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Tag: Abba Yusuf

  • Ondo APC chieftain hails Gov Yusuf’s defection to party

    Ondo APC chieftain hails Gov Yusuf’s defection to party

    A Chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Ondo state, Adeboro Onibalusi, has hailed the decision of Kano state governor, ABBA Yusuf, to defect to the ruling party.

    Onibalusi, a longtime ally of Yusuf, in a statement he tagged as a ‘personal note to Governor Abba Yusuf, expressed profound excitement and optimism on the future of the governor following his defection to the APC.

    He described Yusuf’s decision to leave the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) as being more than a political shift, maintaining that it is a statement of his commitment to his people.

    “As I write this, I am filled with a profound sense of optimism and excitement for the future. Your decision to transition from the NNPP to the APC is more than just a political shift; it is a powerful statement of your unwavering commitment to the people of Kano State,” Onibalusi stated.

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    “I have always believed in your leadership and the transformative vision you bring. Your dedication to the welfare of Kano’s citizens and your commitment to good governance have always been evident. This move to the APC is a bold step that will undoubtedly open new doors for your state and its people,” he added.

    As I write this, I am filled with a profound sense of optimism and excitement for the future. Your decision to transition from the NNPP to the APC is more than just a political shift; it is a powerful statement of your unwavering commitment to the people of Kano State.

    I have always believed in your leadership and the transformative vision you bring. Your dedication to the welfare of Kano’s citizens and your commitment to good governance have always been evident. This move to the APC is a bold step that will undoubtedly open new doors for your state and its people.

    According to him, Governor Yusuf’s defection to the APC will give him the opportunity to ensure that the voice of his people is heard at the national level.

    “Kano is a key player in Nigeria’s political landscape, and your leadership at the center of the APC will ensure that Kano’s voice is not just heard but is instrumental in shaping the nation’s future.

    “This alignment is not just about politics; it’s about creating real, tangible progress and ensuring that the people of Kano benefit from a government that is responsive and forward-thinking.”

    Onibalusi expresses confidence that the governor’s move will strengthen the APC and, at the same time, secure a better future for the state and Nigeria as a whole.

    “I am confident that this strategic move will not only strengthen the APC but also secure a brighter future for Kano and Nigeria as a whole. Your leadership, now more than ever, will be a beacon of hope and a catalyst for progress.

    “As we move forward, I want you to know that I stand with you, and I am excited for the positive changes you will bring to Kano state and our nation.”

  • What next after Yusuf’s defection?

    What next after Yusuf’s defection?

    The defection of Kano State Governor Abba Yusuf and other chieftains of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC) is a major blow to the Kwakwansiyya Movement leader, Senator Rabiu Kwakwanso. Deputy Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU examines the implications of the allegiance shift for 2027 polls

    Kano State is electorally sought-after state. Its population, both in quality and quantity, is huge and intimidating. In the Northwest, it is a poll-confident state reputed for swinging the pendulum of victory in any presidential election.

    Until two weeks ago, the leader of the Kwakwansiyya Movement, Senator Rabiu Kwakwanso, held the ace. The former governor was the undisputed leader of the state and arrowhead of the small but mighty state chapter of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), on which platform Abba Yusuf became governor in 2023.

    Today, the party is decimated, following the defection of the governor, nine federal legislators, commissioners, special advisers and local government chairmen to the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    Yusuf bade farewell to Kwankwaso, his father-inlaw, to become the state leader of APC and commander of the 2027 battle against the former governor and other followers. Incidentally, Kwankwaso, who was about opening discussion with APC, foot-dragged before his former protege took the initiative.

    A source said the governor and his benefactor parted ways a long time ago, and there were speculations that Yusuf complained about highhandedness. Feelers also suggested that Kwankwaso may not be thinking about upholding Yusuf’s ambition for second term. As the source disclosed, the deputy governor seems to enjoy a higher rating.

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    The governor is smart. He is conscious of the fact that APC needs Kano just as he too needs a second term. The alugnment of interests was a factor in his decision to jump ship.

    However, there are still hurdles to cross. The governor’s influence would still be moderated in APC by his two predecessors – Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje, who has embraced him, and Senator Ibrahim Shekarau, who is also expected in the fold.

    Despite becoming the state party leader, the governor has to grapple with the challenge of harmonisation of structures. He is new in the party that has been continuously nurtured by his arch-rivals, particularly Senate President Jibrin Barau, who has been mobilising the party and state for the second term ambition of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    Eyes have also been on the senator as a potential governorship candidate of the ruling party before the defection. Through his mobilisation activities, empowerment programmes  scholarship schemes and financial oiling of the party structures in Kano, Barau has built a solid reputation as a loyal and dependable ally of the president.

     Since 2023, the senator has put his hand on the plough without looking back. He had vowed to reclaim Kano from NNPP.  Therefore, he embarked on a membership drive in Kano, with a view to solidifying APC’s political base ahead of the 2027 elections.

    Before Yusuf’s decision to defect, Barau has attracted many opposition figures to Kano APC.

    He also sensitised the people and impressed it on them the need to support the president to attact more democratic dividends to the state.  Success had attended his mobilisation of the people. Many followers of Kwankwaso had defected to the APC and joined him in the campaign to solidify the party structures. The defectors were given a sense of belonging.

    A source said: “Within the short time, the growing influence of the Deputy Senate President put the NNPP and the Kwankwasiyya Movement on edge, ahead of 2027 elections. Despite the influence of the NNPP as the ruling party in Kano, Barau has refused to be intimidated. Although NNPP won the governorship and presidential elections, he fought a good fight in Kano North, winning his senatorial seat and delivering the district to President Tinubu.

    “Due to its defeat, APC was boxed into the opposition in Kano. Undeterred by the blow of fate, Barau decided to stay in the gap and he has been the leading figure in maintaining the APC machineries in the state since then.

    “Apart from keeping the party’s soul together with the support of Ganduje, the state chairman, and other leaders, Barau has succeeded in wooing hundreds of NNPP and Kwankwsiyya Movement top figures to the APC, to the surprise of their leader, Rabiu Kwankwaso.”

    The source added: “To observers, the foundation laid by Barau, paved the way for the defection of Senator Kawu Sumaila, two other members of the House of Representatives, Kabiru Rurum (Rano/Kibiya/Bunkure) and Abdullahi Sani Rogo (Karaye/Rogo), and former Secretary to Kano State Government, Dr. Baffa Bichi.

    “Other defectors are: former members of House of Representatives, Badamasi Ayuba (Danbatta/Makoda) and Sha’aban Sharada (Kano Municipal); former state lawmaker, Zubairu Hamza Masu, and two former commissioners in the NNPP government, Muhammad Diggol and Abbas Sani Abbas,” the source said, adding that “If Barau had not made the strategic interventions, Kano APC’s chance of survival would have remained slim in the state it governed for eight years.”

    Barau has expanded his intervention programmes to the 44 Local Government Areas of Kano, just as beneficiaries of his foreign scholarship scheme are selected from the three senatorial districts. Similarly, another hundreds of graduates were recently selected from the three senatorial zones for domestic postgraduate scholarships.

    Speaking during one of the empowerment events, the state chairman, Alhaji Abdullahi Abbas, highlighted Barau’s role in sustaining the party since it was displaced by the NNPP.

    “Barau is the senator for all in Kano State. He represents Kano North, but he is for the people of Kano Central, Kano South and everybody. Let me tell you that today, this man is the one sponsoring the party ever since we lost the election in Kano.”

    Echoing his submissions, Abdulmajid Danbilki, a chieftain of APC, said Barau has succeeded in taming the NNPP in Kano, adding that it explains why its leaders are desirous to switch camps to the APC.

    He added: “Senator Barau is the only politician from the North capable of challenging Kwankwaso and the NNPP. He has consistently confronted them through various interventions and policies. If anyone picks a candidate for the Kano governorship seat in 2027 other than Barau, we will not win.

    “No one can deliver Kano like Senator Barau. He is a grassroots politician who understands the intricacies of politics at all levels. The entire northern Nigeria is proud of him.”

    Recently, gladiators in the state endorsed Barau for governor. His Chief of Staff, Muhammad Ibn Abdullahi, who spoke during the endorsement, said it underscored the people’s confidence in his leadershio ability.

    He added: “This is the first time in the history of this state that people from every corner have come together to ask one person to run for governor. Representatives from all 44 local governments, NGOs, civic organisations, former political office holders, and countless support groups are united in one voice — asking His Excellency Senator Barau Jibrin to answer their call.

    “His generosity and development initiatives cut across party lines. Even those outside the APC are beneficiaries of his scholarships, hospital projects, and employment opportunities.”

    The Chairman of NorthwestDevelopmentCommission,, Prof. Abdullahi Iben Maji, was in the same frame of mind. Lauding his role in the creation of the commission, he described the Deputy Senate President as a visionary leader whose contributions to development is beyond Kano.

    He said: “Barau initiated the idea of the Northwest Development Commission in 2019. It took years of persistent effort, but through his leadership and with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s support, the Act was finally signed into law. Today, the North-West and other regions are beneficiaries of his foresight.

    “Every higher institution in Kano State has felt his impact. Just recently, he facilitated scholarships of N50,000 each for students across Kano North. His intervention in the health sector is equally remarkable, with the construction of a state-of-the-art cardiovascular centre and paediatrics facility at Aminu Kano Teaching Hospital — the first of its kind in West Africa. He has donated 1,000 motorcycles to the police for community surveillance and continues to support party structures across 484 wards.”

    A source said the party has to compensate Barau, if the ticket has been kept for Yusuf.

    While Barau is a loyal party man who cannot rock the boat, Yusuf should definitely expect a fight from his former leader, Kwankwaso. The former governor has been a factor in Kano since 1999. But he is not unstoppable. In 2003, he lost to Shekarau,  who ran on the platform of the defunct All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), majorly because the late President Muhammadu Buhari was the presidential candidate and many Northerners wanted power shift.

    But there is no durability of politics of affection in Kano State. Ahead of 2007, crisis had broken out between Shekarau and Buhari. But Shekarau survived, although he could not handover to a preferred successor.

    Before the 2011 general elections, the major opposition in the state was the PDP, which lost the state in 2003, not only because of the implementation of Sharia, which the defunct ANPP capitalised on, but owing largely to the in-fighting within the party.  Even in 2007, but for its internal wrangling, the party would have won the governorship, in spite of the fact that it fielded a relatively unknown politician in the state, Garba Bichi, as its candidate. In 2011,  Kwankwaso, a former Minister of Defence, returned to Kano Government House.

    From that time, the state came under his firm grip. He handed the batton to Ganduje in 2015. When he joined the APC, Shekarau left the party. Curiously, Kwankwaso and Ganduje also parted ways after the poll over the selection of commissioners and special advisers. The rift could not be resolved. Quarrel also broke out over Kwankwaso’s presidential bid, which Ganduje could not endorsed. Kwankwaso retraced his steps to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    The battle was tough in 2019. Although APC won the presidential election decisively, 1,464, 768 to PDP’s 391, 593 votes, the governorship poll was tougher. The exercise was inconvlusive, warranting a rerun won by Ganduje.

    Kwankwaso later defected to the NNPP, field Yusuf in 2023 and sacked APC from Kano Government House in 2023.

    With Yusuf’s defection to the APC, a big fight is expected. Kwakwanso cannot let go easily. He depends on his fanatical supporters, despite the split.

    Yusuf is no more under his wings. He can now lean on the federal might as an added advantage. But the governor needs the cooperation of the gladiators in the party. He needs to forge unity and ensure cohesion.

  • ‘Yusuf’s defection shows confidence in APC’

    ‘Yusuf’s defection shows confidence in APC’

    Bola Ahmed Tinubu Ideological Group (BAT-IG) has lauded defection of Kano State Governor, Abba Yusuf, to All Progressives Congress, describing it as a boost to the party’s strength and national unity.

    In a statement by Director of Media and Publicity, Arabinrin Aderonke, it noted that the governor’s decision reflects confidence in the leadership, vision, and ideology of APC under President Bola Tinubu.

    Quoting proverb: “In the multitude of people lies the king’s honour,” it said the expanding membership is indication of public trust and acceptance.

    The group emphasised that the political realignment in Kano State strengthens APC ahead of the 2027 general election.

    “With the electoral strength of both blocs, APC is positioned for greater victories and sustained political stability,” it said.

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    The group lauded the leadership of APC for fostering inclusiveness, unity, and reconciliation y, noting that such efforts will ensure a smoother and more successful journey toward 2027.

    ‘‘We are a support and ideological movement built on a belief in the political ideology, vision, and strategies of Tinubu.

    The group is committed to Nigeria’s image branding, political engagement, conflict resolution, policy development, growth, and leadership development.

    It is also focused on training and building persons of the political spirit, ideology, vision, and values of Tinubu while countering misinformation and criticism distorting his deeds.

  • Godfathers, godsons and Kano politics

    Godfathers, godsons and Kano politics

    With all the drama he could muster, an embittered Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso recently declared January 23, 2026, the day his erstwhile protégé, Kano State Governor, Abba Yusuf, did the unthinkable by resigning from the New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP) to join the All Progressives Congress (APC), ‘World Day of Betrayal!’

    Not many could have predicted that such a day would come given the close ties between the two men. Yusuf started out as the one-time Kano governor’s Personal Assistant. Kwankwaso would go on to appoint him Commissioner of the important Ministry of Works.

    Such was the bond of loyalty between them that back in 2014, Yusuf who was then an APC member gladly relinquished his senatorial ticket for his mentor to go to the National Assembly and remain politically relevant. A man who was capable of such selflessness now suddenly finds himself being profiled as treacherous.

    But the connections weren’t just official or political, they were also familial. Like many, I had in the past recycled the incorrect information about Yusuf being married to Kwankwaso’s daughter. This isn’t true. The incumbent governor has two wives and one of them is from his erstwhile godfather’s extended family – but is not his biological daughter.

    Perhaps what makes the parting so galling for some is Yusuf’s choice of new friends – many of them his former boss’ associates now turned bitter foes. He spent much of the last two years in a vicious war of words with his predecessor, Abdullahi Ganduje. In fact, one of his first acts in office as governor was the demolition of structures and monuments worth billions of naira built by the former administration.

    On Monday, the fellow he so bitterly reviled was the one raising his hands in endorsement before a cheering throng at the Kano Government House when Yusuf formally registered as APC member. Such is politics; no permanent friend or foe, only permanent interests.

    Over the last two years, close associates of the governor had been nudging him to break free from the suffocating control of his long time boss and ‘be his own man.’ He definitely reached the point where he found such calls irresistible.

    Despite the best efforts to portray the fracture in the Kwankwasiyya family as the ultimate betrayal, such splits are not unheard of in Kano politics. This is a state where power is rarely transferred without a fight. From the First Republic till date, politics here has been shaped by recurring battles between godfathers and godsons they helped to office.

    Time and again, powerful patrons have anointed successors, only to turn into their bitterest enemies once those successors acquired power, autonomy, and their own following.

    Yusuf broke with Kwankwaso but before him Ganduje also went down the same path as he tried to prise himself from the controlling grip of his former boss. Kwankwaso having handed power to Ganduje in 2015, was confident that loyalty would endure. Instead, his successor asserted independence with ruthless efficiency. What followed was an all-out political war that polarised Kano and split families, communities, and institutions.

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    By the time the dust settled, Ganduje had not only defeated his godfather politically but had also redefined the state’s power structure. Yet the irony is unmistakable: he soon began to play the godfather role, exerting influence over party structures and political appointments, only to face resistance from emerging forces and shifting alliances.

    This pattern is neither accidental nor new. It is rooted in Kano’s long tradition of mass politics, its highly mobilised electorate, and influence of its larger-than-life personalities who see power not merely as public trust but as personal property.

    The story started in the First Republic with the rivalry between Mallam Aminu Kano and his former allies. He was not a godfather in the crude, transactional sense common today, but an ideological mobiliser who built a mass movement around the talakawa. Yet even then, Kano politics showed early signs of what would later become a defining feature: intense internal schisms that sooner than later ripped apart any pretence to loyalty.

    By the Second Republic, the godfather–godson template had become clearer. Then Governor Abubakar Rimi split from Aminu Kano in 1981 due to ideological, generational, and strategy disagreements within the People’s Redemption Party (PRP). The younger, more eloquent and charismatic man, leading the radical “Santsi” faction, clashed with Kano’s “Tabo” wing over his technocratic cabinet.

    Rimi’s attempt to diminish the influence of Emir of Kano, Ado Bayero, by creating four new emirates in 1981, caused a severe rift with Kano, who felt the actions were disrespectful to tradition.

    That radical step mirrored what Ganduje did in the twilight of his governorship when he tried to cut Emir Sanusi Lamido Sanusi to size by creating four new emirates.

    Kwankwaso, himself, emerged as governor under the banner of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), helped by an alliance of heavyweights in the state. Once in office, he moved swiftly to dismantle the influence of those who helped him rise. What followed was a bruising intra-elite war that reshaped Kano politics for years.

    He would later become the textbook godfather he once rebelled against under his Kwankwasiyya movement. But like most godfather projects, it eventually ran into the same familiar problem: succession.

    What makes Kano different from many other states is not the existence of godfathers – they exist everywhere in Nigeria – but the consistency and intensity of godson rebellion. In this state, godsons rarely remain subordinate for long. Once they taste power and build grassroots legitimacy, they push back.

    Kano’s voters, unlike those in many other states, have repeatedly shown a willingness to punish perceived political arrogance – whether from godfathers or godsons. When Rimi’s differences with Aminu Kano became irreconcilable, he resigned as governor and defected to the then Nigerian People’s Party (NPP) to contest the 1983 election. He was handily beaten by the PRP candidate, Alhaji Sabo Barkin Zuwo.

    With the politics of the state in such a flux at the moment, it’s hard to say who the voters will back following the intriguing realignment of forces that has taken place. What is evident is that Yusuf has gutted his erstwhile NNPP home, taking with him a huge chunk of the structure from top to bottom.

    What is being created is potentially quite formidable given that he’s joining forces with a largely united APC machine that had strengthen itself over the last one year with defectors from across the political spectrum in the state.

    For his part, Kwankwaso faces a painful rebuilding process with many of his most influential and resourceful foot soldiers now in the rival camp. His options are painfully limited given that he would be going to any table of negotiations with a very weak hand.

    He cannot really turn to the African Democratic Congress (ADC) which is looking more and more by the day like the Atiku Democratic Congress. Even the much speculated link up with Peter Obi in an as-yet-to-be identified platform looks more like a fairy tale that may never become reality.

    In 2023, with his machine intact and motivated, Kwankwaso and his NNPP pulled a massive 953,179 votes at the presidential election. Then candidate Bola Tinubu and APC came second with 513,846; Atiku Abubakar and PDP managed 118,445 votes, while Obi’s Labour Party only garnered a measly 30,089 votes.

    It’s hard to see how with barely 12 months to the next general elections, the wounded former governor is able muster anywhere near one million votes in Kano either for himself or for any other ticket he may decide to support. What is clear is that the 2027 election in the state, driven by either voter anger or indifference, may well produce a lopsided outcome in favour of one side as fallout of recent developments. 

  • More pro-Kwankwaso appointees resign from Yusuf’s cabinet

    More pro-Kwankwaso appointees resign from Yusuf’s cabinet

    Following the defection of Governor Abba Yusuf to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) on Monday, more political appointees, loyal to the leader of the Kwankwasiyya Movement, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, have resigned from their positions.

    Their decision to quit the cabinet follows the disagreement between Yusuf and his benefactor Kwankwaso. 

    The Governor moved to APC against Kwankwaso’s approval, insisting it was in a “broader interest of Kano state.”

    Commissioners of Internal Security and Special Services, Ibrahim Umar and Special Duties, Nasiru Sule Garo, on Tuesday tendered resignation letters, in clear opposition to the Governor’s new political realignment.

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    In his resignation letter to the Secretary to the State Government, Garo said his decision to resign was taken after due consideration.

     Ibrahim Umar also wrote: “I write with profound gratitude and a deep sense of duty to formally tender my resignation from my position as the Commissioner for Internal Security and Special Services, Kano State, with immediate effect.”

    Their resignations come after the Commissioner for Youth and Sports Development, Mustapha Rabiu Kwankwaso, the son of the NNPP national leader, resigned his appointment and membership of the State Executive Council few hours to the Governor’s defection.

    Also on the resignation list are Director-General of the Kano Pilgrims Board, Alhaji Laminu Rabiu and the Managing Director of the Kano State Roads Maintenance Agency (KARMA), Hassan Danbappa.

     Amid a crowd of APC supporters and loyal Kwankwasiyya followers, Governor Yusuf rejoined the ruling party on Monday with 22 of the 24-member House of Assembly, nine of the 14 NNPP federal lawmakers and all 44 local government council chairmen for which Kwankwaso accused the Governor of betrayal.

  • Northwest APC hails Abba Yusuf’s defection as best political decision

    Northwest APC hails Abba Yusuf’s defection as best political decision

    The North West caucus of the All Progressives Congress (APC) has described Kano State Governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf’s decision to join the party as his best political move since entering politics.

    In a statement issued on Tuesday, the chairman of the APC in the North West and former House of Representatives member, Hon. Garba Datti Muhammad, said the governor’s defection underscores his commitment to progressive governance, noting that the move has further strengthened the momentum of the party nationwide.

    He said Governor Yusuf’s decision reflects his alignment with progressive ideals and the growing influence of the APC across the country.

    “We wholeheartedly welcome Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf into the APC family. His decision to align with the progressives is a testament to the impact of the Renewed Hope Agenda of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu,” Muhammad stated.

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    “By aligning with the APC, Governor Yusuf has indeed taken a bold step in his political career, bringing on board thousands of his supporters and loyalists to our fold. We in the North West APC and indeed the entirety of the progressive family are genuinely pleased to have him among us.

    “Today, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has abandoned opposition and joined the mainstream politics—a patriotic decision that will positively shape his leadership politics and bring more development to Kano State.

    “This particular action has once again brought Kano into the map of progressive politics that it has been known for in decades. With the massive transformation and innovative leadership of the APC administration at the centre, it is only natural that every well-meaning leader at the sub-national level will want to be on board and identify with such development.

    “No wonder, it has been a period of harvests for the APC with the defections of many hitherto known opposition governors, federal and state legislators, political heavyweights, chieftains, among others, into the ruling party. We will continue to welcome every patriotic politician into our family of progressives,” the statement said.

    “We will continue to wax stronger as we approach the 2027 general elections. For us in the APC, we welcome everyone on board.”

  • BREAKING: Kano Governor Abba Yusuf officially joins APC

    BREAKING: Kano Governor Abba Yusuf officially joins APC

    The Governor of Kano State, Abba Kabir Yusuf, has officially joined the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    Yusuf defected to the ruling party on Monday during a formal ceremony held at the Coronation Hall of the Kano State Government House.

    He was received into the APC by top party leaders, including former APC National Chairman and ex-Kano State Governor, Abdullahi Ganduje; the Deputy President of the Senate and Senator representing Kano South, Barau Jibrin; the Minister of State for Housing and Urban Development, Yusuf Abdullahi Ata; alongside other senior party officials.

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    Speaking at the event, the governor said his decision to return to the APC was driven by the need to work more closely with the Federal Government, under the leadership of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, to accelerate development in Kano State.

    Yusuf was elected governor in 2023 on the platform of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP). He later resigned from the party along with several members of the Kano State House of Assembly and the House of Representatives, paving the way for his return to the APC.

    Details shortly…

  • Abba Yusuf, Kwankwaso and politics of mandate

    Abba Yusuf, Kwankwaso and politics of mandate

    • By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

    Sir: In Kano today, politics is no longer whispered in corridors; it is argued loudly in markets, mosques and on social media timelines. Since Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s reported decision to part ways with the NNPP, the city has become a theatre of competing loyalties, sharp sarcasm and deeper constitutional questions. Supporters have reduced complex political choices into street labels. Beneath the banter, however, lies a serious national issue: who truly owns a political mandate?

    Governor Abba Yusuf did not emerge from a vacuum. His ascent to the Kano Government House was inseparable from the Kwankwasiyya political machinery, a movement painstakingly built by Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso over two decades. From red caps to ideological messaging, the movement transcended party platforms and became a political identity. In the 2023 elections, many voters did not merely vote for a party; they voted for Kwankwasiyya as a symbol of continuity, defiance and populist appeal.

    Yet, Abba Yusuf is no ceremonial beneficiary. He contested, won, survived legal battles and now governs with all the constitutional powers vested in an elected governor. His mandate, in law, is personal. Once sworn in, no political godfather—however influential—can legally issue directives from outside the Government House. This is where the tension lies: the clash between moral ownership of political capital and constitutional authority of office.

    Kwankwaso’s influence in Kano politics is undeniable. Beyond elections, he represents a moral compass for millions who see him as a symbol of resistance against elite dominance. His supporters’ anger is therefore not merely partisan; it is emotional and ideological. To them, Abba Yusuf’s political identity was inseparable from Kwankwaso’s shadow.

    However, governance demands autonomy. A governor who appears perpetually tethered to an external authority risks administrative paralysis and legitimacy questions. Abba Yusuf’s defenders argue that Kano cannot be governed from outside its constitutional structures. They insist that the electorate voted not just for Kwankwaso’s endorsement but for Abba Yusuf’s promise to lead.

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    The real casualty in this contest, unfortunately, risks being governance itself. When political energy is consumed by loyalty tests and factional supremacy, policy focus suffers. Kano’s challenges—urban congestion, youth unemployment, education deficits and security concerns—require a governor fully immersed in administration, not constant political firefighting.

    There is also the electoral implication. While Kwankwasiyya remains a formidable grassroots force, incumbency is a powerful weapon. State resources, visibility and administrative control can reshape political narratives quickly. The assumption that loyalty automatically translates into electoral dominance may underestimate the pragmatism of Nigerian voters, especially when power dynamics shift.

    Yet, Abba Yusuf’s path is equally fraught. Detaching from a movement that delivered his victory carries political costs. Kano’s electorate is emotionally invested, and symbols matter. If his administration fails to convincingly outperform expectations, the narrative of ingratitude could harden into electoral punishment.

    Ultimately, this is not just a Kano story; it is a Nigerian one. It forces a national reflection on whether mandates belong to parties, movements, godfathers or the individuals elected by the people. The Constitution is clear, but politics rarely is.

    Perhaps the wisest outcome lies not in triumph or humiliation but in recalibration. Political movements must learn to institutionalise beyond personalities, while elected officials must acknowledge the moral debts that brought them to power. Neither absolute loyalty nor total independence offers a sustainable path.

    In Nigeria’s democracy, mandate is both a legal instrument and a moral contract. Kano’s unfolding drama reminds us that ignoring either side of that equation comes at a cost—sometimes heavier than any political suffering.

    •Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu,

    Abuja.

  • Gov Abba Yusuf’s convoluted defection

    Gov Abba Yusuf’s convoluted defection

    The All Progressives Congress (APC) believes that with the defection of Kano’s Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf from the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), the ruling party has made phenomenal gains for 2027. Perhaps. But first, they must find ways to manage the nuances of the defector and his defection. To do this successfully and even profit from it, they need to be reminded of the dynamics of Kano politics, not just to focus on the governor’s intransigent mentor, former governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. Mr Yusuf is leaving the NNPP with eight House of Representatives members, 21 House of Assembly members, 44 local government chairmen, and a host of other officials, nearly all of whom are tired of Dr Kwankwaso’s suzerainty, not to say his dictations. The defection will be formalised in days; it will not only reshape Kano politics, it will trigger significant waves all over the Northwest.

    Perhaps caught in the frenzy of Kano’s defection dynamic, not many people remember that Mr Yusuf contested the 2019 governorship election against former governor Abdullahi Ganduje. The latter was fighting for reelection and the former seeking office for the first time. Mr Yusuf lost by a wafer-thin margin of 1,024,713 to the winner’s 1,033,695. His main backer was former governor Kwankwaso whom he had known now for about 37 years, and whom he had served as personal assistant and commissioner in the state cabinet, in addition to being his son-in-law. Unlike the parting of ways between Dr Kwankwaso and Dr Ganduje, which was to a large extent strictly formal, the rupture between Mr Yusuf and the former governor cuts very deep.

    In the 2019 election, Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II drew the ire of then Governor Ganduje by backing Mr Yusuf. The ensuing bitterness, among other predisposing factors, eventually culminated in the dethronement of Emir Sanusi II. It turned out that the emir and Mr Yusuf are cousins, and throughout the emir’s battle with Dr Ganduje, up until he became governor, Mr Yusuf had planted himself firmly in the emir’s corner. Now, Mr Yusuf and Dr Ganduje are about to lie in bed together in the APC. The ruling party may have gained a formidable politician and dogged fighter in Abba Gida-Gida, as Mr Yusuf is affectionately known among his supporters, it may have also inherited a convoluted family and political dynamic. They must now go on to find the fulcrum upon which to balance the state’s delicate political culture.

    Kano is the closest state in Nigeria to a civic culture. Managing it, as the Kanawa often do with aplomb, may accord with textbook practice, but it also demands huge attention to detail and awareness not commonly known to most Nigerians. If, against the run of play, and fighting an incumbent in the 2019 election, Mr Yusuf nearly caused a major upset against Dr Ganduje, losing by a handful of some 8,982 controversial and litigated votes, imagine what the outcome would be if Dr Kwankwaso’s support could be properly measured and discounted. In the 2023 governorship poll, Mr Yusuf finally got the coveted diadem with a healthy and incontestable vote of 1,019,062 to the APC candidate’s 890,705. Whether Dr kwankwaso likes it or not, the gun now appears loaded in favour of both Mr Yusuf and the APC, if not necessarily against him as leader of the Kwankwasiyya movement, or any of the two factions in the NNPP.

    While opponents of the ruling APC suspect and sometimes say that the party is behind the frictions and fissures in opposition parties, the reality is far different. Both the opposition Labour Party (LP) and the NNPP were adopted or hijacked by opportunistic politicians gunning for high offices at state and national levels. Unfortunately, the surrogate fathers could not effectively manage the fractiousness of their adopted parties, leading to irreconcilable differences and intractable internal squabbles. The former Anambra governor and LP presidential candidate in the 2023 poll eventually fled his adopted party. It also made sense for about six governors so far to leap into the void from the listing Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) ship, not only in order to avoid electoral pitfalls regarding legitimate candidature, but also to escape ignominious electoral defeat in 2027. There is nothing amoral about the defections; it is just plain political expediency, regardless of inaccurately attributing to the APC the deliberate sponsorship of revolts in the opposition. Kano’s Mr Yusuf simply made the same sensible calculation.

    While Dr Kwankwaso embroiled himself in lengthy negotiations with both the APC and the coalition African Democratic Congress (ADC), Mr Yusuf recognised the danger of pussyfooting like his mentor when party primaries are just a few months away. He suspected that once parties firmed up their potential candidates, even before the primaries, just like Osun State APC did thereby making the defection of Governor Ademola Adeleke impossible, he would be stranded, his loyalty to Dr Kwankwaso notwithstanding. The NNPP, Kano’s leading politicians understand, is also embroiled in litigations over which faction should be legally recognised as the authentic one. This was why the founder of NNPP, Boniface Aniebonam, insisted last Friday that Mr Yusuf had merely resigned from the Kwankwasiyya movement rather than from the NNPP. Mr Yusuf had tendered his resignation to a different faction of the party, the illegitimate one, he insinuated.

    Even though the Kano chapter of the APC believed it stood a good chance of winning the 2027 governorship election without Mr Yusuf and Dr kwankwaso, the national leadership of the party may have prevailed on leading aspirants of the party to shelve their ambitions for now in favour of certainty. One or two top APC national chieftains may also suggest that defectors would not receive automatic tickets, there are, however, no indications that they would not. Negotiations were thought to have been concluded concerning all the defecting governors and states before the mass migrations took place. Four more years for any elected office holder will not ruin anybody’s ambition or life. Mr Yusuf has probably made the soundest choice, notwithstanding the cynicism of his detractors, or the pained silence of some of his critics, or the threats from his mentors. He has bolted from a fractured party, and politely declined to vacillate like his mentor who will in all likelihood not be contesting for any office in 2027 except he takes former president Olusegun Obasanjo’s bait of joining forces with someone in ADC on an implausible ticket to nowhere.

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    Some five months before the primaries, the real shape of the 2027 battle appears to have emerged from its silhouette. Former vice president Atiku Abubakar’s ADC has opted, together with Mr Obi and some other political bantamweights, for the traditional form of political war: pitched battles festooned with medieval arms and tactics, seizure of the moral high ground through deprecating the ruling party’s policies and appointments, amplifying setbacks in operations against insecurity, attacking the character and personalities of the leading members of the APC administration, and adopting bobbing and weaving measures as well as tactical and especially ethnic and religious feints. The ruling party on the other has plodded on by assembling a phalanx of coalitions and alliances, locked down states and political heavyweights by sheer realpolitik, and ran both a tight administration and party. They, therefore, don’t need to engage in bloody pitched battles to take grounds inch by inch; instead they have won over those who held those grounds, state by state, and panjandrum by panjadrum.

    Egged on by a stabilised economy whose growth prospects have enticed and surprised the world, and helped in no small way by a well-run party generally devoid of litigations, the APC is in the process, if not concluding the process, of making the 2027 elections a foregone conclusion. Kano’s Mr Yusuf, more than any other defector whether in Delta, Rivers, Enugu, Taraba, Akwa Ibom, or Plateau, has typified and embodied what the new politics should look like. Some have feared that Nigeria might end up a one-party state; but those fears are exaggerated. This is not the first time a party would be coaxing dominance out of the polity, nor will it be the last time. Under former president Obasanjo, the PDP did it, at a time securing about 30 states into their column. And now under President Bola Tinubu, the APC has also coaxed some 29 parties under their tent. Today, the PDP boasts of only four states. Who can tell what the APC would look like on a tentative tomorrow?

    Meanwhile, the APC, after months of proselytising rancorous parties, must now labour under the burden of managing its many converts, some of them exuding worldviews and temperaments very alien to the ruling party. Kano’s Mr Yusuf is genial enough to submit to the sometimes nebulous and often elastic progressive ideology of the APC, and will not menace the party or compromise its chances in the coming polls. But it will also be necessary to find ways either to mollify Dr Kwankwaso’s rage or contain his boisterousness for revenge. The Kwankwasiyya leader may now be left with two dismal options: either to defect to the ADC where he will undoubtedly be warmly welcomed but with no guarantees he would not be made ineffective in the long run, or to sensibly rejoin his alienated protégés – Mr Yusuf and Dr Ganduje – in the APC where it is certain he will be absolutely recognised and applauded and his political future guaranteed. It is admittedly not an easy choice, especially for a leading politician like him wounded by controversial and inappropriate choices. Had he made up his mind much earlier, he would have kept his movement, sold himself to his host at a great and commensurate price, and kept his powder dry for future ambitions. One way or the other, he will have to make his move, as Mr Yusuf has done. When that happens, he must hope in the end that he will not buy a pig in a poke.

  • UPDATED: Yusuf, eight Reps members, 44 council chairmen, others resign from NNPP

    UPDATED: Yusuf, eight Reps members, 44 council chairmen, others resign from NNPP

    Kano Governor Abba Yusuf has pulled the plug on his New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) membership, a move that will significantly alter the political equation of the state.

    It was gathered Yusuf and his allies will be joining the All Progressives Congress (APC) in a ceremony in few days, having met with President Bola Tinubu at the presidential villa a few days ago.

    In a statement by his spokesman Sunusi Bature, the Governor announced his resignation from Friday, 23 January 2026.

    Yusuf cited persistent internal crises and deepening divisions within the NNPP that have left it fractured and in court battles as reasons for dumping the party on whose platform he was elected in 2023.

    His planned defection has also caused his relationship with benefactor Rabiu Kwankwaso frosty.

    The Governor on Friday said his decision to defect followed a careful reflection, after being guided by public interest considerations.

    He thanked NNPP for providing the platform and support for him since 2022 but said he was leaving in good faith, without bitterness and in the broader interest of the state.

    “After careful reflection, and without prejudice to the party’s capacity to resolve its internal challenges, I have come to the conclusion that my resignation is in the best interest of the people of Kano State,” Yusuf.wrote.

    He left the NNPP with 21 Assembly members, eighth House of Representatives members and 44 local government chairmen in Kano.

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    “I write with a deep sense of gratitude to formally notify the leadership of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) of my decision to resign my membership of the party, with effect from Friday 23rd January 2026.

    “In recent times, the party has been confronted with persistent internal challenges arising from leadership disagreements and ongoing legal processes, many of which are presently before the courts for judicial determination.

    “The growing disenfranchisement among party members has created deep divisions within the party structure, resulting in cracks that appear increasingly irreconcilable and have generated uncertainty at both state and national levels,” Yusuf’s letter to the party reads in parts.

    Hon. Kabiru Zubairu, the party’s secretary of Diso-Chiranchi Ward, where Yusuf comes from, acknowledged the Governor’s resignation, praising his infrastructure, health, education, and economic projects.

    The NNPP scribe admitted the party’s ongoing crisis, saying “we have no option but to accept the departure of our most performing governor.”

    Yusuf’s resignation from NNPP on Friday is expected to trigger a major shake-up that could reshape Kano’s political landscape ahead of upcoming elections.

    His resignation comes after the party gave him the greenlight to do so a few days ago.

    NNPP factional chairman in the state, Senator Mas’ud Eljibril, had urged the Governor to formally notify the “legally recognised” NNPP in writing before he joins the APC.

    “If the Governor decides to leave the NNPP, it’s his choice but he has to do that according to the rules and regulations to the party. Ignoring this requirement will have future legal consequences,” Eljibril advised.