It boils down to systematic exclusion. How many party chieftains can afford the cost of nomination forms these days, except the typical moneybags in the corridors of power and aggressively ambitious businessmen?
Many patriotic Nigerians with genuine intentions to serve are easily discouraged by the humongous fees for parties’ forms.
Since government is where the money is, the struggle for power has thus become intense. The scene remains dirty due to stiff competition and peculiar antagonism. Politics and morality exist in clear-cut antithetical relationship. Politics is the domain of a privileged few, and their few allies, lackeys and confederates. Democracy in Nigeria, as it is being practised now, is a system of government run by a few, dictated by a few for the people.
Politics is becoming increasingly monetised. It is no more perceived as a vocation but an occupation of high economic and social value. It has become an investment. To that extent, political investors would have to garner returns.
Besides, the cost of organising the elections by the umpire is worrisome. In 2019, the electoral commission spent N242 billions. For 2023 polls, the agency has proposed N305 billion. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has been rattled in the past by the excesses of political actors who plotted to cripple the electoral process through indulgence in monumental fraud. The country, therefore, has to invest in innovations for the purpose of sanitising the electoral system.
As political parties warm up for primaries ahead of next year’s elections, most of the contestants are the familiar faces who know the tricks, who understand the process and who can endure the storm and stress. The bulk of the money they expend on politicking is sourced from the system, and invariably ploughed back into the system for the benefit of recycled leaders and their gullible followers.
The commercialisation of tickets is the legacy of the new breed. The buying and selling started in the Third Republic during the two-party experiment of military President Ibrahim Babangida. Party members were no more paying dues, which was the hallmark of participation and membership in earlier dispensations. The burden then shifted to the new crop of politicians who were in a hurry to acquire power, following the sidelining of the old breed through ban.
Delegates were organised, mobilised and holed up in hotels. They were policed to prevent defection or desertion. Freedom was curtailed. Money was speaking. And conscience was on sale.
That was the scenario during the conventions of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republican Convention (NRC) where Baba Gana Kingibe and Tony Anenih, as well as Tom Ikimi and Hammad Kusamotu were elected as national chairmen.
It was a wide departure from the previous congresses of First and Second Republics’ NPC, AG, NCNC, NPN, UPN, NPP, PRP and GNPP. Then, ideology was in vogue. Apart from NPN, which was well organised and fortified, nevertheless, other parties had great ideas and sweet promises with a special focus, not on wealth accumulation but service to the people.
Early leaders were not driven by the morbid desire to build private mansions. On the part of political parties, there were self-regulation and restraints. The ticket was never for sale, either to the highest bidder or commoners in their folds.
But, the recent convention of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) has built on the Third Republic pattern. In a poverty-stricken country where petty traders are in want of N20,000 to boost their businesses that most prop up subsistence living, the national chairmanship form was N20 million.
Only former governors who are now senators, and few businessmen in politics, could afford it. Forms for lower layers of party offices gulped between N15 million and N5 million as well. Thus, when consensus was being forced down the throats of many aspirants, in favour of some anointed candidates, cries of despondency filled the air.
Earlier, aspirants on the platforms of ruling and position parties in Ekiti and Osun states obtained their governorship forms for N20 million.
The forms for Expression of Interest and Nomination in the main opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), by each presidential contender is N40 million. No fewer than 13 aspirants have purchased the forms ahead of shadow polls. In the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA), the form goes for N25 million.
As from this month, the parties are likely to announce the fees for state and federal parliamentary forms.
The implication is that only career politicians, and not those who make money through honest labour, can cough out the huge amount. Yet, the expenses do not end there. The cost of campaigns and campaign materials, logistics and emotional cost of suspense and anxiety during electioneering are burdensome.
That may account for the desperation of many contestants during the primary and general elections. These days, delegates look forward for a bumper harvest during electioneering. It is difficult to check the wheeling and dealing. Competence, expertise, experience and character are factors. Without money to back these virtues, the aspirant is empty, lonely and meaningless. This has led analysts to submit that the pattern of leadership recruitment and followership enlistment is faulty.
Three factors may be responsible. The corridor of power is too fascinating because it throws up emergency billionaires, who are only interested in the huge pecks of offices and who have obtained the licence to pillage public treasury. Those outside struggle to enter the class and partake in mindless exploitation and recklessness.
The second is that society also worships the political class as comprising custodians of public resources who they now depend upon for the proverbial crumbs falling from the tables of power barons. If a councillor, lawmaker, commissioner or minister decides to be different by sticking to moral values while in office, his community would treat him like a leper after leaving power. Society no more upholds moral values. Politics has become the greatest corrupter of society.
The third factor is associated with the type or system of government. In the First Republic, the cost of electioneering was not so much an issue. Under the parliamentary system, candidates were selected by political parties, based on certain criteria. These include character, contributions to the community and the platforms, age, working experience, success in chosen careers and hierarchical requirements.
Parliamentary candidates only limited their campaigns to their respective constituencies. After the polls, the party with the majority of seats in the Parliament produced the Premier and formed the government. The ministers were selected from the legislature.
But the presidential system practised in the Second Republic was not as expensive as the current experience shows. Political parties were effectively in charge of nominations and they prescribed rules and conventions that were enforced. When the wealthy Chief Moshood Abiola sought the NPN presidential ticket in the Second Republic, he was told that the ticket was not for the highest bidder.
Having purchased expensive forms, only few aspirants would not want to cut corners. It becomes the survival of the fittest and the richest. Delegates are targeted for inducement. What is more important during the usually tensed primary is not the vision, ideas or manifestos of aspirants, but their deep walletes. The last minute campaign speeches by aspirants are a non-issue. What matters is the amount delegates can take home.
The naira and dollar war later shifted to the day of the general election. A dangerous dimension now is the art of vote buying. Poll results seldom reflect the interest and wish of the people.
Those who collect money from aspirants and their agents never asked for it. But, they cannot also reject or resist bribery because they are poor; they are in want of means of livelihood and survival.
Democracy is the best form of government. Election is critical to democratic consolidation. But the monetisation of politics makes nonsense of the democratic experience.
The corridor of power is too attractive. There is need to reduce the pecks of office and block the loopholes. If political office is redefined in a way that prevents primitive accumulation of wealth, only selfless people will aspire to public offices.
Political parties should exercise moderation in the way and manner they raise money for party activities. They should encourage their members to pay dues, instead of solely targeting periodic nomination forms.
In 2023, INEC and security agencies should police the votes. Only jail terms can stem vote buying and other electoral malpractices to enable the nation have a sanitised electoral system. This should also be the focus of electoral offences tribunal.