Tag: atiku

  • APC, PDP trade words over Atiku’s appeal

    APC, PDP trade words over Atiku’s appeal

    The All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) yesterday disagreed over the appeal of the PDP presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, before the Supreme Court.

    The ruling party  said the opposition party was under the illusion that Atilu will prevail in his appeal at the apex court.

    According to APC, Atiku and his party were heading for another round of “spectacular defeat”.

    The Supreme Court yesterday reserved judgment in the appeal by Atiku and the PDP against the September 6 judgment of the Presidential Election Petition Court (PEPC),  which affirmed the victory of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu during the February 25 election.

    A seven-member panel of the court, led by Justice John Okoro, made the announcement after lawyers to the parties adopted their briefs of argument and made final submissions.

    Dismissing PDP’s optimism of victory at the apex court, APC National Publicity Secretary, Felix Morka, said in a statement in Abuja that the opposition party was “deep in hallucination”.

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    Morka, a lawyer, said: “Court cases are won on the strength of cogent, credible, compelling or substantial evidence, not on hollow, implausible, capricious tales and fabrications of the kind that Atiku Abubakar dumped on the court in the guise of a “body of evidence” evidencing nothing.

    “The PDP must also be thoroughly deluded to imagine that it can get through the court what it deservedly failed to get through the polls.

     Morka said the claim by the PDP that the election was “manipulated” against its candidate was “both ridiculous and insulting to millions of Nigerians who voted massively for APC and  Tinubu.

    He added: “The PDP and its candidate’s desperate resort to blackmail, disinformation, misinformation and malicious falsehoods against the President and our great Party is intended to prospectively downplay what promises to be a spectacular and ignominious defeat that awaits the PDP and its nemesis of a presidential candidate.”

  • Supreme Court: You are under another delusion, APC tells PDP, Atiku

    Supreme Court: You are under another delusion, APC tells PDP, Atiku

    The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) has said that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is again under the delusion that its presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, would prevail in his appeal at the Supreme Court.

    The party was described as vain, the confidence of victory being expressed by the opposition from its appeal at the apex court, stating that Atiku and his party were heading for another round of “spectacular defeat.”

    Supreme Court on Monday, October 23, reserved judgment in the appeal by Abubakar and his party against the September 6 judgment of the Presidential Election Petition Court (PEPC) which affirmed the victory of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in the last presidential election.

    A seven-member panel of the court, led by Justice John Okoro made the announcement after lawyers to parties adopted their briefs of argument and made final submissions.

    Dismissing PDP’s optimism of victory at the apex court, APC national publicity secretary, Felix Morka, in a statement in Abuja on Monday trashed an earlier statement by the PDP, insisting that the opposition party is “deep in hallucination.”

    Morka, a lawyer argued that “Court cases are won on the strength of cogent, credible, compelling or substantial evidence, not on hollow, implausible, capricious tales and fabrications of the kind that Atiku Abubakar dumped on the court in the guise of a “body of evidence”, evidencing nothing.

    Read Also: I won’t disappoint your expectations, Uzodimma tells Owerri leaders

    The PDP must also be thoroughly deluded to imagine that it can get through the court what it deservedly failed to get through the polls.

    The governing party noted that the claim by the PDP that the election was “manipulated” against its candidate was “both ridiculous and insulting to millions of Nigerians who voted massively for the All Progressives Congress (APC) and its Presidential Candidate, now President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    He said: “The PDP and its candidate’s desperate resort to blackmail, disinformation, misinformation, and malicious falsehoods against the President and our great Party is intended to prospectively downplay what promises to be a spectacular and ignominious defeat that awaits the PDP and its nemesis of a presidential candidate.”

  • Atiku: signing affidavit on Sat didn’t violate any law

    Atiku: signing affidavit on Sat didn’t violate any law

    Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has said that signing affidavits in court on a Saturday did not violate any law in Nigeria.

    His aides, at a briefing, presented slides indicating that some court documents were in the past signed on Saturdays.

    It was in response to Atiku’s Saturday, August 18, 1973 affidavit wherein he changed his name from Sadiq Abubakar to Atiku Abubakar.

    Atiku’s Media Adviser, Mr Paul Ibe, said it was not only Atiku who would sign an affidavit in court on a Saturday.

    Ibe said: “We conducted research into the registry of the Lagos State high courts in the same year, 1973, to see if it was really an absurdity to have court papers signed on a Saturday.

    “The outcome of our findings showed clearly that there are court papers that were signed on Saturdays in the year 1973! Atiku Abubakar’s affidavit was not the only one signed on Saturday as the corn-men would want you to believe.

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    “We hope that this discovery into Atiku’s Saturday affidavit by his own media team will rest this issue and provide the opportunity for Bola A. Tinubu’s team to come clean with its decades of forgeries and lies.

    “Nigerians are waiting for them to put an end to this kindergarten Tom and Jerry that has done nothing but bring embarrassment and humiliation to our country and its people.

    “Nigeria is a country of laws, and no one single man or woman, no matter how highly placed, is bigger than our laws.”

    Describing the controversy over Atiku’s Saturday affidavit as mere shadow boxing, the aides insisted that the document was genuine.

    Atiku, candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the February 25 presidential election, is challenging the victory of President Bola Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    The PDP candidate is at the Supreme Court, having lost the first leg of the legal battle at the Presidential Election Petition Tribunal.

  • Signing affidavit on Saturday did not violate any law – Atiku

    Signing affidavit on Saturday did not violate any law – Atiku

    Former vice president Atiku Abubakar has said that signing affidavits in court on Saturdays did not violate any law in Nigeria.

    At a media conference in Abuja on Sunday, October 22, Atiku’s aides presented slides indicating that some court documents were in the past signed on Saturdays.

    It was in response to questions being asked by members of the public concerning Atiku’s Saturday, August 18, 1973 affidavit wherein he changed his name from Sadiq Abubakar to Atiku Abubakar.

    At the briefing, Atiku’s media adviser, Paul Ibe said that findings by Atiku’s legal team showed that it wasn’t only Atiku that would sign an affidavit in court on a Saturday.

    Ibe said: “We conducted research into the registry of the Lagos State high courts in the same year, 1973, to see if it was really an absurdity to have court papers signed on a Saturday.

    “The outcome of our findings showed clearly that there are court papers that were signed on Saturdays in the year 1973! Atiku Abubakar’s affidavit was not the only one signed on Saturday as the corn-men would want you to believe.

    “We hope that this discovery into Atiku’s Saturday affidavit by his own media team will rest this issue and provide the opportunity for Bola A. Tinubu’s team to come clean with its decades of forgeries and lies.

    “Nigerians are waiting for them to put an end to this kindergarten Tom and Jerry that has done nothing but brought embarrassment and humiliation to our country and its people.

    “Nigeria is a country of laws, and no one single man or woman, no matter how highly placed, is bigger than our laws”.

    Atiku Abubakar, who was the candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the February 25 presidential election, is challenging the victory of the winner of the poll, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    The PDP candidate is presently at the Supreme Court, having lost the first leg of the legal battle at the Presidential Election Petition Tribunal.

    Read Also: Senate plans bill on emergency intervention to stimulate economy

    Describing the controversy over Atiku’s Saturday affidavit as mere shadow boxing, the aides insisted that the document was genuine.

    Ibe said: “It was obvious from the start of their journey into futility that what the media aides and supporters of Bola A. Tinubu were doing was a random bite of the public profile of Atiku Abubakar until they found an item they could chomp with their filthy teeth.

    “It was amusing watching them running kiti-kata like a person wey drink water no wan drop cup – as we say in Naija parlance of a restless soul on a fruitless journey.

    “So, eventually, they found that the affidavit that Atiku Abubakar deposed to on August 18, 1973, wherein he expressed his wishes to be publicly known as Atiku Abubakar was signed on a Saturday.

  • ‘Atiku, Obi cannot justify claims of winning 2023 elections’

    ‘Atiku, Obi cannot justify claims of winning 2023 elections’

    Chief Ibrahim Emokpaire is a human rights and criminal justice lawyer. He contested for the national chairmanship position of the All Progressives Congress (ACN) in 2018 but eventually stepped down for Adams Oshiomhole. He has held various positions in the party right from the days of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) before it metamorphosed into the APC. He was the secretary of the ACN, UK Chapter from 2006 till 2012 He was also the chairman of the APC UK (2012-2013) and the chairman and convener of the Progressives Solidarity for Asiwaju, a pro-Tinubu campaign support group.  In this interview with GBENGA ADERANTI, he bares his mind on several issues, including the performance of the Bola Tinubu administration so far, concerns being raised by Nigerians, the performance of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in the last general election, as well as the chances of the APC in the forthcoming governorship elections in Imo, Bayelsa and Kogi

    What is your assessment of President Bola Tinubu’s first 100 days?

    President Bola Tinubu should be given a pass mark for his first 100 days in office because he has initiated a lot of policies that have put our country in the right direction. The president took bold steps in initiating some pragmatic policies that have put the country in the right direction. You could see that from the first day;  he hit the ground running. He removed the subsidy right from the day of his inauguration. We have also taken steps to cushion the effects of the withdrawal of petroleum subsidies on the poor.

    When you look at the harmonization of the foreign exchange market, if you look at the tax reform that he has put in place, and quite a lot of policies that he has put in place now, you would see that these things were done within the first 100 days. We could see that the president himself had taken the country and marketed the country to the entire world. We have now begun to have a positive image of Nigeria; we are now a proud nation in the comity of nations. This is what we need from a president who has mapped out what to do as soon as he comes into office.

    He has also been able to initiate all these policies and we could see that more and more investment-friendly policies have been put in place and that these have encouraged investors to come to Nigeria. I would say he has done tremendously well within the first 100 days.

    What do you make of the claim by Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP) and Atiku Abubakar of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) that they won the 2023 presidential election?

    It is quite unfortunate that in this part of the world, we have bad losers; people usually embark on a propaganda of illegitimacy, after losing elections. How can a person who could only garner 25 per cent in 16 states be crying wolf? Even Atiku who came second was only able to garner 25 per cent in 21 states; you tell me how on earth can you make such people president? On what grounds are they expecting to be declared president by INEC?

    By every standard, the propaganda they have embarked upon is to delegitimize the entire process that was carried out by INEC on February 25. There is no genuine claim in what they have embarked upon because they have continued to blow the wrong side of the trumpet and try to hoodwink Nigerians, particularly those who are innocent.

    However, there were complaints about the manner the election was conducted. Against this background, how would you rate INEC’s performance in the exercise?

    I would say the election conducted on February 25, 2023, by the INEC was one of the best it has ever conducted. This is bearing in mind that during the period of this election the commission faced a lot of challenges; in the area of insecurity and scarcity of naira notes because of the redesigning policy that was carried out. Amid this, INEC was able to carry out one of the best elections in the history of Nigeria. This is because when you look at the fact that somebody like President Bola Ahmed Tinubu could lose Lagos to the LP and former President Buhari could lose Katsina to the PDP and some other states in the Northeast and the North-central to the main opposition party. You tell me the person who would have rigged the election as a result of having to monopolize what is in their state is one of the leading opposition candidates, Peter Obi, who scored 93 per cent of the entire vote cast in his region, the Southeast. When you look at these challenges I enumerated, I believe INEC should be given kudos and rate them to have performed 70-80 per cent in their performance.

    Opposition parties are not as vibrant as they used to be. What does this portend for the country’s democracy?

    It is not a healthy development to have a one-party system; we need to have a viable opposition party that can suggest alternative policies and put the ruling party on its toes. Unfortunately, the PDP and the LP are just playing to the gallery, garnering support on social media by attacking personalities. They go after personal issues, and there is no single iota of opposition in them. They have not come up with alternative policies; they have not come up with anything that Nigerians will say is a viable opposition. That’s why we are where we are.

    Why has it been so difficult for your party to resolve the lingering crises it is embroiled in several states? Critics say it is going the way of the former ruling party, the PDP.

    We have some challenges here and there in the party, but that is not to say that we are following the path of the PDP. This is because we have a party that is growing stronger by the day and we are resolving some of the problems as they come as well. We also have in place conflict resolution mechanisms within the party to resolve some of these problems. So the issue of fragmentation would not come in at this point at all.

    What do you think your party can do to avoid going the way of the PDP?

    As I said, we have a conflict resolution mechanism. That is the best way for the party not to fall apart; because it will ensure that inclusiveness and everyone is carried along. There is also the need to have a reward system at the party. The reward system is key and is done everywhere in the world, particularly in the United States and the UK. Here, there is what we call a reward system for the party loyalists and the people who have worked so hard for the party.

    Governors and their deputies have continued to be at the loggerheads. What is the way out of this perennial crisis?

    Regarding the situation with the governors and their deputies, our constitution is the root of the issue, because there is a lacuna there where the deputy is left as a spare tyre. But, where the governor is not available, the deputy comes on board. Outside that the deputy keeps watching; they are in the back seat. There is a need for a constitutional review to give some specific roles to deputy governors to ensure that some of the loopholes are plugged, particularly to take care of where a governor begins to act like a demi-god and begin to treat the deputy like a nobody.

    We do understand that the deputy and the governor have one ticket; they are both elected into office and as a result of that they are one and it is not fair for one to be treating the other as a spare tyre or as a nobody. There should be a role carved out for deputies and also to limit the power of the governors. This is the responsibility of the National Assembly.

    This particular situation has demeaned the value of that particular office of the deputy governor. Today, the deputy governor is more or less like a beggar. Imagine seeing a deputy governor begging the governor openly, particularly when it is obvious that he is being unjustly treated.

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    While many have commended the APC for its policies, others have also criticized the party for the slow implementation of its policies, especially those that affect the masses. How do you explain this?

    When you have a new government in place, a situation where manifestos were developed and policies designed along those lines, the implementation is a result of what the president and ministers must have met on the ground. There are enormous differences between the proposed policies and when you get to the office, the reality on the ground is different. The reality on the ground must have slowed down the implementation of policies. We have seen that some of the policies that have been developed take a lot of time to implement. The public needs to be a little bit patient when you have good policies in front of you.

    The government needs to do more by letting the public, the electorate know that these policies need to come into play but they should be a little bit patient with them. In the long run, the policies will surely have positive impacts on the citizenry, and whatever the hardship, whatever they have been going through will be cushioned by these policies as the implementation goes on.

    Right now, the country is divided along tribal lines…

    We had an unfortunate situation in the last election where some leaders were whipping up sentiments; religious and ethnic sentiment, instead of focusing on their policies, and manifesto. The campaign of the LP candidate particularly was full of propaganda; he did unveil his manifesto until a few weeks before the election. All their propaganda from day one was to capitalize on the religious and the ethnic.

    Similarly, the PDP was also whipping up ethnic sentiment in the north against other candidates. It came up with so many lies. These were unhealthy for the entire country; it is unhealthy for our nation, and this could degenerate. We pray that in the future we have leaders that will contest an election based on issues, not on ethnic or religious issues.

    Some people had assumed that the APC would zone its Senate Presidency to the Southeast, but surprisingly; it went to the South-south. Would you say your party made the right decision?

    On this issue, there are two different schools of thought. The first school of thought said look the Senate President must come from the Southeast because we should appease the Southeast because they were not able to produce President and Vice President or whatever but the other school of thought made it quite clear and very logical, according to them, the Southeast has produced so many Senate Presidents in the past than any other region in the entire South and our party, the APC did not have enough vote from the Southeast to justify being given Senate Presidency. Those were the two topical issues that were being argued by the two schools of thought.

    So the party came together and said this should be zoned to the Southsouth it had only produced a Senate President once and has also contributed so much as well to ensure they won or had their 25 per cent in that region.

    What are the chances of your party in the off-season elections in Kogi, Imo and Bayelsa states?

    Our chances are bright, the issue here is that I won’t just say our chances are bright, particularly in Kogi and Imo where we currently have APC governors, one going for a second term and the other bowing out. In these two states, our chances are far higher because they have produced and delivered what is in their manifesto. In the case of Imo, for example, he is going to do well and Governor Hope Uzodimma will be returned as the governor of that state because he has performed; he has delivered.

    Looking at the other two, where we have fresh candidates, Bayelsa, and Kogi states, our chances are also good. In Kogi State, there is an existing governor who was elected on the platform of the APC but we have a division in the party there. For example, we know that some of our APC members moved to other parties in Kogi East, and in Kogi West. As a result, we might be losing some pockets of votes, but that does not mean we are not going to win the election. But, it is going to require a lot of hard work for us to win.

    In Bayelsa, we have seen that we have a former governor contesting who is also a strong candidate. So, there is every likelihood that he is going to beat the PDP candidate, who is the sitting governor there.

  • Saint Atiku asmoral exemplar? (2)

    Saint Atiku asmoral exemplar? (2)

    In the run-up to the February 25, 2023, presidential election, specifically on Sunday, January 8, a former media aide to the PDP presidential candidate, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, imploded a veritable bomb beneath his erstwhile principal’s long-running ambition capable of blowing the Waziri Adamawa’s burning aspiration to smithereens. Michael Achimugu, who had been appointed media director for the Atiku Support Organization on September 5, 2021, and later a member of its presidential election technical committee aired a video tape on his YouTube channel which featured a telephone conversation he claimed to have had with the former Vice President. The clearly inimitable voice of Atiku was heard in the video of the PDP candidate narrating to Achimugu how, as Vice President, he had supervened the formation of Special Purpose Vehicles (SPVs) through his cronies for the award of contracts. It was obvious this implied the diversion of public funds through contracts that could not be traced to him.

    In the course of the conversation, for instance, it was revealed that the former governor of Plateau State, Mr. Joshua Dariye, had paid the sum of N100 million of his state’s funds into one of these shell companies, Marine Float.  Achimogu demonstrated in the video his close relationship with Atiku and even with the latter’s children as he also aired his telephone conversations with some of them. What may be perceived as his betrayal of his boss was immoral and indefensible no matter what the reason may have been but Achimogu’s action was just as unethical as the sordid revelations about Atiku’s alleged surreptitious financial dealings as revealed by the leaked audio conversations.

    What was more scandalous than the contents of Achimogu’s leaked audio tapes was the thunderous silence of dominant sections of the media on the matter. Scurrilous newspaper columnists and hypocritically morally sanctimonious television and radio talk show anchors, who pretended to be outraged by President Bola Tinubu’s alleged but unproven moral lapses, suddenly went deaf, dumb and mute as regards the smoldering ‘Atiku-gate’ unleashed by Achimogu. Even if he was playing to the gallery, an exasperated Festus Keyamo (SAN), who was one of the spokesmen of the Tinubu campaign at that time, took Atiku and the PDP to court over the matter possibly as a strategy of drawing an inexplicably complacent and indifferent media to at least investigate Achimogu’s allegations to ascertain their veracity or otherwise.

    But it was obvious from the media treatment of this scandal that most of the dramatic posturing in the media and in some other partisan and religious quarters on allegations against Tinubu were actuated by partisanship, self-serving interests and even malice than any principled commitment to the public good. For, if that were not the case, patriotic analysts and public intellectuals would not be selective in their choice of allegations against actors in the public arena to focus on.

    Although Atiku’s undoubtedly dynamic team of media handlers and political strategists tried strenuously to discredit Achimogu and distance him from their principal, their efforts were insufficient to effectively dispel the widespread notion that there was likely a substantial element of verity to his allegations. For, his revelations with regard to the issue of SPVs as creative public fund-siphoning vessels into private pockets, for instance, appeared to shed some useful light on earlier grave allegations against Atiku on his role as Vice President in the pervasive corruption that characterized the privatization of scores of public enterprises under the President Olusegun Obasanjo administration.

    During the first term of his administration between 1999 and 2003, Obasanjo largely left the running of the economy to his Deputy while he concentrated on salvaging the international image of Nigeria, re-positioning the country to regain its influence in global affairs and thereby making her more attractive for foreign investment. As Vice President, Atiku was statutorily the Chairman of the National Council on Privatization (NCP).

    As one report put it, “Needless to say that laudable as the objectives of privatization may have been, the exercise in Nigeria has been characterized by corruption in high places…The public were fully informed of the corruption that attended the sale of Daily Times of Nigeria, the Ajaokuta Steel Complex, the failed Pentascope purchase of NITEL, the controversial sale of Asaba Textile Mill, Asaba, and many more. Nigerians have been stripped of their national assets by unpatriotic political leaders and corrupt bureaucrats”.

    The report continued, “Besides, there was the accusation of fraud and rip off of Nigeria’s commonwealth in tonnes of billions of Naira in the sale of the Aluminum Smelting Company of Nigeria, (ALSCON), Ikot Abasi, Delta Steel Complex, Alaja and the Ajaokuta Steel Complex, Itakpe. The Director General of the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE), Ms Onagoruwa, confirmed to the Senate Committee that ALSCON was sold to RUSAL Nigeria Limited for N39 billion even though the initial value was N480 billion while the Delta Steel Complex, Aladja, was sold to Global Infrastructure Nigeria Ltd, (GINL), at the sum of N4.5 billion as against the initial value of N225 billion”.

    Even though in his devastating criticism of his former Deputy in his autobiographical trilogy, ‘My Watch’, former President Olusegun Obasanjo painted a picture of Atiku as incorrigibly corrupt, a former Chairman of the BPE during his tenure, Mallam Nasir’el Rufai, testified before a Senate investigative committee in 2011 that both Obasanjo and Atiku put pressure on him to breach the rules and perpetrate unethical practices in the implementation of the privatization exercise; pressures which he claimed to have resisted when he occupied the office.

    It was quite amusing watching Atiku affecting to be a ‘born again’ moralizing Saint during his recent self-styled world press conference where he continued to raise questions about the authenticity of President Tinubu’s certificate from the Chicago State University (CSU). This was despite the clear deposition of the CSU authorities that the President graduated from their institution with honours in 1979 and was a male student who even contested to be President of the students’ Accounting Society. For, Atiku had hitherto not hidden the fact that ethical principles play a negligible role in his decisions and actions. When asked by an interviewer in 2019 to respond to allegations that he influenced the sale of public assets to his friends and cronies in the privatization exercise, Atiku turned a veritable national tragedy into a comic affair when he responded by wondering if he should have influenced the sale of those assets to his enemies!

    Read Also: PDP, aides mum over Atiku’s affidavit

    In another unabashed exhibition of his unrepentant indifference to ethics in his politics, Atiku has on a number of occasions publicly claimed the credit as being the mastermind behind the massively rigged elections that propelled the PDP to victory in the South-West states of Ondo, Ogun, Oyo, Ekiti and Osun in 2003 with Lagos as the only state remaining in the control of the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD). Indeed, Atiku has suggested that Tinubu owes his retention of his office in his second term to his benevolence irrespective of the fact that the former Lagos State governor won re-election after putting up stiff opposition to an Obasanjo presidency that deployed troops to Lagos in a desperate bid to ‘capture’ the country’s commercial nerve centre as repeatedly boasted by PDP chieftains.

    In his bid to damage President Tinubu’s character and denigrate his public image, Atiku embarked on his recent barren voyage to the United States in quest of an allegedly forged CSU certificate. Although he returned empty-handed, it is well within Atiku’s rights to do all he can to prove that the President was ineligible to contest the election if indeed he forged any certificate as alleged. However, it is ironical that even in the US, Atiku does not have a reputation that smells of roses. His name had been mentioned in a bribery case involving then US Congressman, William J. Jefferson, even though there apparently was no full-proof evidence of his culpability. Even then the Congressman, who was sentenced to 13 years imprisonment on November 13, 2009, and released on October 5, 2017, had, according to Wikipedia, “told an investor, Lori Mody, who was wearing a wire, that he would need to give Nigerian Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, $500,000 “as a motivating factor “ to make sure they obtain contracts for iGate and Mody’s company in Nigeria”.

    Atiku’s image in the US could certainly not have been helped by the published outcome of an investigation by the United States Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs titled “Keeping Foreign Corruption out of the United States: Four Case Histories”. The report, released in conjunction with the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations on February 4, 2010, focused on the financial transactions of Teodoro Nguema Obiang Mangue, son of the President of Equatorial Guinea, between 2004 and 2008; deposed President Omar Bongo of Gabon between 2003 and 2007; three Angolan Politically Exposed Persons (PEP) accounts and then Vice President Atiku Abubakar between 1999 and 2007.

    According to the Executive Summary of the Report, “From 2000 to 2008, Jennifer Douglas, a U.S citizen and the fourth wife of Atiku Abubakar, former Vice President and former candidate for President of Nigeria, helped her husband bring over $40 million in suspect funds into the US through wire transfers and by offshore corporations to U.S bank accounts. In a 2008 civil complaint, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission alleged that Ms Douglas received over $2 million in bribe payments in 2001 and 2002 from Siemens AG, a major German Corporation. While Ms Douglas denies wrongdoing, Siemens has already pled guilty to U.S criminal charges and settled civil charges related to bribery and told the Subcommittee that it sent the payments to one of her U.S accounts. In 2007, Mr Abubakar was the subject of corruption allegations in Nigeria related to the Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF)”.

    Continuing, the report stated that “Of the $40 million in suspect funds, $25 million was wire transferred into more than 30 U.S bank accounts opened by Ms Douglas, primarily by Guernsey Trust Company Nigeria Ltd, LetsGo Ltd Inc and Sima Holdings Ltd. The U.S banks maintaining these accounts were, at times, unaware of her PEP status and they allowed multiple, large offshore wire transfers into her accounts. As each bank began to question the offshore wire transfers, Ms Douglas indicated that all of the funds came from her husband and professed little familiarity with the offshore corporations actually sending her money”.

    The Report revealed that two of the offshore corporations wire transferred about $14 million to American University in Washington D.C over five years to pay for consulting services related to the development of a Nigerian university founded by Atiku. It noted that American University accepted the wire transfers without asking about the identity of the offshore corporations or the source of their funds because the university had no obligation to do so under the current law at the time. Does ‘born again’ Saint Atiku possess the ethical credibility and integrity to pose as a moral exemplar? The answer is blowing in the wind.

  • PDP, aides mum over Atiku’s affidavit

    PDP, aides mum over Atiku’s affidavit

    Days after President Bola Tinubu’s former spokesman in the South East, Dr. Josef Onoh exposed the names and certificate inconsistencies in the alleged document and affidavit forgeries of Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, neither the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), nor Atiku’s media aides are yet to make any statement in defence or acceptance of their principal’s alleged opprobrium.

    Onoh, who was an Enugu Gubernatorial aspirant in the 2023 elections, on Tuesday accused the former Vice President of certificate forgery and impersonation as well as inconsistencies in the primary, secondary and tertiary certificates which Atiku parade.

    Onoh particularly disclosed the 18th August 1973 change of name Affidavit which Atiku brandishes was manufactured on a Saturday, contrary to working days which Nigerian courts use to issue such relevant documents. Also a lack of a deed poll document for his 1965 change of name as required by law.

    He branded Atiku as the ‘Harry Houdini’ of impersonation, adding that the former Vice President is also a ‘Cam Gerian’ parading fake affidavit and had no evidence to prove he was a Nigerian as at that period in question. 

    Read Also: Atiku, Obi versus Tinubu: Legal fireworks on Monday

    But unlike Atiku’s media aides, who are quick to react, are mum on the allegation, prompting tongues to wag that Onoh may be right in his allegations while Atiku could have been shocked at the discovery by his political foes.

    Expectedly, reactions have trailed the allegations on the PDP presidential candidate, who recently dragged President Tinubu to the Chicago State University (CSU) to verify the President’s tendered certificates.

    An online user, Hoelu John said that Atiku’s revelations came as a result of the former Vice President’s attacks on President Tinubu. He said “As you have exposed Jagaban, we are going to expose you too, Atiku. If Tinubu won’t be president then you also won’t be president. Let Obi take it.”

    Oluwole Owolabi said: “Atiku is totally fake and should be rebuked without any hesitation; Affidavit that was procured on Saturday is obviously fake. Where are Dele and Phrank to offer us explanations for clarity’s sake?”

    James Roselyn said: “Because Atiku exposed all their hidden atrocities, they are trying to crucify Atiku, there’s God oh. Atiku is clean.”

    A Facebook user however said that one of the problems President Tinubu has is the inefficiency of his appointed aides, noting that even without an appointment, Onoh has been more effective than all the presidential media aides. 

    In a development after Onoh’s allegation against Atiku, in an earlier publication also attacked his service history while serving in the Nigerian immigration as he alleged it will proof he wasn’t a nigerian. The Nigeria immigration Service said that it can no longer lay hands on the documents of Atiku who retired in the NCS as a Deputy Comptroller General, before joining partisan politics.

    Atiku joined the Customs Service in 1969 after completing his Diploma in Law programme at the Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. He retired in controversial circumstances in April 1989 after 20 years, rising to the position of Deputy Director of Customs, which is the equivalent of Deputy Comptroller-General.

    Investigations at the Customs offices in Abuja and Lagos however revealed that the organization the former Vice President served for 20 years cannot trace his file in the archives.

    A senior official of the organization who pleaded anonymity said the leadership of NCS had made efforts in the past to get the service records of the PDP presidential candidate without any success.

    “We have done everything to get former Vice President Atiku’s record of service without any success. He left the service in 1989 when the Headquarters was in Lagos. Some staff files could not be found in Lagos when the headquarters was moving to Abuja due to either poor archiving and record-keeping or deliberate lifting of the files.

    “At the moment, the Customs Service can only trace files of those that joined the service in the early 1990s. We don’t have anything in our records on employees of the generation of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar,” the senior Customs officer was quoted to have said.

  • Atiku, Obi versus Tinubu: Legal fireworks on Monday

    Atiku, Obi versus Tinubu: Legal fireworks on Monday

    • S’Court fixes hearing of appeal, bid by PDP candidate to submit CSU documents

    The Supreme Court will on Monday hear the appeals by Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi challenging the affirmation of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s victory in the February 25 poll.

    It will also hear the appeal by the Allied Peoples Movement (APM), as well as a motion by Atiku for leave to tender new evidence.

    An October 19 hearing notice has been issued to the parties.

    A seven-member panel of justices of the apex court will sit on the matter.

    The Electoral Act prescribes a 60-day period between the verdict of the PEPC and the judgment of the Supreme Court. The PEPC delivered its verdict on September 6.

    Atiku and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Obi and Labour Party (LP) and ChiChi Ojei and the APM are challenging the September 6 consolidated judgment of the Presidential Election Petition Court (PEPC).

    A few days to the February 25 Presidential election, the APM collapsed collapsed its structure into the PDP’s and adopted Atiku.

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    The tribunal dismissed the petitions challenging Tinubu’s victory for being unmeritorious and because the petitioners failed to prove their cases.

    In their 35-ground appeal, Atiku and his party want the highest court to reverse the PEPC verdict.

    Obi and his party filed a 51-ground appeal seeking similar reliefs.

    APM, in its 10-ground appeal, seeks to void Tinubu’s election on the grounds that his running mate, Senator Kashim Shettima, was not validly nominated.

    PDP and Atiku are contending that the judgment is against the weight of evidence.

    The PEPC, they argued, “erred in law when it refused to uphold the mandatory electronic transmission of results for confirmation and verification of final results introduced by the Electoral Act 2022 for transparency and integrity of results in accordance with the principles of the Act”.

    According to them, the Electoral Act introduced technology, particularly in the transmission and collation of results, to forestall manipulation and compromise.

    In ground two, the appellants argued that the PEPC erred when, despite the clear provisions of enabling statutes, including the Constitution, the Electoral Act 2022, the Regulations and Guidelines for the Conduct of Elections and the Manual for Election Officials, it still proceeded to hold that the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) was not meant to be used to electronically transmit or transfer the results of the polling unit direct to the collation system.

    They also faulted the PEPC for holding that the INEC Result Viewing portal (IRev) was not a collation system.

    The appellants faulted the PEPC for holding that the requirement of electronic transmission of the result directly from the polling units to the INEC collation system is not an Electoral Act requirement.

    They faulted the PEPC for failing “to nullify the presidential election held on 25th February 2023 on the ground of non-compliance with the Electoral Act 2022 when, by the evidence before the court, the first respondent (INEC) conducted the election based on very grave and gross misrepresentation, contrary to the principles of the Electoral Act 2022, based on the ‘doctrine of legitimate expectation.’”

    The PDP and Atiku are also praying the Supreme Court to allow their appeal, set aside the judgment of the PEPC and grant the reliefs as contained in their petition.

    The cases of Obi, LP, APM

    Obi and the LP are praying the apex court to set aside the tribunal judgment and grant the reliefs in their petition.

    They contended that the PEPC erred in law and occasioned a grave miscarriage of justice when they held that the onus was on them to prove that INEC failed to comply with the mandatory requirements of Sections 73(2) of the Electoral Act, 2022.

    According to Obi and the LP, “the learned Justices of the court below erred in law and came to a perverse decision when they held that PW3, PW4, PW, PW6, PW7, PW8, PW9, PW10, PW11 and P’W13 were not witnesses of the court, but those of the appellants, who had paid fees for the issuance of the subpoena”.

    They added the trial Justices erred in law when they held that Exhibit X2, a copy of the European Union Election Observation Mission Report, was certified by the Registry of the Court of Appeal and not by the Observation Mission, which is the custodian of the original copy.

    The APM, in its appeal, is contending that the PEPC erred in law “when it wrongfully waved aside the allegation that Tinubu’s running mate and Vice President, Kashim Shettima, was nominated twice for different positions by the APC, in relation to the 2023 general elections.

    The party is also contending that it was wrong for the PEPC to dismiss its case against Tinubu’s election on the premise that it was not only incompetent but contained pre-election issues.

    It argued that sections 131 and 142 (1) of the 1999 Constitution, as amended, were inextricably linked “and neither can be confined as a pre-election matter, as these qualifications are condition precedents to being elected to the office of President.”

    APM added: “The appellant’s petition was not one founded solely on nomination, but primarily that the third respondent (Tinubu) contested the presidential election without a lawful associate running as his Vice President.

    “The withdrawal of (Mr. Ibrahim Masari), the fifth respondent and the expiry of the 14 days permissible for changing a withdrawn or dead candidate under Section 33 of the Electoral Act 2022 made the third respondent’s election and return invalid.”

    APM argued that the PEPC abandoned its duty and jurisdiction of hearing and determining the question of whether President Tinubu and Vice President Shettima were validly elected under the law, given provisions of Section 239(1) of the 1999 Constitution, as amended.

    The APM wants the highest court to hold that the PEPC focused on technical issues rather than determining whether Tinubu and Shettima were qualified.

  • UPDATED: Supreme Court set date for Atiku, Obi, APM’s appeals

    UPDATED: Supreme Court set date for Atiku, Obi, APM’s appeals

    The Supreme Court has scheduled a hearing for Monday, October 23, in the appeal by Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi who were candidates of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the Labour Party (LP) in the last presidential election.

    The apex court, it was learnt, will also hear the appeal by the Allied Peoples Movement (APM) on Monday.

    The Nation gathered that information to that effect has since been communicated to parties in the three appeals via hearing notices issued on October 19 by the Registry of the Supreme Court.

    Atiku/PDP, Obi/LP and the APM are, by their appeals, challenging the September 6, consolidated judgment rendered by the Presidential Election Petition Court (PEPC) which dismissed their (Atiku/PDP, Obi/LP and the APM’s) petitions for being unmeritorious, lacking a merit and, on the grounds that the petitioners failed to prove their cases.

    They had, in the petitions, challenged the victory of President Bola Tinubu in the February 25 presidential election.

    In their 35-ground appeal, Atiku and his party want the apex court to, among others, reverse the judgment of the PEPC as it relates to their petition.

    Obi and his party also filed a 51-ground appeal, in which they are also seeking similar reliefs.

    On its part, the APM, in its 10-ground appeal, is principally, praying the apex court to void Tinubu’s election on the grounds that his running mate, Senator Kashim Shettima was not validly nominated.

    The verdict, which was unanimously declared the petitions by PDP, LP, the Allied Peoples Movement (APM) and their candidates as unmeritorious, lacking a merit and for failure prove their cases beyond reasonable doubt.

    In their appeal, the PDP and Atiku are contending, among others, that the judgment of the PEPC is against the weight of evidence.

    They are equally contending that the PEPC “erred in law when it refused to uphold the mandatory electronic transmission of results for confirmation and verification of final results introduced by the Electoral Act 2022 for transparency and integrity of results in accordance with the principles of the Act.”

    According to them, the Electoral Act 2022 introduced technology in the conduct of elections, particularly in the transmission and collation of results, being part of the election process easily susceptible to manipulation and compromise.

    In ground two, the appellants argued that the PEPC erred when, despite the clear provisions of enabling statutes, including the constitution, the Electoral Act 2022, the Regulations and Guidelines for the conduct of elections and the Manual for Election Officials, it still proceeded to hold that the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) was not meant to be used to electronically transmit or transfer the results of the polling unit direct to the collation system.

    They also faulted the PEPC for holding that the INEC Result Viewing portal (IRev) was not a collation system.

    The appellants faulted the PEPC for holding that the requirement of electronic transmission of the result of the election directly from the polling units to the INEC collation system is not a requirement of the Electoral Act, 2022.

    According to them, the PEPC erred in law when it failed to determine the case of the appellants with respect to the mandatory verifications and confirmations required before the announcement of the result of the presidential election, pursuant to Section 64(4) of the Electoral Act, 2022.

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    They also faulted the PEPC for failing “to nullify the presidential election held on 25th February 2023 on the ground of non-compliance with the Electoral Act 2022 when, by evidence before the court, the 1st respondent (INEC) conducted the election based on very grave and gross misrepresentation ,contrary to the principles of the Electoral Act 2022, based on the ‘doctrine of legitimate expectation.’

    The PDP and Atiku are also praying the Supreme Court to allow their appeal, set aside the judgment of the PEPC and grant the reliefs as contained in their petition.

    Obi and the LP are, in their appeal, praying the apex court to, among others, set aside the judgment of the PEPC and grant the reliefs in the petition originally filed before the PEPC.

    They faulted the PEPC for holding that “where the dispute involves the election in as many as 895 polling units, the pleadings in this petition, which alleged electoral malpractices, non-compliance and/or offences in some polling units, many polling units or several polling units cannot be said to have met the requirements of pleadings as stipulated in Paragraph 4(1)(d) of the 1st Schedule to the Electoral Act and/or Order 13 Rules 4(1), 5 and (6)(1) of the Federal High Court (Civil Procedure) Rules, 2009.”

    They also faulted the PEPC for holding that the paragraphs of their reply to the 2nd and 3rd respondents (President Bola Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima) introduced new issues, contrary to Paragraph 16(1) of the First Schedule to the Electoral Act, 2022.

    They contended that the PEPC erred in law and occasioned a grave miscarriage of justice when they held that the onus was on them (the appellants) to prove that INEC failed to comply with the mandatory requirements of Sections 73(2) of the Electoral Act, 2022 in the conduct of the presidential election.

    The appellants argued that PEPC erred in law when they held that, among others, any written statement on oath of a witness, filed outside the 21-day limitation will amount to a surreptitious amendment of the petition and a breach of paragraph 14 of the 1st Schedule to the Electoral Act, irrespective of whether the witnesses to be called are ordinary or expert witnesses, or whether they are willing or subpoenaed witnesses.

    They also contented that the PEPC “erred in law and occasioned a grave miscarriage of justice when it abdicated its primary duty of making findings on the material issue of estoppel that the appellants raised against the 1st respondent (INEC) on the electronic transmission of polling units results to the IReV.”

    According to Obi and the LP “the learned Justices of the court below erred in law and came to a perverse decision when they held that PW3, PW4, PW, PW6, PW7, PW8, PW9, PW10, PW11 and P’W13 were not witnesses of the court, but those of the appellants, who had paid fees for the issuance of the subpoena.”

    They added: “The learned trial Justices of the court below erred in law when they held that since Exhibit X2 was a copy of the European Union Election Observation Mission Nigeria 2023 Final Report, certified by the Registry of the Court of Appeal and not by the European Union Election Observation Mission, ‘which is the custodian of the original copy of the document.”

    The APM, in its appeal, is contending, among others that the PEPC erred in law “when it wrongfully waved aside the allegation that Tinubu’s running mate and Vice President, Kashim Shettima, was nominated twice for different positions by the APC, in relation to the 2023 general elections.

    The party is also contending that that it was wrong for the PEPC to dismiss its case against Tinubu’s election on the premise that it was not only incompetent, but contained pre-election issues.

    It argued that sections 131 and 142 (1) of the 1999 Constitution, as amended, were inextricably linked “and neither can be confined as a pre- election matter, as these qualifications are condition precedents to being elected to the office of President.”

    “The Appellant’s petition was not one founded solely on nomination, but primarily that the 3rd respondent (Tinubu) contested the presidential election without a lawful associate running as his Vice President .

    “That the withdrawal of (Mr. Ibrahim Masari) 5th Respondent and the expiry of the 14 days permissible for changing a withdraw or dead candidate under section 33 of the Electoral Act 2022, made the 3rd Respondent’s election and return invalid.”

    The APM argued that the PEPC abandoned its duty and jurisdiction of hearing and determining the question of whether President Tinubu and Vice President Shettima were validly elected under the law, in view of provisions of section 239(1) of the 1999 Constitution, as amended.

  • Busted: Atiku signed his 1973 ‘Sadiq’ WAEC affidavit in court on a Saturday

    Busted: Atiku signed his 1973 ‘Sadiq’ WAEC affidavit in court on a Saturday

    August 18, 1973, the date former Vice President Atiku Abubakar claimed to have signed an affidavit in court in his claim that he is the same person as Sadiq Abubakar, was a Saturday.

    From time immemorial, courts in Nigeria do not open for business on Saturdays and Sundays, being work-free days in the country.

    In the said affidavit, Atiku had sworn to an oath that he sat for the West African School Certificate Examination (WAEC) in 1965 as Sadiq Abubakar but that he later changed his name to Atiku Abubakar.

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    The revelation may have confirmed accusations that the said Sadiq Abubakar might be an entirely different person from Atiku Abubakar.

    The former Vice President had, in a public statement on Sunday, October 10, 2023, insisted that he was the same person as Sadiq Abubakar who sat for WAEC in 1965.

    A statement by Atiku’s Media Adviser, Mr. Paul Ibe, said: “It is on record that the change of name of the former Vice President reverting to Atiku Abubakar from Siddiq Abubakar is well documented in an affidavit dated August 18, 1973, spanning over a period of 50 years.”