nigeria’s next President in 2019.

    Take a listen: “Yes, when it started, it was meant for Atiku to succeed Obasanjo. In the presence of these distinguished leaders of goodwill today, let me say it openly that we have reviewed what went wrong on the side of Atiku.  And in all honesty, my former Vice-President has re-discovered and re-positioned himself.  As I have repeatedly said, it is not so much what you did against me that was the issue but what you did against the Party, the Government and the country. I took the stand I had taken based on the character and attributes you exhibited in the position you found yourself.  I strongly believe that I was right. It was in the overall interest of everyone and everything to take such a position. “From what transpired in the last couple of hours or so, you have shown remorse; you have asked for forgiveness and you have indicated that you have learnt some good lessons and you will mend fences and make amends as necessary and as desirable.”

    Don’t ask me how, in just a couple of hours, the ever gregarious Obasanjo jumped to the conclusion that Atiku has changed. It is a possibility not just because change is permanent but because change is dependent on certain dynamics which, in this case, are known to only Obasanjo. Some four years back, he saw the need to change his hardline opinion about Buhari when he dramatically tore his PDP membership card and endorsed the All Progressives Congress candidate as he then was. Before then, former President Goodluck Jonathan enjoyed that privilege until OBJ started writing his tendentiously lengthy and acerbic letters to disengage the gear of friendship.

    He had equally mete out the same treatment on Buhari which explained why he would dine with anyone with the capacity to kick him out of the office. For now, candidate Atiku towers above every other person with the likelihood of repeating a feat Buhari achieved in the 2015 general election—beating an incumbent to the race for Aso Rock. It is Buhari’s turn to feel the heat Jonathan got burnt in some years back.

    Will Obasanjo be fourth time lucky? Would Buhari put an end to his serial enthronement and dethronement of presidents from Umaru Yar’Adua to Jonathan and Buhari? No one can tell. But one thing is sure. Atiku should, if he wins, expect the same ‘love’ notes OBJ was fond of writing to the other presidents God granting the old man more years on earth. Should such letters get to his table, let it be seen as the change that happens when permanent interests are no longer permanent. That is a projection of Obasanjo in the future in a democracy that runs in circles and under the firm grip of an old, wily fox who speaks from both sides of the mouth! Shouldn’t Obasanjo be making a call to his publishers to inform of the revise the lies he wrote about his ‘boy’ in that trilogy called My Watch?

     

     

  • Our politics: cudgels, knives and discontents

    Let’s face it, there is nothing on the ground to suggest that the practice of politics here has significantly transformed from the bloody nuances that defined its dark peculiarities before and after the military era. If anything, treachery and nail-biting dog-eat-dog intrigues remain the defining factors in the swinging of the pendulum of political fortunes in our clime. And so, it is nothing short of self-delusion for one to believe professional politicians here when they regale one with hollow tales about how they have learnt great lessons from the past or make vacuous vows about doing things differently in the future. Curiously, it appears they all suffer a chronic malady of being perennial learners from the best democratic ethos etched in the consciousness of those we tag advanced democracies for want of better words. Where others throw their hats in the ring for the uplifting pleasure of rendering selfless service for the general wellbeing of the people, here, ‘service’ is violently and ruthlessly foisted on the populace with ‘do-or-die’ principles of desperate politicking. And, in doing that, nothing is spared in the unfortunate war of attrition to rout the ‘enemy’ off the battleground or, even the face of the earth. In Nigeria, politics is not war by another means; it is war by whatever means available!

    It is therefore not surprising that, on and off the political tuft, it has been a tale of woe for those who dare to be different in a choking ambience of raw treachery and high wired deceit. People wonder why there is a dearth of ‘good men’ in politics. Well, the answer is not that difficult to fathom. The entire architecture of our politics is not designed to accommodate such elements. If in doubt, ask Prof. Pat Utomi who had tried everything within the books to get elected. Each attempt had always come with logic-defying challenges. As things stand today, the erudite Delta State born Utomi is not likely to win a slot as a local government councilor if the powers that be refuse to endorse him. By now, it should be clear to him and many others who are presently gloating over the grim realities that confronted them on the political space that there is a remarkable difference between the theory and practice of politics. Those who were quick to laud the presidential assent to the Not Too Young to Run law now know that, without a paradigm shift, the law changes nothing in a contest where the rules of engagement only exist in the books. And that is why many who joined the change wagon without reading the body language of those holding tightly to the political machinery are still biting their fingers and wondering what hit them.

    From Lagos to Imo, Zamfara to Delta, Edo to Adamawa, Gombe to Ogun, the narratives remain poignantly eerie. If party primaries could be this rancorously rowdy with so much bile and vile flying like an intercontinental ballistic missile, one could only imagine what would happen during the general election which is just some months away. It gives one the jitters really. The truth is that all the political parties suffer from one malaise—the suppression of internal democracy. The All Progressive Congress once touted it at the basis of its embrace and eventual victory in the 2015 election. That may be true. But, from all indications, the APC dare not boast about it again. The Peoples Democratic Party, with all the life-changing experiences and introspection it claimed to have gone through, is not any better. The other parts of the ten leprous fingers mushrooming as parties with clear-cut ideological (outright propaganda) bent are even worse. Those ones make no pretensions about what I call ‘agbero’ mentality in which they foist candidates on their members after fraudulently collecting huge money from the aspirants. A particular case in Imo readily comes to mind. One of the aspirants was told on the day of the primary election that his name and that of many others had been ‘screened out’ by a conclave of party hawks and the name of the anointed candidate would be forwarded to the Independent National Electoral Commission. Here, I speak of a young man who had put all his savings on an electoral process that offers nothing but heart wrenching punches with cold-blooded gusto. And it is called politics.

    Come to think of it, how come all the political parties fall abysmally short of realising the 35 per cent affirmative action for women in politics? The results flowing in from the real and parallel primaries from states indicate that the figures of women participation are dwindling. The terrain, I presume, is too hard for a woman without the heart of steel to walk through. Anyway, that should be expected in a climate where even hardened men battle fruitlessly to get a mandate with tales of daylight rigging or distribution of voting figures filling the pages of newspapers. It happened in Zamfara. It was worse in Cross River State where, with election not holding in two out of the three senatorial zones, a gubernatorial candidate was said to have emerged for the APC in a selection process allegedly superintended by an umpire who had the effrontery to announce his preferred candidate. And Rivers State? It was a charade. In Delta, despite the party’s official accreditation of a team to monitor the process, a factional leader still had the presence of mind to organise a parallel primary election with the emergence of candidates for the gubernatorial, senatorial and House of Representatives seats in a sickening madness that would only add to the crises before the national leadership. Already, the APC and PDP have a lot on their trays and more are piling up.

    Yet, at the root of all these self-inflicted crises is brutal greed. Ask them in Imo, Lagos or even Ogun states. In fact, some state chief executives would do anything to make sure they have their way. In Imo, they spoke about kidnap, killings and attempted assassination. The incumbent government was even pushing for the arrest of the Secretary of the election committee sent from Abuja. In Ogun, the governor who was once a senator snatched the senatorial ticket from the incumbent months before the dates for the primary election were fixed. Oyo State was not any better. Candidates were imposed and accepted grumpily by delegates who have sold their birthright for the price of a pottage. In short, all is fair in an electoral war in which fairness and credibility are dictated from the deep pockets of different shades of god fathers. No matter the irregularities or daylight electoral robbery, all it takes is for the national headquarters of the parties to pronounce the result as credible and the decibel of antagonistic voices would apply the brake of deafening silence. And it is this conspiratorial submission that has bred and fed the incongruities in our political life where the powers of choice no longer rest on the thumb but in the pockets of stony-faced party hawks across the nation. It is for that reason that the PDP would be holding its National Convention in Rivers State today and it is not unlikely that the outcome would be another low in our discourse of electoral heist and tragedies. That’s what we call politics here. It is a war in which all instruments of mass destruction are deployed to achieve a personal goal in a winner takes all contest!

    And so, when next you want to know why good men avoid politics in Nigeria like a plague and leave the field for those who can wrestle with the pig in its sty, it would be apt to find out how those trendsetting theorists of political idealism and emancipation had fared when they decided to join the fray in a bid to change the narrative. The sad thing is that the ‘change’ mantra has not brought any change and neither has it changed the festering sore of political malcontents threateningly wielding their tools of warfare in our polity. Or has it?

     

     

     

  • Kemi Adeosun: A post mortem

    Was the former Minister of Finance, Mrs. Kemi Adeosun, culpable in the events that led to her forceful resignation last week? Did her tale tally with the high expectations one had accorded her considering her education, training and upbringing? Should we blame her travails on presumed ignorance or on the callous vindictiveness of the political titans that left her in the sun to dry? Or was Adeosun a victim of her own delusory air of self-importance as an untouchable in the President Muhammadu Buhari administration, going by the intricate web of intrigues that brought her into office? The answers to these posers are varied, depending mostly on the mindsets of the respondents. However, what is not in doubt is the fact that the cockney-speaking woman was a victim of the high-wired politics which we play here. She must have stepped on the proverbial banana peel and someone simply flashed the red card that eventually sent her packing. And, as it happened in many other cases before hers, it must be someone who knew how to send her crashing like a pack of cards.

    Until that exclusive report by Premium Times regarding the authenticity of the National Youth Service Corps’ ‘Exemption Certificate’ bearing her name, Adeosun was cruising at a dizzying speed with noticeable sartorial elegance and aplomb. Who wouldn’t? At an age considered to be relatively young, her resume was no less stunning. In a country where her equally educated mates were still scrambling and hoping for a miraculous breakthrough amidst dwindling economic fortunes, Adeosun was privileged to be among the lucky few whose palm kernels were cracked for them by the gods. Educated in England, the Ogun State indigene’s return to Nigeria after 34 years abroad was blessed with rapid upward flight and rare opportunities. Armed with relevant degrees in Accounting and financial management coupled with international experience at the highest level as a Managing Director, Governor Ibikunle Amosun of Ogun State poached her from Quo Vadis Partnership to help in the management of the state’s finances as Commissioner of Finance. That was in 2011. A position she held until 2015 when Amosun influenced her appointment as Minister of Finance amid clear misgivings from certain circles of political influence.

    Be that as it may, Adeosun settled down in spite of the difficulties that confronted her in an economy that was grinding into recession. No doubt, she ruffled some feathers, stepped on powerful toes and did show signs of weakness at other times. Conscious that she was stepping into the big shoes left by her immediate predecessor, the inimitable Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, it was not impossible that Adeosun would have overreached herself in the discharge of her duties especially when she took the unpopular decision to stop the payment of certain allowances to workers in the ministry and implemented sundry policies aimed at blocking the gaping financial wastages in the system. Buffeted by ceaseless interrogation from the two chambers of the National Assembly and allegations of paying illegal sums to agents involved in the repatriation of a $320m Abacha funds from a Swiss bank, Adeosun’s resoluteness in addressing every issue raised during her stewardship as a serving Minister of Finance was never in doubt. Her voice, diction and comportment marked her out as someone who knew exactly what she was doing. She was always vociferous in reeling out figures to debunk claims of an economy in the doldrums. Whether we believed her or not, she was a slave to her convictions and was never shy of making that clear.

    However, it was a wicked twist of fate that when the news broke that Adeosun procured a fake NYSC ‘Exemption Certificate’ to enable her qualify to work in government, first as Commissioner in Ogun State and as Minister of Finance in the Federal Government, her loud silence was, to say the least, discomfiting. The woman, who was known for speaking with eloquence and poise as many strained their ears to comprehend whatever she was spewing, simply went dumb. For more than two months, she became tongue-tied. Her boisterousness disappeared. She killed us with her silence. And that silence adumbrated the cacophonous search for the truth. Did she actually procure a fake certificate knowing full well that that it would be a sacrilegious thing to do? Did she actually have a degree in Economics from the University of East London and a Postgraduate Diploma in Public Financial Management from the University of London? Did she qualify as a Chartered Accountant with the Institute of Chartered Accountants in England and Wales in 1994 as recorded in her resume? In fact, did she work in all those top grade firms before coming to Nigeria to hoodwink us with her ‘strange’ pitch?

    The tragedy in the Kemi Adeosun saga is not that she reluctantly resigned or that she was persuaded by moral suasion to do so. If that were the case, she would have done so immediately she realized that what she was parading as an exemption certificate was not worth the price of the paper used in wrapping ‘akara’ and ‘eko’ by Mama Sikira. The real irony lies in the fact that she succumbed to the usual scam of procuring the services of a third party to carry out a responsibility which she ought to have done herself. As it is common with silver spoons here, the little that seem immaterial always end up being their Achilles Heel Come to think of it, the NYSC has embedded in its laws a window of opportunity for the likes of Adeosun to legally work in the public service even if they didn’t observe the one-year compulsory community service. And so, it beats one hollow to understand why the young lady, who was already a Managing Director in Quo Vadis before being pulled to the upper scale as a commissioner, didn’t find it more ennobling to approach the management of the NYSC instead of opting to engage one of the corporate agberos who are adept at cutting corners and toeing the short cut to eventual perdition. Was it sheer pride or the belief that money answers all questions in Nigeria?

    Let me say this: those gloating over Adeosun’s disgraceful exit at the zenith of her career miss the point. Of course, she was neither a saint nor the devil’s incarnate. In office, she was a mixed bag of the good, the bad and the ugly. Her office exposed her to the sharks from different angles including the hawks at the National Assembly who are never tired of baying for blood and employing the swift drivel of blackmail to put their targets on the lower rung of their captive proclivities.

     Question is: which out of all these is the unseen hand behind Adeosun’s fall? Could it be true that those who helped her to pad her collection of certificates with the fake NYSC Exemption paper actually sacrificed her following a sour relationship? If the controversial paper scaled all the security checks at both the state and national levels, do we assume that some force of authority was deployed to cover the fact or do we take it that the security agencies never carried out any due diligence checks on the paper beyond what they could see with their eyes? If political pressure was wielded as being suggested in some quarters, can we unveil the face behind that power? Could it be the same persons that eventually exposed the upwardly mobile woman to this national and global ridicule?

    Today, it is Adeosun. Tomorrow, it could be someone else. And no matter how we spin it, it is manifestly clear that her imminent fall was the outcome of an intriguing power. Yes, what she did was despicable and condemnable. It cannot and it should not be excused on her claim to ignorance. But we lie if we say it is not the norm in the public service. As I write this, there are countless citizens proudly parading fake documents of one hue or the other and using such to earn a living in both the public and the private sectors. The same systemic failure that makes it possible for the eagle-eyed detectives at the Department of Security Service to ‘certify’ Adeosun’s exemption letter as genuine is at the heart of the malady plaguing us as a nation. And the narrative will not change until such a time when we stop glorifying confirmed failures in our public and private lives. Or what kind of system allows a West African School Leaving Certificate holder with ‘F9 parallel’ to insist on the resignation of a qualified chartered accountant with a Masters’ degree and requisite experience just because of a fake NYSC exemption letter? And is it not high time we insisted on a reframe of the laws setting up a scheme that has outlived its relevance, anyway? With numerous Nigerians being born abroad and returning home after exceeding the age limit for NYSC, shouldn’t the law be made to reflect the changing times or must we insist on pushing them to procure exemption certificates still?

     

  • Nigeria’s political acrobatics and Mandela’s immortal words

    I do not know how much longer the leaders of the All Progressives Congress can go on with their loud pretense that the party, which was heralded into power some three years back, is not under any intense threat. The reality, as of today, is that the APC is being positioned for the kill in the coming elections by the same gang of leaders who helped it into power. Having listened to reasons given by those who have defected to its main rival, the Peoples Democratic Party which sustained a brand of notoriety in its hey days, it is obvious the options before the electorate have been clearly cut out for them—they would be making a choice between the devil and deep blue sea. That, by the way, is if they truly have the franchise to freely pick who leads them as Nigeria continues a democratic journey that has been anything but rewarding or representative of the fine ethos of democracy that we see elsewhere, As it is, we are just going through the same motion where one deceit takes over from the other and leaves the majority of the people grasping for crumbs. That has been the narrative since 1999 and nothing suggests that lessons have been learnt to raise our hopes as we inch closer to another general election.

    Why do I say so? In this season of defections, everyone that has jumped ship has placed the blame right at the footsteps of President Muhammadu Buhari for being such an abysmal failure in office. It was as if the defectors just woke up from a deep slumber to realise that they were on the wrong bed with the wrong woman. And suddenly, Buhari, the bride they jostled to woo some four years back, has become the most talked about divorcee in our recent history. In defence of his defection, the Sokoto State Governor, Aminu Tambuwal, said the party he joined with pomp and panache as Speaker of the House of Representatives has become “a sanctuary for the corrupt, a machine for rigging” whilst the PDP has learnt a great lesson from its defeat in 2015 and now conditioned to do things better. Senate President Saraki also echoed what the 14 senators he superintended to join the PDP gave as reasons for jumping gun. He merely added that he was a victim of intimidation, harassment and blackmail just because he insisted on fair play, equity and justice. And then, the former spokesperson of the APC, Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi, blamed his exit on what he described as the high-handedness of the party Chairman, Adam Oshiomhole, for subjugating his duties to that of subordinates. Even Benue State’s Samuel Ortom had his fair share of the washing down of Buhari as the presumed architects of the gory and condemnable killings in the state.

    All these conjectures, I assume, are politically correct and it is in that regard that I hail all those who have decided to try their political fortunes elsewhere. I can only, like Buhari said, wish them luck since it is within their constitutional rights to do so. Having said this, it is important to note that most of these political prostitutes were never truly part of the real fulcrum of the APC. In actual fact, they were the real scallywags that derailed whatever momentum the party may have gained at the inception of the Buhari administration. That is the wailing truth. When you look at it, Saraki’s Senate and Yakubu Dogara’s House of Representatives remain the greatest threat to the Buhari Presidency and they did everything within their powers to ridicule not just the President but also the party.

    When you listen to Saraki, Tambuwal and Ortom reel out records indicating the abysmal rate of poverty, unemployment, low literacy, workers apathy and Buhari’s inability to fight corruption, you would think that the Federal Government denied them whatever was due to them from the Federation Accounts which rendered them impotent to be the change agents in their constituencies or states. With all the billions that Ortom is said to have allocated to his office as security vote, you wonder why the state remains under the siege of herdsmen attack. What, for example, did he do with the billions of naira that was approved to settle workers’ salaries that, at the point of his defection, he owed more than seven months in arrears? And does Tambuwal, in his good conscience, believe that this administration is as corrosively corrupt as the gangsters he has gone back to pally with on the other side of the fence? If yes, what are the facts at his disposal that would dwarf the humongous sleaze linked to some of the key figures in the PDP then? And when, if one could ask, did the APC become a “machine for rigging” knowing that, prior to the Ekiti election, the PDP had been coasting home to victory in most of the elections.

    It is one thing to pander to the whims and caprices of the politics of long knives and daggers here. It is another thing to excuse this vilest means of politicking on concocted maze of deceit. It is, to me, laughable that everyone now claims to be a victim of Buhari’s high-handedness. Those who have followed recent developments in our political history would easily name one or two leaders who wouldn’t tolerate half of what this ‘devil’ of a Buhari had stomached in the last three years where members of his own party in the National Assembly decided to be his worst nightmares even before he could settle down on the job. Even when he bent over backwards to work with the queer leadership structures, did those involved not frustrate all moves to inject some level of sanity in the relations? And is the present gale of defections not the culmination of a coup long foretold? So, what is really new other than a realignment of the same self-conceited forces that got us in this mess?

    In dissecting Nigeria and its politics, the inimitable icon of goodness and democracy in Africa, the late Nelson Mandela, lamented that the country has simply refused to take its pride of place as the leading light of democratic governance in Africa. In the much quoted article written by Dr. Hakeem Baba-Ahmed, Mandela gave his thoughts on why Nigeria remains in this puddle of untapped potential and seeming hopelessness. In brief, he said we not only let our country down but Africa and the entire race too. He said in spite of the immense resources we have been blessed with to be great, Nigeria is “known principally for its dictators and its criminals.”

    And then, the clincher: “The world will not respect Africa until Nigeria earns that respect. The black people of the world need Nigeria to be great as a source of pride and confidence. Nigerians love freedom and hate oppression. Why do you do it to yourselves? Your leaders have no respect for their people. They believe that their personal interests are the interests of the people. They take people’s resources and turn it into personal wealth. There is a level of poverty in Nigeria that should be unacceptable. I cannot understand why Nigerians are not angrier than they are. What do young Nigerians think about your leaders and their country and Africa? Do you teach them history? Do you have lessons on how your past leaders stood by us and gave us large amounts of money? But what about the corruption and the crimes? Your elections are like wars’. Now we hear that you cannot be president in Nigeria unless you are Muslim or Christian. Some people tell me your country may break up. Please don’t let it happen.

    “Let me tell you what I think you need to do, you should encourage leaders to emerge who will not confuse public office with sources of making personal wealth. Corrupt people do not make good leaders. Then you have to spend a lot of your resources for education. Educate children of the poor, so that they can get out of poverty. Poverty does not breed confidence. Only confident people can bring changes. Poor, uneducated people can also bring change, but it will be hijacked by the educated and the wealthy’.

    As I mull over those immortal words by the Madiba after many years of democratic governance in Nigeria, all I see is the same old stunts being repeated again. And the question pops up: where is Nigeria headed this time?

     

    Note: Knucklehead will be off for some weeks as I go on annual vacation, away from the firing line of my editors and their persistent reminders about deadlines. See you in September.  

  • Defections, deflections, deceptions and reflections

    ON June 9, 2015 when the President of the Senate, Dr. Bukola Saraki, tactically defected to the Peoples Democratic Party following the treacherous maneuvers that propped him into office, one had raised some posers in an article titled ‘Saraki, Dogara’s emergence and the Buhari Presidency’ published on June 10. With the gale of lawmakers’ defections from the ruling All Progressives Congress to the PDP and African Democratic Congress last Tuesday, those questions remain relevant. It was as if one had prescient knowledge of what eventually played out on the floors of the two chambers that day when, in spite of all odds, Yakubu Dogara emerged as Speaker of the House of Representatives to wrap up a palace coup that culminated in Tuesday’s eventual exposition of an overcooked stew. We saw it coming even when the APC leadership kept living in denial, hoping it could patch up a house it built with spittle to hoist its flag of political success in 2015. It was a dream that never was.

    In politics, if you don’t make calculating, deft moves to preserve your grip on power, you are bound to rue that error someday when the hawks of power come after you. For politics, in my understanding and with the way we play it here, is a scientific warfare in another means. While at it, you cannot afford to doze off. You must always be on the alert, ready to strike if need be. With the benefit of hindsight, I doubt if a neophyte President Muhammadu Buhari truly understood this key element of politics despite his many years in the top hierarchy of the military and as Head of State. In the Nigerian political environment with an ambience of perpetual mutual suspicion, Buhari’s blank cheque to work with just about everyone and anyone with a pretentious mien to move the country forward was suicidal. And we said as much when the 8th Senate was inaugurated and he shrugged off the marriage of convenience as one of the fine attributes of democracy in action. How could that heresy be acceptable to a man who swore to fight entrenched interests both within and without to a standstill? It is either Buhari couldn’t read through the deceptions or he simply didn’t care about the collateral damage it could inflict on party supremacy and cohesion. For him then, as long as it tallied with his political sloganeering of being friend to everyone and to nobody in particular, he must have assumed that it was going to be a roller-coaster ride. Well, it never was.

    In the piece mentioned above, I had projected that the absolute surrender of the gavel of legislative authorities to the PDP legislators, in cahoots with some persons whose heads were with the APC but souls glued to the PDP, would spell doom for the fortunes of the ruling party and could make or mar Buhari’s administration. The ominous signs were just too glaring to be ignored by anyone who has the faintest idea about the dynamics of politics in this clime. Specifically, I had asked: “But what does the emergence of these dark horses mean for the PDP that many believe would go into extinction with the loss of the Presidency and many states in the last election? Is the PDP proving bookmakers wrong? Will the re- engineering of the party be initiated from the National Assembly? Is Saraki being positioned as the arrow head of the resurgence of the party? Will Saraki mend fence with the APC leadership which, in a swift reaction, had disowned him? How will the Senate under his watch relate with the executive that may not indulge in settlement as was the case in the Jonathan era?”

    Today, we do not need to hazard answers to these posers. In just three years, the reality stares us in the face. The APC is going through an agonizing transformation, hemmed in by forces within. The insect that is eating deep into the heart of the APC lives inside the soul of the APC. Those who nudged Buhari to keep dancing on as they watch over his back have abandoned him in the middle of nowhere. Interestingly, they have gone back to the vomit of 2014—the PDP. However, it was not surprising to keen political observers that, when the bubble finally burst on Tuesday after months of tensions and speculations, the two undertakers turned out to be Saraki and Dogara. In reality, these two have operated with double identities as leaders of the National Assembly. It was true that they joined forces with the APC to bring down the Jonathan administration; they never left the PDP for one day. They were just tagging along looking for the appropriate time to jump ship. And that time began with defection of the first batch of legislators earlier in the week. Now, we are being treated to the drama in which their supporters have been pleading with them to defect immediately to the PDP just like we saw in Benue and Kwara states during the week.

    While one cannot blame the leadership of the PDP for gloating over what they described as the ‘loss of political virginity by Buhari’, one is curious to know what kind of power-sharing formula the PDP has put in place to accommodate the demands of the defectors most of whom would insist on automatic tickets in the 2019 elections. It is yet to be seen if the party has truly learnt the hard lesson from its 16 years of maladministration and three years of political hiatus. Beyond the return of some of its prodigal sons and daughters to its fold, nothing suggests that the PDP has weaned itself of the political rascality and malfeasance that almost got it into political oblivion in 2015. It would be soul-lifting if this latest gale of defection does not end up as part of the wily deceptions of its inglorious past.

    However, it is instructive to note that Saraki and Dogara have merely borrowed a leaf from the same script the APC used in grabbing power in 2015. The case of Governor Aminu Tambuwal, who was then the Speaker of the House of Representatives, is still fresh in the mind. Tambuwal waited till the last day of the coup before pulling the rugs off the feet of the PDP leadership. That is exactly why no one is surprised that both leaders didn’t defect with their colleagues on Tuesday before adjourning sitting till September 26. It would have been suicidal to do that, knowing that it wasn’t clear if they could muster majority vote to remain in power. The strategy, I assume, would also provide them ample time to recruit more defectors to the opposition party before the elections. It didn’t start today. It started right from the inception of the 8thNational Assembly when the new bride decided to explore the possibility of a romantic foxtrot with her ex-lover. As it is, the chemistry clicked and thus begun the prolonged battle to frustrate the executive in both chambers.

    If Buhari was unbothered then, it would be suicidal to toe the same line now not minding the fact that he wished the defectors well. Nothing points to this fact more than the series of meetings the President has been holding with the remaining lawmakers in his party. With the sudden deflections of two out of the 15 senators that allegedly defected pledging their allegiance to the APC, the success of the Saraki/Dogara coup is under serious threat. It is too early in the day to celebrate Buhari’s political deflowering as the PDP spokesman, Kola Ologbondiyan had put it. The experience of the last three years of working with the enemies and being assailed with pebbles and stones should count for something. Having realised that it wasn’t a smooth sail as he had wished despite the betrayal, the Buhari of today has done away with the aloofness that cost him dearly last week. Those underrating his ability to strike hard might just be in for a surprise. The Buhari of today has the benefit of deeper reflections of the choices he made in the past. The die is cast and we can only wait to see who emerges victorious in Nigeria’s seasonal game of political treachery and deadly intrigues. No doubt, the next few months would be interesting times for our cloak and dagger politics. Wouldn’t it?

  • Fayose: But we warned him

    Last Saturday in Ekiti State, Governor Peter Ayodele Fayose was effectively pulled down from his high horses and made to fully come to grasp with the transience of power. Nothing lasts forever. Not even mendacious idiocy the likes of which the Fayoses of this world epitomise. For me, beyond the gloating over the humbling of man that calls himself ‘The Rock”, those who connived together to bring him to that ultimate reality should learn a greater lesson from his humiliation. Perhaps, if he had applied the brakes when some of us warned him against being a victim of the inevitability of pride coming before a shameful fall, Fayose would not the laughable, deflated and powerless rabble rouser that he has suddenly become with the defeat of his candidate in last Saturday’s election by Dr. Kayode Fayemi. In a piece titled “Immunity, impunity and Fayose’s angst” published in June 25, 2016, I had warned the irascible irritant to be mindful of actions that spell doom for him. But do they ever listen? Read on…

    “Whom the gods would destroy, they first make mad”. When Prometheus, Henry Longfellow’s character in the 1875 poem, “The Masque of Pandora”, uttered those timeless words, the author never anticipated a Mr. Fayose of Nigeria putting life into such immortal lines in 2016 and beyond. However, driven by the imps of gross miscalculation and wanton lust for reckless ‘popularity’, Fayose has audaciously sallied forth from one needless controversy to another – criticizing, pontificating, puffing, huffing and making allegations that elicit the amazement of both contemplative citizens and featherbrained fans. Yes!

    Fayose’s rascally impetuousness and sheepish political pranks are well documented both in words and in life images captured in videos and skits. His   self-professed   disdain   for   a   Muhammadu   Buhari   presidency explains   the   relentlessness with which he stalks every move made by the administration. At the silliest height of his rant, he invoked the spirit of death against the President. Fayose it was who told a stunned nation that octogenarian   Buhari   should   be   on   diapers   just   like   his (Fayose’s)   mother!   He   equally   has   ranted serially about a presumed life-threatening disease impeding the ability of Buhari to govern well. He has accused the President of leading a herd of corrupt people to ‘ruin’ Nigeria. As long as the topic is Buhari, Fayose has never failed to unleash bareknuckle punches. For him, Buhari is not just the gravest mistake in Aso Rock; he is a tragedy in governance.

    As a prominent figure in the opposition Peoples Democratic Party, Fayose’s form of criticism is clinically deadly, hate-filled, infused with peppery bile and vitriol. As a serving governor conscious of the powers the immunity clause confers, Fayose takes advantage of that rare privilege to the fullest. Egged on by a coterie of praise singers and knowing that   the President is constitutionally demobilised even if he desires to move against him, the man they call ‘Spotless’ has become a thorn not only in the flesh of Buhari but his policies, associates and the All Progressives Congress. Therefore, while Fayose barks and bites, the Presidency merely   gawks   at   him   in   stupefaction.   Such   is   the   overriding   power   of   a   questionable immunity that our Constitution confers on the President, Vice President, state governors and their deputies. Fayose regaled in it. Hardly a week passes without him treating the public to his rabid and ferocious attack against Buhari or his family. It was as if that was his primary duty as a state chief executive. And it is one job he relishes.

    It was, therefore, not surprising that the natural victim of Fayose’s spirited defence against the restriction order placed  on his personal  accounts  by the Economic and  Financial Crimes Commission would be Buhari and, of course, his wife, Aisha. In fact, it would have been shocking if the governor had linked his latest woes to anyone else order than the man he loves to hate. By the way, this is not about the farcical drama scripted, directed and acted by Fayose when he invaded the premises of the bank in Ado-Ekiti earlier in the week to demand statements of his accounts. It is more about the lame excuses the governor gave to justify why an institution saddled with the arduous responsibility of checking graft should not be on his case. It is about the shamelessness of grappling last straws to wish away the mendaciousness with which otherwise responsible and trusted public officers continue to rape the national treasury.  It beggars belief that Fayose would expect the EFCC to steer off his financial dealings in the last two years until the end of his tenure on the laughable submission that immunity confers on him the powers to do and undo all that he wills. With his ‘spotless’ posturing as the untainted political gadfly in the PDP and  Buhari’s Achilles heel, wouldn’t it have been nice if Fayose had punctured EFCC’s claims of humongous and strange lodgements in his accounts in the run-up to his election instead of whining about a nebulous immunity clause that only legitimatises the larceny, lawlessness and crass abuse of power?

    Given that Nigeria’s immunity clause effectively arms those that enjoy it against prosecution of any sort, should it also infer that such persons could not be investigated and then tried after they might have vacated the office? In this simple question lies Fayose’s dilemma and the source of an endless chronic idiocy. Listen to him: “I am a sitting governor and under Section 308 of the 1999 Constitution, I enjoy immunity. This government has no respect for constitutional provisions. They should not be in a hurry. In 2018, I will be done. I will come to them myself. I have become a figure in this country that I have nowhere to go. The rascality of EFCC must stop. Did they not contest election? Where did they get the funds from? Is it because they are the sitting government?”

    How I wish Fayose could remove the log in his eyes before offering to blow out a speck lurking in a friend’s eye. No one, in the entire life of this democracy, has displayed specious rascality and prudish bellicosity than Fayose. To my understanding, the section in question did   not,   in   anyway,   forbears   the   relevant   agencies   from investigating the individuals covered by immunity clause.

    If I may ask, would Fayose had preferred a situation where the EFCC turned its sniffing noses   against   a   whistle-blower’s  report of premeditated  looting  in   the   run   off   to   the   Ekiti election? Aside the legalese which empowers the governor to hold on to straws, demanding that he should be spared the burden of investigations and prosecutions based on his present status, morality demands that this advocate of equity and hater of political rascality ought to come to equity with squeaky clean hands. It is, to say the least, rascally to hide under immunity clause and perpetuate such grave monstrosity. In any case, the EFCC has not flouted any rule by doing its job without disturbing the governor’s comfort. It only sought and got a court order to freeze His Excellency’s   accounts   temporarily   to   enable   it   put   its   case   together   for   a   post-tenure prosecution if the evidence can sustain such. So, why is Fayose angry and belching gibberish about the President and his wife as if he is eternally immune from answering questions on his misconduct if any? Why, for all the stolen money in private hands, should the EFCC wait until 2018 for him to report himself? Is it not puerile arrogance for Fayose to assume that because the other party got external funding from suspected looters, the glaring larceny uncovered by the EFCC on how he rode roughshod to the Ekiti State Government House should also be shrouded under the orbit of a questionable immunity clause?

    Having said this, the onus lies strictly on the shoulders of the EFCC to prosecute all hi-wired cases of looting before it to a logical conclusion. Truth be told, Nigerians are tired of EFCC’s harvest of media trials that only turn influential politicians into demagogues while the would-be culprits merely thumb their noses at us, exploiting the gaping gaps in the prosecutor’s evidence! And, acting true to type, the EFCC may yet bungle what it called a watertight case with the senseless tweet on its website, indicating that it was set to roast Fayose when he becomes an ordinary citizen in October. This man that once boasted that he would hand himself over to the authorities for probe may likely take the tweet as a warning to take the next available exit out of the country. If that happens, the Ibrahim Magu-led EFCC has itself to blame for paving the way for a coward, who cried blood and sweat over a phantom allegation of being beaten up, to flee justice like many others in the past. But then, didn’t we warn him to stop setting himself up for an unceremonious ending of his hollow noisemaking? They never listen!

  • ‘CUPPed ‘on the cusp of political buffoonery

    When the Minister for Labour and Employment, Senator Chris Ngige, fumbled on the podium by mixing up the name of his party’s gubernatorial candidate, Kayode Fayemi, with that of the outgoing governor of Ekiti State, Ayo Fayose, it just occurred to me that the chasm of numbing shenanigans that has pervaded our politics for many years is not about to end anytime soon. Instead, it is becoming fashionable among those we tag political elites here to shamelessly clown around with issues that many noteworthy political figures elsewhere had voluntarily stepped down without much ado.

    Oftentimes, such resignations may be due to what we have come to accept here as slight indiscretions or ideological differences. It may be true that the general principle and first rule of politics is never to resign. Elsewhere, people have serially ignored this rule either on moral grounds or when they are of the convictions that it would deepen democracy and strengthen the institutions of governance. Here, the opposite is the case. In the United Kingdom, for example, reports say many politicians “have been forced to quit in scandals involving sex, theft, drugs, double-crossing, call girls and even attempted murder.” Add that to the fact some of the resignations came out of the principled stands of these individuals against certain policies and you would understand why, in most of these developed countries, democracy is not a knife and dagger engagements.

    Some years back in Canada, the story was told of a high-ranking government official who had to throw in the towel for allegedly using government money to pay for a cup of tea in a café. It is that serious. In Nigeria, the narrative is different. It is no news that the local champions operating in our political space can, if they desire, walk away with murder. We have so bastardised politics that those fleecing our collective patrimony are worshipped as heroes in a failed system. That is why, for example, someone like Ngige may not read much meaning to the heresy he committed last Tuesday, campaigning for the opposing candidate at a political rally organised for his party’s candidate. Yet, I concur we would be asking for too much if we had demanded for his resignation as a Minister of the Federal Republic. After all, is it not in this same government that a serving female minister swore not to back President Muhammadu Buhari’s second term bid, threatening to resign her appointment as her loyalty for former Vice President Atiku Abubakar was unshaken? Months after Buhari declared his intention to re-contest for that post, has that minister resigned either on principle; clash of interest or even on moral ground? So, why should we berate Ngige for having his share in this farcical politics where the blind leads the lame and deaf?

    Nothing demonstrates the ineffectualness of our politics to break away from the clowning around than Monday’s reported amalgamation of 39 political parties with the opposition Peoples Democratic Party with the aim of wresting power from Buhari and his All Progressives Congress in the 2019 general elections.

    The first question that agitates one’s mind is: where on earth did these 39 mushroom parties spring from such that they now have the capacity to be partners in an orchestrated coup by the PDP to remove an incumbent government? When you sift through the names of the so-called titans in that hall that day, what you get is the same band of Buhari foes—those who couldn’t make any difference in the lives of the citizens when given the opportunities in the past. And when you realiSe that the sole agenda was to get Buhari off the presidential seat, you begin to get a clear understanding of the huge web of deceit that informed that mob action. It is, simply put, a personal battle by disgruntled elements riled by the fact that it is extremely difficult to lay hands on the national till as it was the practice in the immediate past.

    Let’s take a peep into the Memorandum of Understanding read by no less a person than good old Chief Tom Ikimi of the “Obasenjo” fame. The signatories, among other things, resolved to field a joint presidential candidate which, I assume, would necessarily have to emerge from the PDP. They would also pick common candidates for governorship, National Assembly, state assemblies and even the Federal Capital Territory. They would, at the same time, promote core values for the restructuring of the country, sharing of political offices among persons and groups across the six geo-political zones while promising to install a unity government with a joint manifesto that will usher in a structured economic and fiscal federalism. Gibberish!

    You ask: what is the difference between this new MoU and the one the estranged members of the new Peoples Democratic Party signed with the APC before they became the Reformed APC and eventually return to their original heritage, the PDP? The answer is muted in the things that were left unsaid at Monday’s event. As someone puts it, the devil is in the details. Buhari may not have performed exceptionally well in that office but those who laid the booby traps that led to his incompetence shouldn’t be the ones to be selling us a dummy about how they are poised to transform a system they had a hand in ruining.

    If the truth must be told, a large chunk of the politicians that assembled to plot the downfall of Buhari at that forum should have either shamelessly retied from politics or cooling their heels somewhere in our prisons for the callous rape of our collective patrimony. But because no one resigns from politics here, they are the ones latching on to the same old tricks that empowered them to glibly impoverish the vulnerable majority.

    Don’t get it twisted, there is nothing wrong with a coalition if such would truly lead to the advancement of democratic governance and enhance the nation’s economic development. But this concoction being brewed in Wadata House is a poisoned chalice. It doesn’t smell nice. It riddled with the scallywags of our infamous past and confessed election riggers. It is peopled by persons who thrived on nothing but treachery. In my mind, the Coalition of United Political Parties (CUPP) is couched in the meanest form of political chicanery funded by the same persons who betrayed the ruling APC and sold its birthright for a morsel to the opposition PDP at the inception of the Buhari administration. The same persons who told Buhari to keep on dancing as they securely watch his back are the same elements to thrust a dagger through his back, targeting his delicate positioned heart. They know themselves. At the onset, we saw the earlier signs, warned Buhari to be wary of letting off his guards. He didn’t listen neither did he show any signs that he realised how serious the matter was until they started to urinate on his head from their privileged positions. Now, they want him out in the sun to roast pledging what they couldn’t provide in their sixteen years of rudderless leadership.

    When you leverage on the percentage of those with corruption cases hanging on their necks at that gathering including those who have failed to account for the billions of naira they collected from the Office of the National Security Adviser to run the 2015 presidential campaign, you can only conclude that these persons would try all the tricks in the books, including blackmail, to make sure that the control of the treasury returns to them. They have already started by directing the President to suspend action on the Executive Order on Asset Forfeiture which was signed last week. We do not need to look far to know why this is expedient.

    With majority of the elite and political office holders living way beyond their means, it is inevitable that implementing a law that empowers the government to seize assets suspected to be proceeds of crimes (either economic or otherwise) would not sit well with the direct beneficiaries of a system that runs on corrosive graft.

    No wonder it became a subject of discussion at the CUPP’s signing ceremony where a serving senator treated the audience to his usual musical buffoonery of returning ‘home’ with a fake apocalyptic heresy that Buhari is doomed. If men, especially Nigerian politicians, were God, won’t we all be doomed by now?

    True, this country needs to divorce itself from the shameful past and begin a true process of political rebirth. It is one thing that has eluded us, not for want of trying but because the task of doing that was often placed in the hands of political buccaneers masquerading as patriots. Unfortunately, the 2019 election process has begun with the charlatans serving a gullible nation with the same phantasmagoric tale that leads to nowhere but the path of damnation. Will we ever exhale someday and have our peace?