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Tag: 2019 poll

  • Parties beyond the 2019 poll

    Observer reports and the Independent National Electoral Commission’s latest recount of its experiences during the recent 2019 general election have freshly highlighted the challenges posed by the multiplicity of political parties in the Nigerian electoral process. These challenges are all the more burdensome because most of the parties have only nominal existence, without real capacity or indeed any serious intention to bid for political power.

    Only in June, I articulated a piece that speaks to this national experience, from which the following excerpt is being reproduced.  Now that outcomes in about all outstanding constituencies under the 2019 general election cycle have been electorally – take note: not judicially – decided, attention must turn to life beyond the poll.

    While it was yet awaiting the final reports of international and domestic observers and, of course, the upshots of associated litigations, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) served the notice that it was already looking ahead to off-season governorship poll in Kogi and Bayelsa states. The public’s expectation is that the electoral body will apply the lessons from the recent poll to improve its processes for future elections. But for the legion of political parties, it is the perfect time to reinvent their brand if there’s one, or freshly forge one if there’s none. This is to make them better relevant in the scheme of things.

    Before the electoral commission stopped registering political parties ahead of the 2019 general election, it had a haul of 91 of them on its roll, out of which 73 parties put in appearance for the February 23rd presidential poll. For most part, that appearance was tokenistic, because the election was in actual terms a two-horse race between the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Considerably fewer numbers of political parties pitched in respectively for the other elections into the national assembly, governorships and state houses of assembly. Still, the 2019 poll featured a grossly crowded field of contending parties compared with the 2015 general election for which only 30 parties were on INEC’s register, out of which 14 parties stepped up to the plate for that year’s presidential poll.

    Now that the 2019 general election is behind, the statute of time limitation on INEC to register more parties has lapsed. And the commission has said new associations have already begun filing applications to get on the electoral roll. With the minimalist criteria prescribed in our laws, it can’t help enlisting many of the fresh applicants; and that means the number of registered parties in Nigeria will yet swell beyond the present level that many have argued is already on excessive side. Meanwhile, other than the few political parties with some stake in power at different constituency levels, nothing typically gets heard from fringe parties until the next election cycle when some barely rouse to put in nominal appearance for select constituency elections.

    Read Also: INEC gets NDI/IRI report on 2019 polls

    Under Nigerian electoral law, there is virtually nothing stopping any party getting on the ballot for any election. But the electoral commission has never shied from making clear the challenges that huge numbers of fringe parties pose for its logistics and other processes in the context of elections – among these, its statutory mandate to monitor the parties’ primaries before the poll, and the time it would take after voting to return winners through the thick forest of also-rans. The immediate past leadership of INEC under Professor Attahiru Jega attempted resolving those challenges by applying the provisions of Section 78(7) of the Electoral Act 2010 (as Amended) in deregistering some dormant political parties. It was, however, overruled by the courts, which held the said Electoral Act provisions inconsistent with freedoms guaranteed by our Constitution.

    Having a crowd of political parties on the electoral roll is not by itself the problem. Many of the world’s pluralist democracies parade bloated registers of political parties that do not, for that very reason, hobble their electoral system. A recent publication by the Election Commission of India, the world’s largest democracy, showed that the country has 2,293 political parties, 149 registered between February and March. But those parties are restricted to jurisdictions and can’t play beyond their respective sphere. Of that number, there are seven as national parties, 51 as state parties, and others as ‘unrecognised’ parties – so designated because they do not enjoy the privileges attached to ‘recognition’ by the electoral commission such as a reserved party symbol, free broadcast time on state-run media, being consulted in the setting of election dates, and making input to electoral rules and regulations. The electoral body periodically reviews the parties’ respective status based objective criteria.

    In the United States, the country whose model we have adopted in Nigeria, the historical duopoly of the Democrats and Republicans has not shut out other players. Although those two parties exclusively alternate power and share the seats in Congress, there are at least three minor parties at the national level namely the Libertarian Party, the Green Party and the Constitution Party. That is not mentioning scores of other parties at the state and regional levels. But here’s the deal: whereas the fringe parties do not hold any seat in Congress, their existence is sufficiently justified by their active preoccupation with self-assigned social and ideological agenda. For instance, the Libertarians advocate non-interventionist foreign policy and civil liberties; the Greens are left-wing environmentalists who promote social democracy and respect for diversity, peace and non-violence; while the Constitutionalists canvass American nationalism, greater attention to the U.S. Constitution, and conservative ethics of Christianity such as opposition to abortion.

    Besides, U.S. parties all have strict jurisdictional fields of play. But the places to really find political parties for whom political power isn’t the major objective are the states and communalities. Yes, you read that right: the operational relevance of most parties, by design, is restricted to social agenda in the states and provinces. Other than Independents, allowed by the country’s Constitution, minor parties include the United States Marijuana Party, which obviously is keen on marijuana legalisation; the New Black Panther Party, which promotes Black Nationalism; the United States Pacifist Party, concerned with pacifism; and the United States Pirate Party that is focused on Pirate politics. Among a throng of others, regional parties include the Natural Law Party in Michigan; New York State Right to Life Party, Rent Is Too Damn High Party, and Women’s Equality Party – all in New York; and then, Ecology Democracy Party and Grassroots-Legalize Cannabis Party – both in Minnesota.

    The point here is that even though Nigerian electoral law, as we already observed, does not prescribe jurisdictional limits for political parties, the parties could by themselves consolidate their base jurisdictionally ahead of the 2023 general election. One ready way of doing that is for them to contest respective local government elections.

    And that is for parties keen on political power. Nigerian parties could begin to commit to social and community causes such as the need for good roads and other infrasructure, on the basis of which they could then connect with the public and drive for membership that would evolve into their regular support base. That should be a foundation on which to subsequently build the quest for political power.

    But to really tidy up the clogged electoral system in this country, INEC must pursue regulations for ballot access by political parties, or status regulation of the parties, as is the case in India.

     

    • Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.

  • 2019 poll: INEC replacing servers to conceal rigging, says PDP

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has accused the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) of replacing electronic servers in its headquarters and state offices.

    The party, which has gone to court to challenge the victory of President Muhammadu Buhari in the February 23 election, said INEC is replacing the servers to obliterate the actual presidential election results transmitted from the polling centres.

    A statement yesterday by PDP’s spokesman, Kola Ologbondiyan, described the development as “completely reprehensible”, saying it further exposed INEC’s culpability in the alleged manipulation and rigging of the 2019 presidential election.

    The statement reads: “The PDP has been well briefed on how INEC’s leadership and officials of the Buhari Presidency became jittery and resorted to the desperate measure, after they realised that the servers have information of Atiku Abubakar’s victory at the election.

    “Our party also has details of how INEC leadership and the Presidency agents procured and detailed computer experts to the commission’s offices to switch the servers, mutilate vital information in the system and attempt to erase all trails of transmitted results to the main server.

    “Moreover, our party has been informed about how INEC’s leadership, several weeks after the election, used some compromised officials to manipulate voters register in some states by ticking names of individuals who did not participate in the election as having voted. This is to use such to cover the fictitious results it wrote for the APC.

    Read also: Presidency tackles PDP over comment on Buhari’s  London trip

    “What INEC and the Buhari Presidency do not understand is that computer software and applications leave traces, signatures as well as footmark. Forensic investigation of the system will reveal the real votes transmitted from the polling centres, which show Atiku Abubakar as the winner of the election.

    “The PDP has, therefore, insisted on forensic examination of all relevant documents and equipment used for the presidential election. Our party will continue to be at alert as we stand with Nigerians to reclaim our stolen mandate at the tribunal, and no amount of manipulation by INEC will detract us from this national resolve.”

    But Chief Press Secretary to the INEC chairman, Rotimi Oyekanmi, described the allegation as baseless and uncalled for. He also urged the party to allow the legal process run its full course.

    Oyekanmi said: “The allegation is baseless and uncalled for. The commission has maintained that it will not join issues with the PDP on a petition that the party had already filed in court in respect of the presidential election.

    “Rather than issuing statements and addressing news conferences on the same petition, the PDP should allow the legal process run its full course.”

     

  • Parties beyond the 2019 poll

    Now that outcomes in about all outstanding constituencies under the 2019 general election cycle have been electorally – take note: not judicially – decided, attention must turn to life beyond the poll.

    While awaiting the final reports of the many international and domestic observers of those recent elections, and, of course, the upshots of associated litigations, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has served notice that it is already looking ahead to off-season governorship poll in Kogi and Bayelsa states. The public’s expectation is that the electoral body will mine lessons from practical circumstances of the just-concluded poll to improve its processes for future elections. But that is concerning INEC. For Nigeria’s legion of political parties, it seems just the perfect time to head back to the smithery and rework their brand if there’s one, or freshly forge one if there’s none. The whole idea is to prospect for better relevance in the scheme of things.

    Before the electoral commission called a halt to registering political parties ahead of the 2019 general election, it had a haul of 91 of them on its roll, out of which 73 parties put in appearance for the February 23rd presidential poll. For most part, that appearance was tokenistic, because the election was in actual terms a two-horse race between the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Considerably fewer numbers of political parties pitched in respectively for the other elections into the national assembly, governorships and state houses of assembly. Still, the 2019 poll featured a grossly crowded field of contending parties compared with the 2015 general election for which only 30 parties were on INEC’s register, out of which 14 parties stepped up to the plate for that year’s presidential poll.

    Now that the 2019 general election is behind, the statute of time limitation on INEC to register more parties has lapsed. And you need no special skills to forecast that new associations will soon begin to file applications to get on the electoral roll. With the minimalist criteria prescribed in our laws, the commission can’t help enlisting most fresh applicants; and that means the number of registered parties in Nigeria will yet swell beyond the present level that many would argue is already bloated. The catch here is: other than the few political parties with some stake in power at different constituency levels, nothing typically gets heard from the fringe parties until the next election cycle when they – some, certainly not all – barely manage to rouse and put in nominal appearance on the ballot for select constituency elections.

    Under Nigerian electoral law, there is virtually nothing stopping any party getting on the ballot for any election. But then, the electoral commission has never shied from making clear the challenges that huge numbers of fringe parties pose for its logistics and other processes in the context of elections – among them, its statutory mandate to monitor the parties’ primaries before the poll, and the time it would take after voting to return winners through the forest of also-rans. The immediate past leadership of INEC under Professor Attahiru Jega attempted resolving those challenges by applying the provisions of Section 78(7) of the Electoral Act 2010 (as Amended) in deregistering some dormant political parties. Only it was overruled by the courts, which held the said Electoral Act provisions inconsistent with freedoms guaranteed by our country’s Constitution. By the way, it curious (isn’t it?) that those provisions yet remain in the Electoral Act as of today.

    But having a crowd of political parties on the electoral roll is not by itself the problem. Many of the world’s pluralist democracies parade bloated registers of political parties that do not, for that very reason, hobble their electoral system. A recent publication by the Election Commission of India, the world’s largest democracy, which kicked off its marathon (six-week-long) election just last Thursday, showed that the country had 1,841 registered parties. But those parties were restricted to jurisdictions and couldn’t play beyond their respective sphere. Of the whole number, there were seven as national parties, 51 as state parties, and 1,785 ‘unrecognised’ parties – so designated because they did not enjoy the privileges attached to ‘recognition’ by the electoral commission such as a reserved party symbol, free broadcast time on state-run media, being consulted in the setting of election dates, and making input to electoral rules and regulations. Meanwhile, the electoral body periodically reviews the parties’ respective status based objective criteria.

    In the United States, the country whose model we have adopted in Nigeria, the historical duopoly of the Democrats and Republicans has not shut out other players. Although those two parties exclusively alternate power and share the seats in Congress, there are at least three minor parties at the national level namely the Libertarian Party, the Green Party and the Constitution Party. That is not mentioning scores of other parties at the state and regional levels. But here’s the catch: whereas the fringe parties do not hold any seat in Congress, their existence is sufficiently justified by their active preoccupation with self-assigned social and ideological agenda. For instance, the Libertarians advocate non-interventionist foreign policy and civil liberties; the Greens are left-wing environmentalists who promote social democracy and respect for diversity, peace and non-violence; while the Constitutionalists canvass American nationalism, greater attention to the U.S. Constitution, and conservative ethics of Christianity such as opposition to abortion.

    Besides, U.S. parties all have strict jurisdictional fields of play. But the places to really find political parties for whom political power isn’t the major objective are the states and communalities. Yes, you read that right: the operational relevance of most parties, by design, is restricted to the states and provinces. Other than Independents, allowed by the country’s Constitution, minor parties include the United States Marijuana Party, which obviously is keen on marijuana legalisation; the New Black Panther Party, which promotes Black Nationalism; the United States Pacifist Party, concerned with pacifism; and the United States Pirate Party that is focused on Pirate politics. Among a throng of others, regional parties include the Natural Law Party in Michigan; New York State Right to Life Party, Rent Is Too Damn High Party, and Women’s Equality Party – all in New York; and then, Ecology Democracy Party and Grassroots-Legalize Cannabis Party – both in Minnesota.

    Even in United Kingdom where the Liberal Democrats pose a third force to the parliamentary duopoly of the Conservative and Labour parties, there are other major parties that contest within specific regions – say, in Ireland and Scotland. And those are national parties. Several local parties contest only within a specific area, a single county, borough or district.

    The point here is that even though Nigerian electoral law, as we already observed, does not prescribe jurisdictional limits for political parties, the parties could by themselves consolidate their base jurisdictionally ahead of the 2023 general election. One ready way of doing that, perhaps, is by gunning for a stake in respective local government elections.

    And that is for parties keen only on political power. Nigerian parties should begin to commit to social and community causes, on which basis they could connect with the public and drive for membership that would evolve to become their regular support base. That should be a foundation on which to subsequently build the quest for political power.

    But to really tidy up the clogged electoral system in this country, INEC must itself pursue evolving regulations for ballot access by political parties, or, at least, status regulation of the parties as is the case in India.

     

    • Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.

  • 2019 poll: Articulating the realities

    I would have been shocked if last Saturday’s Presidential and National Assembly elections in Nigeria had not generated the controversies that we are currently battling with as we prepare for the governorship and state assemblies elections scheduled for March 9. The reason is simple: there has never been an election in this country in which the electoral umpire does not end up being bashed by those who lost the contest. And so, I had notified Prof. Yakubu Mahmood in my last piece to be prepared for the righteous and unrighteous rage from a battery of sore losers after he must have given himself a thumb up for a job well done regardless of who emerged victorious between the candidate of the All Progressives Congress in the Presidential Election, President Mohammed Buhari and his counterpart in the Peoples Democratic Party, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar. As things turned out, Mahmood was not even midway through the announcement of results before Atiku’s men launched a clinically-executed attack not only on his integrity but the entire conduct of an election that produced shocking results in certain strongholds of some political heavyweights.

    Like I pointed out last week, the political class is the crooked wood that, more often than not, stokes the fire of distrust in our electoral system. Our pretence to doing things according to the world’s best practice notwithstanding, we must agree that our electoral system is yet to wean itself of the crude methodologies of old in spite of the evolvement of our own brand of electronic voting which, to my mind, is nothing more that manual e-voting. I can’t understand why, in this age and time, a section of the enlightened populace was compelled to go through the arduous drill of voting in the open fields when such could be done on their phones with a specially designed App. We all know that is a big dream in a mercantilist economy that panders to the whim of political godfathers in the corridors of power. Having said this, the February 23 elections, in my estimation, was remarkably different. In short, it was an improvement when compared to past national elections even with the usual shortcomings of ballot box snatchings, vote buying, killings and outright vote stealing as claimed in some quarters. Most importantly and critical to this election was the fact that age old myth of the invincibility of certain persons in an electoral contest was thrown into the dustbin of history.

    Before Nigerians went to the poll, certain realities were taken as given. It is what those conversant with betting in pool houses in those days would call ‘sure banker!’ For example, most political analysts would have wagered that the President of the Senate, Bukola Saraki, was ‘sure banker’ to return to the National Assembly even if they weren’t sure he would remain as leader of the National Assembly. Also, it was imagined that the man with an ‘uncommon’ grip on the political fortunes and misfortunes of Akwa Ibom State, Senator Godswill Akpabio, would be a key player in the next gathering of lawmakers despite his defection to the APC, a party that has never recorded any meaningful victory in that region. When you shift a bit to the South West, no one could have scripted the lines that the one and only ‘constituted authority’ of Oyo State politics, Senator/Governor Abiola Ajimobi would be made to bite his tongue and regret ever aspiring to go back to the Senate after eight years in office. When the reality dawned on him, he had to console himself with an anticipated federal appointment—a wish which may not manifest going by Buhari’s actions in the past. Shocking still was the return of the enfant terrible of the National Assembly under the leadership of Saraki, Senator Dino Melaye. Like him or hate him, Melaye’s return, amid the barrage of unfriendly fires stacked against him in Kogi State and the Federal Government, speaks volume about the pure love his people have for him. It also says a lot about the credibility of the election and INEC’s determination to discharge its responsibilities without fear or favour no matter how patronizing this may sound.

    Don’t get me wrong, this does not in any way mean the grievances expressed by the likes of Atiku, Saraki, Akpabio, Ajimobi and others against the conduct of the election are not to be taken seriously. It only accentuates the argument for the reform of our electoral system in such a way that this attitude of mutual distrust would be reduced drastically. Having said this, it is also important that we interrogate the reasons espoused by these aggrieved candidates to justify what they perceived to be electoral heist. For example, when Atiku argues that figures were allotted to the APC candidate and winner of the election, Buhari, does that include the figures that were released in his polling unit were he lost to his bitter rival? And if, as he claimed, he was that strong in the North East and the entire North, what were all his teeming supporters and polling unit representatives doing when those figures were being allocated? If we go by the unwritten code of Rigging 101 that people rig in their areas of strength, do we then conclude that Atiku’s foot soldiers had upper hand in the 17 states and Abuja where he won? Would Atiku or any of those making a song and dance of the viral videos of alleged rigging accept this narrative of a case of one party out-rigging the other? And if that was the case, how did Ajimobi, Akpabio, Saraki, former President Olusegun Obasanjo in his polling unit, Vice President Yemi Osinbajo in his Victorian Garden City ‘stronghold’, Atiku and Senator George Akume fail to execute the plot?

    Here is the glaring fact: After the declaration of the results by the body empowered to do so, all that is left for Atiku and any other sore losers is to move the battle to the courts to reclaim what they label a ‘stolen mandate’. It is pointless throwing sour grapes at Mahmood or even INEC. Let me underscore that fact that the initial plan to release a final result sheet that favours the PDP or the attempt to form a parallel government as advised by some of Atiku’s men would have seen them treading on the sharp edge of treason. If they have anything to learn from the incumbent President, it should be the fact that he suffered defeat three times as presidential candidate both at the polling booths and the courts before providence smiled on him. For all that was said about him in those days, he never, for once, resorted to self-help by releasing any presumed result neither did he form a parallel government. He simply lived with his pain and retired to his farm. Atiku should learn from this before those nudging him on push him into the deep valley and move on to the next port of self-glorification.

    Elections have been won and lost in the past. Atiku is no stranger to this reality having lost presidential contest several times either at the primaries or in the general election. The hard fact is that he doesn’t have justification for self-entitlement to the throne. The Presidency is not an ancestral inheritance. It is open to all citizens who meet the legal requirements to aspire for the office. If the courts hand victory to him, that would be legitimate. And it is quite possible for him to be on the saddle if he can prove to their lordships that the mandate was rightfully his. However, I find it laughable that he was quoted, among other things, to have advised the international investors in Nigeria not to move their investments elsewhere due to the outcome of the election. That is self-glorification at its banal best. Which international community? The one that says the outcome of the election was reflective of the people’s will to stick to integrity or the one that says that the re-election of Buhari was “in many ways a referendum on honesty” over a packaged façade of capacity to steer the ship of state?

    See, after all the noise and showmanship, calm has returned. The international community understands the fact that we hardly accept defeat here no matter how free, fair and credible the election was. We must always find loopholes to explain away our losses. Except for former President Goodluck Jonathan, hardly do we experience a situation where a major contender would willingly congratulate the winner. And so, those who expected Atiku to follow that line are dreamers. Buhari was never on record to have done that in any of his three defeats. As things stand today, it is only the courts that can put an end to the bitter squabbles for power. Even when that is done, the struggle seems eternal. Nothing is wrong with that as long as it within the bounds of the law and decency. Resorting to brigandage will spell doom for all. One can only hope that this seething rage will go with time and we can begin another process of healing as the losers chew their pain with philosophical equanimity till another opportunity beckons for a shot at the post. That is the discomfiting reality, for now!

  • Elections: We are tired of violence – FCT community

    Gishiri residents in the FCT at Unit 024B, Estate 11 Gishiri village, who voted peacefully at the Presidential and National Assembly elections, said they heeded advice to vote in spite of challenges because they were tired of violence.

    The challenges range from absence of INEC staff to some people with voter cards not finding their names on the register.

    Mr Umaru Ibrahim, a voter, said he was told to go to Gwarimpa or Jabi, few kilometres, to check his name.

    “There’s no movement so how can I go to Gwarimpa or Jabi? I voted here in 2015 how come the name disappeared today,” he queried?

    Elizabeth Joseph had the same story to tell.

    “How can they say my name is not on their register when I voted in this same place in 2015?

    “No INEC staff is here to talk to but only NYSC ad-hoc staff who can not help us. If they say we should not vote we will peacefully go home and rest.”

    When NAN spoke with the ad-hoc staff, they said that they did not receive any response from all their calls to INEC.

    They said that they were instructed not to allow anyone whose name was not found on the register to vote.

    The residents who spoke with the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN), said that they endured the long queue and the scorching sun, simply to vote for candidates of their choice.

    Two party agents from the PDP and APC who pleaded anonymity, said they encouraged their party faithful to remain calm even in the face of the challenges.

    NAN reports that the turn out of voters was massive, with heavily armed police presence.

    The INEC ad hoc staff arrived at 8.02am and accreditation and voting started 9 at a.m. for the 1698 accredited voters with PDP winning at the two units.

    At unit 024B for the Presidential result, PDP had 217 while APC got 42.
    For Senate:
    PDP 228
    APC 43 while for the House of Representatives, PDP got 219 against APC’s 47 at Unit 024D
    For President, PDP got 392 while APC had 51

  • Group alleges presence of 3000 ‘fake’ soldiers in Taraba

    The Taraba Volunteer Group (TVG) Wednesday alleged that some three thousand soldiers were deployed to Taraba state for the purpose of rigging the elections on February 23 and March 9 in favour of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

    The APC has however denied the allegation.

    TVG State Coordinator, Joseph Terence, in his briefing in Jalingo, noted that Taraba is among the 10 (PDP) states the APC-led government has earmarked to “forcefully” wrestle power from, irrespective of the damages and costs involved.

    “The postponement of the presidential and National Assembly elections on February 16 exposed the plot. 3000 fake soldiers were deployed to the state.

    “All the road check points, that were hitherto dismantled, came back alive with strange-looking, unprofessional men in military uniforms taking charge. They were fake soldiers but heavily armed.

    Read Also: Buhari sends SGF, others to console families of 8 dead Taraba supporters

    “The same contingent of fake soldiers is on their way back to their duty posts in Taraba for the election starting on February 23.

    “Their brief is to pave the way for fake electoral materials to have smooth sail in their destinations, and to cause confusion in PDP strongholds. This is to create opportunity for the APC to manipulate the poll,” Terence said.

    The group said the arrangement for rigging is in fulfillment of the request by the Taraba State flag bearer, Sani Abubakar Danladi, that President Muhammadu Buhari should provide him and the APC “adequate security men” to enable him take over Taraba State.

    APC spokesman, Aaron Artimas, denied planning to rig the election in Taraba state, saying the PDP was only jittery of the election.

    He added he is not aware of fake soldiers’ presence in Taraba state.

    “But I am aware that the federal government was deploying military personnel to flash points in the country, of which Taraba is one of them.”

  • INEC has distributed 98 per cent election materials in Borno – REC

    The Independent National Electoral Commission ( INEC ) says it has achieved about 98 per cent delivery of non-sensitive election materials to polling units ahead of Saturday’s Presidential and National Assembly elections.

    The commission said it had also begun the distribution of sensitive materials to all the 27 local government areas of the state; adding that it was expecting to complete the exercise on Friday.

    The state’s Resident Electoral Commissioner, Alhaji Mohammed Ibrahim, made the disclosure at a news conference on Friday in Maiduguri.

    Ibrahim explained that non-sensitive materials, such as voter registers, voting cubicles, Smart Card Reader, power generator and others were currently being distributed to polling centres.

    He disclosed that 2, 315, 956 eligible voters were expected to vote in the elections in the state.

    Read Also: INEC begins distribution of sensitive materials in Imo

    Ibrahim said 435 candidates were presented by 41 political parties for various posts, including governorship, senatorial, House of Representatives and State House of Assembly.

    He also said about 11, 000 security personnel were deployed for the elections, to secure 3, 933 polling units (PUs), electoral officers, election materials as well as buildings and premises.

    The REC said the commission had registered 409, 000 Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) from eight local government areas, who would vote in designated camps.

    The commissioner listed the affected councils to include Abadam, Guzamala, Marte, Dikwa, Ngala, Kukawa, Mobbar and Kala Balge.

  • Why we arrested PDP spokesman – DSS

    The Kaduna state Command of the Department of state services ( DSS ) has explained that it arrested the Director General of the People’s Democratic Party campaign, Ben Bako because of inciting statement that if left unchecked, was capable of leading to a “complete breakdown of law and order in the state and beyond”.

    The PDP Campaign DG was arrested after a video in which he called for anybody that fails to vote for the PDP in the forthcoming election to be killed.

    The PDP in the state, however, said his arrest was part of a plan by the All Progressive Congress in the state to clamp down on opposition elements.

    But in a statement issued in Kaduna, the DSS said the PDP chieftain was arrested in order for him to “shed more light on his inciting statement.

    The statement signed by AI Koya, state director of Security of the state Command said “other people with similar tendencies are also being investigated and would equally face the same fate of found culpable.

    The statement reads: “On the 9th February, 2019, this service invited Mr. Ben. Bako to shed more light on his inciting statement and call for violence in the state. Earlier on the 7th February, 2019 Bako had addressed a rally at Kafanchan, Jema’a local government area of Kaduna state.

    “During the rally, Bako was recorded calling his followers to kill anybody that votes for any party other than the PDP. The video has already gone viral through the social media.

    “Bako, a former commissioner for information in this state and a leader in his own right made this call along with other inviting statements at Kafanchan, deliberately with the intention to cause violence in the state.

    Read Also: Polls: DSS vows to deal with lawbreakers, purveyors of fake news

    “This development, if left unchecked, could lead to complete breakdown of law and order in this state and beyond. Consequently, Bako is under investigation by the service and would be charged to court as soon as investigation is completed. Other people with similar tendencies are also being investigated and would equally face the same fate if found culpable.

    “The service assures the good people of Kaduna state that in collaboration with sister security agencies would ensure that citizens are free to exercise their right to freedom of association and choice without hindrance,” the statement read.

    But the PDP in the state has accused that the action of the DSS was premeditated, saying that, the party was aware of the ruling party’s plan arrest top leaders of the opposition party.

    Chairman of the PDP, Mr. Felix Hassan Hyat who addressed the press at the party’s secretariat in Kaduna said, “in the first week of December, 2018 we started hearing rumours that the Governor of Kaduna State, Mallam Nasir El-Rufa’i in collaboration with State Security agencies will arrest strong PDP members, days before the elections.

    We took it as mere rumours. The reality is now on ground and the action has started.

    “On 2nd February, 2019, Alhaji Imam Lawal was escorted by security agents along Coronation Road, Kaduna in the evening. His car was thoroughly ransacked but nothing incriminating was found.

    “On Thursday, 7th February, 2019 Alhaji Audi Yaro, Makaman Rigachikun, a former State Chairman and National Ex-Officio was invited to the Kaduna State Police Command Headquarters. His crime was recalling the Campaign speech of President Muhammadu Buhari in 2011 General Elections, where Buhari as Presidential Candidate then has said in Hausa, “ku kasa, ku tsare, ku raka, ku jira, in ba a baku ba ku buge.”

    “On Saturday, 9th February, 2019, Hon. Ben Bako, a strong PDP member a former Commissioner of information in the State and now Director of Media in the present PDP Campaign Organization, was picked by operatives from DSS and taken to Abuja that same night and is yet to be released.

    “On Monday, 11th February, 2019, Alhaji Imam Lawal was again invited to the State DSS office where he was interrogated for sometimes before he was later released. On the same Monday, Alhaji Audi Yaro, Makaman Rigachikun, was again invited by the State DSS operatives and taken to Abuja and is yet to be released.

    “Democracy is seriously under threat in Nigeria, starting with Kaduna State. We as a Party will continue to fight the cause of justice to ensure that Democracy finds its roots firmly in Nigeria and Kaduna State in particular. Now that the security agencies have come out openly to fight the opposition Party in the State on behalf of the ailing ruling Party, we have no alternative than to view them as an integral part of the APC.

    “We want to use this opportunity to appeal to all our cherished supporters and the public to remain calm. Arresting our leaders cannot stop PDP being voted into office on 16h February and 2nd March, 2019 to replace an unwanted monster in the corridors of power loading it over innocent citizens humiliation/intimidation will only strengthen our resolve to keep on the struggle.

    Meanwhile, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) has commended the security agency for the arrests, saying that, Carriers of violent message to scuttle the democratic setting that has been set particularly the forthcoming election must be put under watch.

    Addressing a press conference in Kaduna on Tuesday, Chairman of the party, Air Commodore Emmanuel Jekada and Director General of its Campaign Organization, Ben Kure said, carriers of violent message to scuttle the democratic setting that has been set particularly the election that is coming forth on Saturday the 16th of February 2019 must be put under close watch.

    According to them, “the will of government should not be tested. Attempt or an attempted attempt to try to scuttle the nursing democratic setting by way of conducting a peaceful election I want to believe will not be left without any question or measures taken. Therefore, the propagators of violence orchestrated by the PDP should be warned and other people who want to follow suit in order to scuttle the planned peaceful conduct of the elections that is coming on Saturday.

    “We have followed the PDP carefully and have understood that they are rolling out an orchestrated ground plan to scuttle this election. President Muhammadu Buhari will by the grace of God win, which we are confident of because of his integrity because of the leadership he provided in Nigeria that has restored peace in the country.”

  • Polls: Police to deploy over 12000 personnel in Edo

    Edo State Police Command said over 12,000 security personnel would be deployed for Saturday’s Presidential and National Assembly elections.

    The elections would be conducted in 192 wards across 18 local government areas.

    State Commissioner of Police, Hakeem Odumosun, who stated this at a media briefing on Monday said three additional Commissioners of Police would be deployed to be in charge of each senatorial district.

    Odumosun said voters would be allowed to be at polling units even after voting but would be made to stay 300 metres away from where actual voting is taking place.

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    The Edo Police boss warned youths in the state not to allow themselves to be used for any act of violence during the conduct of the election.

    He promised to provide level playing field for all political parties and cautioned politicians not to see the election as war.

    According to him, “Other sister security agencies will support us. The people should not be afraid of arrest. We are adopting various strategies to ensure peaceful elections.

  • 2019: FG directs missions to issue visas to foreign media

    The Federal Government ( FG ) has directed all Nigerian Missions abroad to issue visas to foreign journalists willing to cover the 2019 General Elections in Nigeria.

    The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Geoffrey Onyeama, said this in a statement issued by the Ministry’s Spokesperson, Mr George Edokpa, on Friday in Abuja.

    The News Agency of Nigeria reports that the 2019 General Elections is scheduled for Feb. 16 and March 6.

    “The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Geoffrey Onyeama has directed all Nigerian Missions to issue visas expeditiously to journalists travelling to cover the forthcoming 2019 General elections in Nigeria,” the statement said.The Federal Government has directed all Nigerian Missions abroad to issue visas to foreign journalists willing to cover the 2019 General Elections in Nigeria.

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    The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Geoffrey Onyeama, said this in a statement issued by the Ministry’s Spokesperson, Mr George Edokpa, on Friday in Abuja.

    The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) reports that the 2019 General Elections is scheduled for Feb. 16 and March 6.

    “The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Geoffrey Onyeama has directed all Nigerian Missions to issue visas expeditiously to journalists travelling to cover the forthcoming 2019 General elections in Nigeria,” the statement said.