Tag: Africa

  • Africa’s reparations drive; new phase in post-colonial realignment

    Africa’s reparations drive; new phase in post-colonial realignment

    By Stanley Olisa

    For most of the post-independence era, debates over colonial reparations were confined to university halls, activist statements, or sporadic diplomatic remarks. That is no longer the case. In recent months, African leaders have begun to articulate a proposition that moves beyond rhetoric: a coordinated continental claim for reparations from the United Kingdom and other former colonial powers.

    The latest indication of this shift came at a conference in Algiers, where diplomats and policymakers gathered to advance an African Union (AU) resolution calling for colonial crimes to be formally recognised, criminalised and addressed through reparations. As Algeria’s Foreign Minister Ahmed Attaf put it, this is about asserting that “Africa is entitled to demand the official and explicit recognition of the crimes committed against its peoples during the colonial period,” and that such recognition is “an indispensable first step towards addressing the consequences of that era” that still weigh heavily on the continent’s political and economic landscape.

    This is neither symbolic nor academic. The AU resolution builds on discussions earlier this year in Addis Ababa, where member states debated, formally defining colonialism as a crime against humanity. That framing, if codified within international law, could reshape the legal architecture for claims against former colonial powers, allowing African states to pursue claims collectively rather than piecemeal.

    One of the most notable contributions to this emerging climate came from Nigeria in September, when Senator Prince Ned Nwoko submitted a formal demand for $5 trillion in reparations to the British government, not as an isolated plea but as a potential blueprint for a broader AU strategy. While London rejected the claim, the incident highlighted that the moment has moved from the periphery into active diplomatic exchange.

    The British government has consistently resisted legal reparations, asserting that its modern relationships with African nations should be viewed in terms of partnership rather than historical liability. But, official positions and public sentiment are increasingly at odds. Across Africa and the diaspora, there is a growing insistence that colonialism be treated not as a distant chapter but as a foundational force whose legacies persist in contemporary governance, economies and social structures.

    Economic historians estimate the scale of colonial extraction in Africa in the trillions of dollars, as European powers siphoned natural resources- from gold and diamonds to rubber and agricultural commodities- with little benefit returned to local populations. What remains less debated but increasingly visible is the institutional design left behind: borders drawn without regard to ethnic or social realities, financial systems oriented towards external investors rather than internal development, and legal frameworks that privileged extraction over equitable governance. These structures did not dissolve at independence; they were inherited.

    The reparations conversation is not limited to Africa’s borders. Caribbean nations, organised under the CARICOM Reparations Commission, have for years pursued reparatory justice from former colonial states, including Britain. Their 10-point plan encompasses a range of measures from formal apologies and debt cancellation to educational programmes and cultural restitution. Although European governments have largely rejected these claims, the persistence of the Caribbean agenda has kept reparations within the global diplomatic discourse.

    For many African policymakers, the Caribbean example demonstrates both the complexity and the potential of a sustained, structured reparations strategy. A unified African approach could harness legal expertise, diplomatic leverage and historical research to make claims that are difficult to dismiss as purely symbolic.

    There are also concrete legal precedents that illustrate how historical injustices have been addressed. A notable example is the settlement between the British government and Kenyan victims of the Mau Mau uprising, in which the UK agreed to pay compensation to thousands of former detainees and issued an official expression of regret. While not framed as reparations for colonial rule per se, it shows that legal avenues exist to acknowledge past wrongs and provide redress.

    Beyond legal considerations, the cultural dimension remains potent. Artefacts removed during colonial conquests, such as sacred objects and royal treasures that now reside in European museums, continue to spark debate over cultural ownership and restitution. For many Africans, the return of such items represents a reclaiming of historical narrative and identity, an attempt to redress the erasures that often accompany conquest.

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    Another indicator of this broader intellectual shift is how younger generations are engaging with history. Access to digital archives, documentaries and online discussion has changed how young Africans view empire and its aftermath. Works like ‘From Slaves to Bond’ have circulated widely on social media, connecting historical events to present-day political and economic questions without reducing them to simplistic grievances. The impact of such content reflects a deeper public interest in understanding how the past shapes the possibilities of the future.

    Critics argue that focusing on reparations could distract from domestic governance challenges. However, this framing obscures the fact that many of those challenges, like underdevelopment, debt dependence, and institutional fragility, are tethered to systems designed in the colonial period. Addressing historical injustice, therefore, is not a detour from development but part of disentangling post-colonial states from structures that have impeded self-determination.

    The path ahead will not be linear. Legal definitions must be clarified, diplomatic strategies calibrated and political will sustained across diverse African states with differing priorities. Former colonial powers are likely to resist far-reaching claims, and there is no guarantee of swift or substantial material restitution.

    But the significance of the current moment is not limited to financial equations. What is unfolding is a continental assertion that history cannot be compartmentalised or deferred. The conversation in Algiers and the ensuing discussions among African capitals demonstrate a growing consensus that the economic, political, and cultural legacies of colonialism still matter in concrete ways.

    Whether Britain and other European states choose to engage with these claims seriously remains an open question. What is clear, however, is that the dialogue has shifted: from isolated national appeals to continental coordination and from moral lament to strategic planning. In doing so, African states are staking a claim not just to compensation but to a more equitable understanding of global history and its ongoing consequences.

  • ‘Africa’s regional integration key to economic prosperity’

    ‘Africa’s regional integration key to economic prosperity’

    Chairman of Cavista Holdings and Corporate Council on Africa, Niyi John Olajide, has called on African leaders to close ranks and create enabling business environments that facilitate cross-border investment and economic integration across the continent.

    Olajide emphasized that Africa’s economic future depends on nations moving beyond rhetoric to establish practical frameworks for regional cooperation and private sector growth.

    Olajide argued that Africa’s 1.4 billion people and combined GDP of over $3 trillion remain underutilized due to fragmented markets and restrictive cross-border business policies.

    “Nigeria’s prosperity is inextricably linked to Ghana’s success. Progress in one African nation creates opportunity across the continent. We must eliminate bureaucratic obstacles that discourage regional investment and make it easier for African businesses to operate across our borders,” he said.

    Olajide spoke as Special Guest of Honour at the 10th Anniversary Chieftaincy Installation ceremony at the Ooni of Ife’s Palace.

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    The historic ceremony, hosted by His Imperial Majesty, the Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, saw Ghana’s President John Dramani Mahama conferred with the chieftaincy title of Aare Atayese of Oodua. The event drew former President of Botswana Mokgweetsi Eric Masisi, Aliko Dangote, the Emir of Kano Alhaji Ado Bayero, and other prominent African leaders and business figures.

    He specifically commended business leaders such as Dangote who have expanded investments across African borders, demonstrating the viability of pan-African enterprise.

    Olajide challenged African governments to move beyond declarations to concrete action—streamlined regulations, transparent investment frameworks, reduced trade barriers, and protected property rights.

    “Africa’s young population deserves leadership that creates business-friendly environments; the African Continental Free Trade Area represents tremendous potential, but its promise will only be realized through deliberate action, such as ensuring harmonized standards, efficient customs procedures, and predictable business regulations,” he said.

    He highlighted the Nigeria-Ghana relationship as a template for broader African economic cooperation. “The time for Nigeria and Ghana to deepen their economic partnership is now. What we build between Accra and Lagos can become the blueprint for the entire continent.

    “This is not only an economic imperative; it is a moral one. I urge all stakeholders—heads of state, investors, and business communities—to deepen partnerships and work together for an Africa that is prosperous, peaceful, and globally competitive,” Olajide stated.

    The Ooni of Ife corroborated this vision, calling for deepening historical and cultural ties between Nigeria and Ghana while emphasizing economic cooperation for citizens’ benefit.

  • Why Africa requires home-grown trade finance to boost integration

    Why Africa requires home-grown trade finance to boost integration

    By Cyprian Rono

    Africa’s quest to trade with itself has never been more urgent. With the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) gaining momentum, governments are working to deepen intra-African commerce. The idea of “One African Market” is no longer aspirational; it is emerging as a strategic pathway for economic growth, job creation, and industrial competitiveness. Yet even as infrastructure and regulatory reforms advance, one fundamental question remains; how will Africa finance its cross-border trade, across markets with diverse currencies, regulations, and standards?

    Today, only 15 to 18 percent of Africa’s internal trade happens within the continent, compared to 68 percent in Europe and 59 percent in Asia. Closing this gap is essential if AfCFTA is to deliver prosperity to Africa’s 1.3 billion people.

    A major constraint is the continent’s huge trade finance deficit, which exceeds $81 billion annually, according to the African Development Bank. Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), which provide more than 80 percent of the continent’s jobs, are the most affected. Many struggle with insufficient collateral, stringent risk profiling and compliance requirements that mirror international banking standards rather than the realities of African business.

    To build integrated value chains, exporters and importers must operate within trusted, predictable, and interconnected financial systems. This requires strong pan-African financial institutions with both local knowledge and continental reach.

    Home-grown trade finance is therefore indispensable. Pan-African banks combine deep domestic roots with extensive regional reach, making them the most credible engines for financing trade integration. By retaining financial activity within the continent, home-grown lenders reduce exposure to external shocks and keep liquidity circulating locally. They also strengthen existing regional payment infrastructure such as the Pan-African Payment and Settlement System (PAPSS), developed by the Africa Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank) and backed by the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Secretariat, enabling faster, cheaper and seamless cross-border payments across the continent.

    Digital transformation amplifies this advantage. Real-time payments, seamless Know-Your-Customer (KYC) verification, automated credit scoring and consistent service delivery across markets are essential for intra-African trade. Institutions such as Ecobank, operating in 34 African countries with integrated core banking systems, demonstrate how such digital ecosystems can enable continent-wide commerce.

    Platforms such as Ecobank’s Omni, Rapidtransfer and RapidCollect, together with digital account-opening services, make it much easier for traders to operate across borders. Rapidtransfer enables instant, secure payments across Ecobank’s 34-country network, reducing delays in regional trade, while RapidCollect gives cross-border enterprises the ability to receive payments from multiple African countries into a single account with real-time confirmation and automated reconciliation. Together, these solutions create an integrated digital ecosystem that lowers friction, accelerates payments, and strengthens intra-African commerce.

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    Trust, however, remains a significant barrier. Cross-border commerce depends on the confidence that partners will honour contracts, deliver goods as promised, pay on time, and present authentic documentation. Traders often lack reliable information on potential partners, operate under different regulatory regimes, and exchange documents that are difficult to verify across borders. This heightens the risk of fraud, non-payment, and contractual disputes, discouraging businesss from expanding beyond familiar markets.

    Technology is closing this trust gap. Artificial Intelligence enables lenders to assess risk using alternative data for SMEs without formal credit histories. Distributed ledger tools make shipping documents, certificates of origin, and inspection reports tamper-proof. In addition, supply-chain visibility platforms enable real-time tracking of goods and cross-border digital KYC ensures that both buyers and sellers are verified before any transaction occurs.

    Ecobank’s Single Trade Hub embodies this trust infrastructure by offering a secure digital marketplace where buyers and sellers can trade with confidence, even in markets where no prior relationships exist. The platform’s Trade Intelligence suite provides customers instant access to market data from customs information and product classification tools across 133 countries.

    Through its unique features such as the classification of best import/export markets, over 25,000 market and industry reports, customs duty calculators, and local and universal customs classification codes, businesses can accurately assess market opportunities, anticipate trends, reduce compliance risks, and optimise supply chains, ultimately helping them compete and grow in regional and global markets.

    SMEs need more than financing. Many operate in cash-heavy cycles where suppliers and logistics providers require upfront payment. Lenders can support these businesses with advisory services, business intelligence, compliance guidance, and platforms for secure partner verification, contract negotiation, and secure settlement of payments. Trade fairs, industry forums, and partnerships with chambers of commerce further build the trust networks needed for cross-border trade.

    Ultimately, Africa’s path toward meaningful trade integration begins with financial integration. AfCFTA’s promise will only be realised when enterprises can trade with confidence, knowing that payments will be honoured, partners verified, and disputes resolved. This requires collaboration between banks, regulators, and trade institutions, alongside harmonised financial regulations, interoperable payment systems, and continent-wide verification networks.

    Africa can no longer rely on external actors to finance its trade. Its economic transformation depends on strong, trusted, and digitally enabled African financial institutions that understand Africa’s unique risks and opportunities. By building an African-led trade finance ecosystem, the continent can unlock liquidity, reduce dependence on external currencies, empower SMEs, and retain more value locally. Africa’s trade revolution will accelerate when its financing is driven by African institutions, African systems, and African ambition.

    •Rono is the Director, Corporate and Investment Banking, Kenya and EAC at Ecobank Kenya.

  • ‘How Africa can achieve inclusion, sustainable development’

    ‘How Africa can achieve inclusion, sustainable development’

    Africa can achieve sustainable growth and development through inclusion, transformational leadership, right policies and good governance, Lagos State Special Adviser on Works Dr. Adekunle Olayinka has said.

    He articulated a transformative vision of Africa’s renaissance rooted in visionary leadership, inclusivity, and innovation, emphasising that the continent’s progress depends on bold thinking, the courage to challenge conventional paradigms, and the determination to implement policies that empower all segments of society. 

    The special adviser agreed that Africa’s renaissance requires not only economic expansion but also social equity, cultural pride, and environmental stewardship.

    Olayinka was guest speaker and panelist at the recent 13th Global African Honours (GAH) Awards and Business Summit held at Eko Hotels Victoria Island, Lagos.

    At the summit were political leaders, policymakers, entrepreneurs, innovators, and cultural icons from across the African continent and beyond, who brainstormed on the theme: “Africa Reimagined: Innovation, Inclusion and Sustainable Growth,” provided a compelling framework for deliberations.

    Olayinka drew attention to the imperative of  harness creativity, embracing inclusive leadership, and adopting sustainable practices as cornerstones of long‑term development.

    Olayinka said: “It is an honour to address you here in Lagos,  Nigeria’s economic heartbeat, at a moment when the choices we make will determine whether our city becomes a model of African urban success or a cautionary tale of unmanaged growth.

    “Lagos today is a megacity of well over 20 million people, growing faster than our infrastructure and services can keep up. That rapid growth has produced opportunity, a thriving informal economy and a vibrant technology and startup ecosystem, and urgent problems: a housing deficit measured in the millions, congested and inefficient transport, and acute climate vulnerability, especially flooding and coastal risk.”

    He highlighted some indispensable pillars of sustainable growth, including ntegrated land-use and mobility planning; anx alignment of housing, jobs and services along transit corridors so that density supports efficient public transport and reduces sprawl.

    The governor’s aide said Lagos’ BRT experience shows how dedicated transit corridors can reduce travel times and pollution when planned with feeder services and aligned development.

    In addi emphasized on how Incremental, phased delivery: Break large master plans into small, bankable packages,  affordable housing blocks, corridor upgrades, neighborhood drainage and water projects — so benefits are visible early and projects remain financially feasible. Lagos’ large housing gap (3.3–3.4 million units by recent estimates) demands many pragmatic, phased interventions rather than single megaprojects.

    Alluding to the five leadership actions that transform infrastructure into inclusive growth, Adekunle said a clear strategic spine should be set, outlining that leaders should identify a limited number of high-impact corridors where transit, affordable housing, and utilities are delivered together.

    He said corridor packages can create immediate mobility gains and concentrated opportunities for jobs and services.

    Olayinka said this sequencing makes projects investible and fast to deliver. He went ahead to present his submissions as evident in the BRT corridors’ catalytic effect on mobility and emissions reductions when well implemented.

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    He also emphasized on the use of Digital platforms and fintech integration: Use Lagos’ strength in fintech and mobile adoption to modernize revenue collection, digital land records, utility metering, and fare systems, improving service delivery and inclusion across the informal and formal economies. The city’s vibrant tech ecosystem is an asset to scale these innovations.

    During the interactive session, Olayinka addressed critical questions on urban resilience and infrastructure planning

    While asked about the kind of innovative model African cities should adopt to become more resilient, efficient, and future-ready, he said  for Lagos and Nigeria, there should be an adoption of integrated, incremental, digital-enabled, and climate-smart city model that centers on mobility, housing affordability, and inclusive livelihoods.

    On how leadership in infrastructural planning can transform urban spaces into engines of economic growth and social inclusion, Olayinka said for Lagos and Nigeria, it could be done by translating strategic vision into bankable projects, prioritizing mobility-first, investments, institutionalizing participatory planning, and using blended finance to scale inclusive infrastructure and energy projects.

    The summit featured a rich program of high‑level panel discussions, interactive sessions, and networking opportunities, enabling participants to exchange ideas and explore collaborative strategies.

     At the ceremony were the Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, Anthony Attah, an engineer, Festus E. Keyamo, SAN, CON, Dr. Allen Ifechukwu Onyema,  a lawyer, Mr. Femi Falana (SAN),and  Dr. Kennedy Okonkwo.

  • Africa, not battlefield for Europe’s ambitions

    Africa, not battlefield for Europe’s ambitions

    A strange stillness settled over Benin in the seconds before and after it got ambushed. It was the kind of quiet that precedes treachery; a momentary lapse creeping like a thief, to divest the unsuspecting republic of its peace.

    Mutinous boots thumped through its tracts as a band of renegade soldiers turned their rifles against the nation in an attempted coup.

    Yet, as treason crackled in the morning breeze, Nigeria, Ghana, Côte d’Ivoire, and Sierra Leone rose in a rare symmetry of purpose, not like the scattered sovereignities of old, and united with Beninese forces to thwart the coup.

    The story will be told for generations of how the renegade soldiers stormed the state television, dissolved the republic by fiat, and appointed a new ruler while citizens watched in disbelief. Folks will recount how they attacked the presidential residence and sought to seize the machinery of the state.

    But the story that will endure longer is the rebuttal: the rattle of resistance across the Beninese command structure, and the rally of ECOWAS troops crossing the frontier lest the embers of mutiny take flame.

    From the skies, Nigeria’s fighter jets flew into Benin’s airspace with precision and purpose, dislodging the insurgents from strategic locations, including the national broadcaster and a military camp. From the ground, Ghana, Côte d’Ivoire and Sierra Leone moved as coordinated units, all united by a common mandate: to preserve constitutional order, uphold territorial integrity, and demonstrate that West Africa had learned from its recent miseries.

    This was not ECOWAS of old, the dithering, statement-issuing bureaucracy mocked across dinner tables in Bamako, Niamey, Conakry and Ouagadougou. This was ECOWAS, informed by historical pain and animated by a new, almost startling decisiveness.

    Not too long ago, Mali fell to a coup, so did Burkina Faso, Chad, Gabon, Guinea and Niger. And only weeks ago, Guinea-Bissau equally flirted with the abyss. The region has felt like a sequence of dominoes laid out by misrule and tipped by opportunistic soldiers.

    But not Benin. Not this time. For years, the Sahel had surrendered too easily to the gun as nations suffered constitutional collapse. But in Benin, something shifted. ECOWAS, long derided as a council of chronic throat-clearers, issuing barren condemnations, finally found its spine.

    Military forces from Nigeria, Ghana, Côte d’Ivoire, and Sierra Leone converged with precision to assert that Africa, weary of being a theatre for experiments in destabilisation, still possessed its will to govern itself.

    Nigeria’s role was unmistakable. Responding to President Patrice Talon’s urgent call, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu ordered fighter jets across the border, taking over Benin’s airspace and neutralising the plotters’ positions at the state television station and a military camp. Ground troops followed, locking down strategic corridors and enabling Benin’s loyal forces to regain control. For once, the phrase “African solutions to African problems” did not sound like diplomatic poetry; it boomed like boots, wings, and resolve.

    Long caricatured as the giant that sleeps too often, Nigeria, in responding to the Benin coup, moved with the instinct of an elder startled awake by the cry of a younger sibling. Now, it must display greater commitment to eradicating terror at its home front.

    If this episode teaches Nigeria anything, it is that leadership surpasses rhetoric, and must be expressed in decisive moments. If the country is to reclaim its historic place as Africa’s bellwether, it must retool itself not only militarily but morally, politically, and economically.

    Nigeria’s leadership must reinforce democratic institutions at home, because no unstable nation can stabilise others. It must address the roots of discontent: corruption, unemployment, inequality, and the absence of social justice. It must also prioritise regional diplomacy that is proactive rather than reactive, rebuild its economic might to project influence without apology, and revive its cultural leadership, because Africa will only listen when Nigeria speaks from a place of cultural clarity, not chaos.

    A Nigeria that works is a fortress for West Africa. A Nigeria that falters is an open invitation to adventurers and external meddlers seeking to redraw the region’s political landscape.

    As a rallying force in ECOWAS, Nigeria must equally foster the redefinition and understanding of Africa’s coups as something more than local tragedies, but as chess moves in global contests.

    The Wagner Group helps midwife coup in Mali. Western governments look the other way when their “allies” elongate presidential tenures. Foreign forces train soldiers who later topple governments.

    Western powers have long perfected the art of remote-control revolution. Nick Turse’s investigations, for instance, reveal that at least 15 U.S.-trained officers across West Africa and the Sahel have been directly involved in coups from Mali to Burkina Faso, Gambia to Mauritania. The evidence is damning, alleging a pattern of security assistance that strengthens armies but weakens democracies; a structure where Africa becomes a proving ground for imperial doctrines rather than a sanctuary for its own sovereign interests.

    Europe too has played its part—France most notably—entangled in the politics of extraction, diplomacy of condescension, and a strategic playbook that treats African sovereignty as a variable, not a constant. Little wonder it got booted from its Sahelian perch.

    Neocolonialism is not a theory here; it is the continent’s living, breathing antagonist. And this is precisely why what happened in Benin matters. Because, for once, Africa did not wait for permission to save itself.

    To appreciate the significance of the intervention, one must understand the violence that precedes coups; the kind fed by governance corruption, economic mismanagement, elite impunity, youth unemployment, the absence of justice, and the corrosion of civic hope. Coups hardly emerge from thin air; they ferment from bad leadership.

    Foreign hands succeed in African coups only because local governance fails first. Where institutions are weak, loyalties cheap, and public faith eroded, the gates are always ajar. The colonist merely walks through the rupture and prevails.

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    Yet from the rupture resonates an indispensable question: how does ECOWAS restore the nations that have walked away—armoured in junta rhetoric—without the continent slipping into a theatre of inter-state bloodletting?

    The answer must be both practical and moral, disciplined and tender: a programme of reintegration that marries sovereignty to dignity, security to accountability, and regional solidarity to the everyday needs of ordinary people.

    This is where Nigeria must once again assert its influence. Soft power will prevent ECOWAS from being incited to an avoidable war with nations currently being led by military junta. That is the next phase of the Western styled remote-control revolution: in time, Africa will suffer the enabling circumstances that would pit nations against each other.

    And while African countries bomb each other to smithereens, imperial actors will sell weapons to warring parties, barter artillery for rare earth and other minerals. This is the dystopia Nigeria must lead fellow African nations to reject.

    Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger formalised their exits amid a wider drift toward a Sahelian alignment that views ECOWAS with suspicion and contempt. These departures were informed by deep grievances about the way regional power has been exercised and the perception that intervention sometimes favours externals over locals.

    Any path back must therefore begin with a candid acknowledgement of those grievances, publicly and privately. A first strand of policy must be the dramatic expansion of listening: a process of mediated truth-seeking and sustained dialogue convened in Abuja, Bamako, Ouagadougou, and Niamey.

    This measure must shun theatrical reconciliation and embrace pragmatic diplomacy.

  • Blockfinex expands operations in Africa, boosts P2P trading, access to USDR

    Blockfinex expands operations in Africa, boosts P2P trading, access to USDR

    Blockfinex, a global cryptocurrency exchange, has announced the expansion of its operations across Africa, with plans to strengthen its peer-to-peer (P2P) trading infrastructure, deepen liquidity, and widen access to DollarCoin (USDR), its USD-backed stablecoin.

    In a statement issued in New York on December 2, 2025, the company said the move is part of its broader strategy to support the continent’s growing crypto adoption, driven by demand for stable currency options, inflation hedging tools, remittance solutions, and global payment systems.

    The exchange plans to build a more robust P2P marketplace by increasing buyer and seller networks, working with regional liquidity partners, improving escrow and dispute-resolution processes, and enabling local currency settlement. 

    Blockfinex said it also intends to introduce verified merchant programmes and OTC storefronts to enhance user trust and market efficiency.

    According to the company, the goal is to create a more reliable and less fragmented P2P environment for African users.

    It added that it is widening the availability of DollarCoin (USDR), its regulated and fully backed USD stablecoin. 

    The company said USDR is expected to support users seeking protection from local currency volatility and facilitate cross-border payments, business transactions, and dollar-denominated savings.

    USDR access will be expanded through P2P channels, OTC partners, and exchange integrations across the continent.

    The exchange announced enhancements that will tailor its trading environment to local conditions, including improved execution speed, deeper liquidity pairs featuring USDR, better support for mobile-first users, and localized onboarding processes.

    These adjustments aim to serve both retail users and high-volume traders.

    Blockfinex Founder and CEO Danny Oyekan said Africa remains a priority for the company’s long-term growth plans.

    “Africa has always been central to our vision. We’re not entering, we’re scaling,” he said, noting that the company will continue to invest in partnerships, liquidity development, educational initiatives and merchant integrations across the continent.

    Blockfinex currently operates spot trading, P2P services, OTC markets and access to USDR, with a focus on emerging markets.

  • FULL LIST: African countries affected by U.S green card review

    FULL LIST: African countries affected by U.S green card review

    The United States government has announced a sweeping review of all Green Cards issued to citizens of 19 countries, following the November 26 attack on National Guard troops in Washington, D.C.

    The Trump administration disclosed the decision on Thursday after authorities identified the detained suspect as a 29-year-old Afghan national who had previously worked alongside American forces in Afghanistan.

    According to AfghanEvac, an organisation involved in the resettlement of Afghans after the Taliban’s 2021 takeover, the suspect was granted asylum in April 2025—not permanent residency.

    In response, the administration has launched what officials describe as a “full-scale re-examination” of all Green Cards issued to immigrants from designated “countries of concern.”

    Announcing the directive on X, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) Director Joseph Edlow said President Trump had ordered a “rigorous re-examination of every Green Card for every alien from every country of concern,” stressing that protecting Americans was “paramount” and that the U.S. would “not bear the cost of the prior administration’s reckless resettlement policies.”

    Under the new order, USCIS is now empowered to consider “negative, country-specific factors” when evaluating Green Card applications from nationals of the 19 affected countries, ten of which are in Africa. 

    The policy applies to all pending applications as well as any submitted on or after November 27, 2025, giving immigration officers broad latitude to delay decisions, request further evidence, or issue denials.

    The implications for Africa are significant. The U.S. remains a major destination for skilled workers, students, and refugees across the continent, and the expanded scrutiny is expected to worsen visa backlogs, heighten uncertainty for families, and reinforce longstanding concerns that national-security classifications disproportionately target African states. Countries such as Somalia, Eritrea, and Sudan already face stringent U.S. immigration restrictions, and analysts warn that the new review could further entrench these barriers.

    These are the African countries affected by the US Green Card Review:

    Burundi

    Chad

    Republic of the Congo

    Equatorial Guinea

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    Eritrea

    Libya

    Sierra Leone

    Somalia

    Sudan

    Togo

  • U.S. and Africa: How not to engage a changing continent

    U.S. and Africa: How not to engage a changing continent

    • By Olalekan Adigun

    The year is 2025, yet many American politicians still behave as though the world is frozen in the post–World War II and Cold War era, when the myth of U.S. exceptionalism held strong influence across Africa. Today’s global order has shifted, but Washington’s tone toward Africa remains trapped in an age of threats, lectures, and unchecked arrogance. The result? The United States is losing ground on a continent that now demands respect, partnership, and dignity—not paternalism.

    Over the years, African leaders and citizens have grown increasingly disillusioned with how U.S. officials speak about them. From the infamous “shithole countries” remarks—echoed repeatedly by American politicians who mirror Donald Trump’s style—to the persistent framing of African states as helpless dependents, Washington’s posture feels outdated. As an African saying goes: If you are not feeding me, and I have never begged you to feed me, telling me you are richer than I am is useless information.

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    Africa of 2025 is not the Africa of the past. Gone are the days when leaders trooped to Washington “cap in hand” in pursuit of crumbs. Economically, geopolitically, and demographically, the continent has become a fiercely competitive space—and the numbers tell the story.

    China has firmly established itself as Africa’s largest source of imports. As of 2025, 34 of Africa’s 54 countries list China as their top import partner, reflecting Beijing’s broad export and developmental presence—from giant infrastructure projects and mining ventures to machinery, chemicals, and everyday consumer goods. It is a full-spectrum relationship built on convenience, speed, and mutual economic benefit.

    On the export side, resource-rich African nations increasingly look to the UAE and China. The UAE, now a major importer of African gold, has aggressively expanded diplomatic and commercial ties across the continent. China remains one of the largest buyers of African crude oil. The U.S., meanwhile, trails far behind.

    The Trump administration, which returned to power in January, aims to secure “advantageous” trade deals through tariffs and tougher rules. But such measures threaten key African economies that depend on the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). Countries like Ethiopia, Madagascar, Kenya, and Eswatini—whose textile and apparel sectors are built around U.S. markets—face serious economic shocks if AGOA is abolished or tariffs increased.

    Instead of strengthening partnerships, Washington appears intent on signalling dominance. Africa is responding by diversifying—and choosing partners who treat them as equals.

    What Africans want is simple: Respect. Not lectures. Not threats. And certainly not condescending conditions masquerading as “assistance.”

    China’s model—while not perfect—offers lessons. Beijing does not visit Africa to scold governments over known problems; it comes to negotiate railways, ports, power plants, and industrial parks. It may all be business, but it is business wrapped in dignity. China does not insist that Africans change their political systems, cultural identities, or ideologies before cooperation can proceed.

    Contrast that with Washington’s approach.

    In 2017, after years of resistance, the U.S. finally sold Nigeria the A-29 Super Tucano aircraft to fight insurgency—only after imposing strict conditions: the jets could only be used in the Northeast. Nigeria paid $593 million of its own hard-earned money, yet Washington dictated how and where the aircraft could be deployed. Predictably, insurgents adapted and expanded operations into other regions. To many Nigerians, that did not feel like assistance—it felt like control.

    The U.S.’s unconditional support for Israel’s devastating assault on Gaza has made Washington increasingly isolated in global opinion. African countries, which take issues of justice and human rights seriously due to their own histories, watched closely as South Africa dragged Israel before the International Court of Justice in 2024. Washington’s anger over this move marked the beginning of a strained relationship with Pretoria. Trump even revived old tropes, suddenly claiming that “white South Africans” needed protection—comments widely dismissed across the continent.

    Since his first election in 2016, Donald Trump has never set foot in Africa. Yet he talks about the continent in the most degrading terms. His disdain reflects a wider problem: many U.S. policymakers still view Africa as a peripheral region deserving of sermons, not sovereignty. This is not lost on African governments, who increasingly perceive the U.S. as unreliable, disrespectful, and out of touch.

    Africa is young, rising, and increasingly empowered. New partners—China, UAE, India, Turkey, Brazil, Gulf states—are courting the continent with investment, infrastructure, and flexible diplomacy. The U.S., by contrast, is clinging to outdated assumptions and moral superiority.

    If Washington wants to regain influence, it must change its tone. Africans do not demand charity. They demand dignity. They demand equality. They demand genuine partnership.

    Until American leaders stop speaking down to Africa and start engaging it as a global player, the United States will continue to lose ground on a continent that has clearly—and decisively—moved on.

    •Adigun is a researcher and journalist based in Abuja.

  • Stakeholders warn Africa to act fast on AI, future of work

    Stakeholders warn Africa to act fast on AI, future of work

    Stakeholders have raised fresh concerns over Africa’s urgent need to secure its place in the future of work, artificial intelligence, and global competitiveness.

    As global economies accelerate investments in AI, digital infrastructure, and skills development, experts warn that Africa risks deepening inequality and falling further behind unless it adopts coordinated strategies for technology-driven and inclusive growth.

    The concerns are driving renewed high-level engagement across the continent, and it is in this context that The New Africa has announced the 2025 Global Economic Summit and Honours — a flagship gathering of policymakers, CEOs, innovators, financiers, and thought leaders.

    Convener Dr. Gift Nnamoko described the summit as part of a broader effort to reshape Africa’s narrative through innovation, leadership development, and strategic partnerships, noting that the Abuja event is a timely intervention for a continent facing rapid technological disruption.

    According to her, it will convene influential stakeholders from across Africa and the diaspora to deliberate on how the region can reposition itself for long-term competitiveness in an increasingly AI-powered global economy.

    “With the theme ‘Re-Imagining Africa: AI-Driven Growth, Inclusive Education, and Global Partnership for a Prosperous Future’, the summit aims to provide a strategic platform for addressing the continent’s most pressing development priorities.

    “Discussions will centre on artificial intelligence and digital transformation, human-capital development, innovation-led entrepreneurship, sustainable economic reforms, and cross-border cooperation.

    “This is because these issues have become unavoidable in national and regional planning, as African countries struggle to bridge gaps in skills, technology adoption, infrastructure, and industrial competitiveness,” she said.

    As part of the expected outcomes of the summit to chart way forward for the continent, the Convener said stakeholders will be expected to outline practical steps for accelerating digital readiness, scaling innovation, and building inclusive economic systems capable of competing globally.

    Noting that the summit is expected to draw a wide network of leaders, investors, development institutions, and young innovators, Nnamoko emphasised that continental cooperation is now more critical than ever, given the speed at which new technologies are redefining economic opportunities and global influence.

    “The 2025 edition will prioritise turning high-level discussions into actionable strategies that can support long-term reforms in technology adoption, education, job creation, and regional integration.

    “The goal is to ensure that Africa does not remain a bystander in the global technological revolution but becomes an active and competitive participant,” she explained.

    A major feature of the event, according to the organizers, is the African Leaders Hall of Fame, an honours platform designed to recognise individuals whose work has contributed significantly to Africa’s progress in governance, business, technology, education, and social impact.

    They said the awards align with the summit’s mission to spotlight excellence and inspire a new generation of transformational leaders.

  • Africa risks digital marginalization amid rising use of foreign AI tools, expert warns

    Africa risks digital marginalization amid rising use of foreign AI tools, expert warns

    Technology experts in Abuja have warned that Africa could face long-term digital marginalization as the continent becomes increasingly dependent on foreign-built artificial intelligence tools that do not reflect its cultures, languages, or social realities.

    They argued that the growing dominance of Western AI systems risks shaping how young Africans learn, communicate, and make decisions, often through frameworks that were never designed with them in mind.

    ‎The concerns were raised at a press briefing examining the dangers of relying almost exclusively on AI models trained on Western data.

    ‎Experts at the event argued that while AI is rapidly becoming a daily companion for students, entrepreneurs, and professionals, many of the systems guiding critical tasks are blind to African contexts and may gradually weaken the continent’s digital identity.

    ‎“There is a widening cultural and information gap,” one researcher said. “When Africans depend on tools that cannot recognise their lived realities, it shapes how they see themselves — and how the world understands them.”

    ‎It was against this backdrop that developers introduced Jafi.ai, a homegrown artificial intelligence system, which, according to them, was created to ensure Africans are not left behind or misrepresented in the next phase of global technological change.

    ‎Samuel Ekpo, Head of Technical Department for Jafi.ai, stressed that the project is not just a commercial pitch but an attempt to correct what they describe as the continent’s growing “digital invisibility.”

    ‎According to him, the dominance of external AI platforms has already influenced how schoolwork is done, how businesses are run, and how young people consume information — often in ways that sideline African languages, learning styles, and cultural nuances.

    ‎He said Jafi.ai aims to reverse that trend by offering technology trained on African contexts and capable of understanding local realities.

    ‎AI researcher Ochoyi Blessing, who spoke during the briefing, warned that the stakes are particularly high given Africa’s demographic weight. With more than 60 per cent of the continent’s population under 25, she said the question is what kind of knowledge and worldview will shape this generation if their primary learning tools are built elsewhere.

    ‎“If young Africans learn, build businesses, and solve problems through systems that don’t understand them, they risk internalising a worldview where their environment is invisible. That is the real danger — not just technological dependence, but cultural erosion,” she said.

    ‎Other experts at the briefing also raised concerns about the growing habit of outsourcing assignments, essays, and decision-making to AI tools, saying over-reliance could weaken independent reasoning if the systems are not adapted to local contexts.

    ‎They called for stronger investment across the continent in locally grounded AI research and datasets.