Former Vice President and Chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Atiku Abubakar has said that the absence of the fear of God and Justice in any society lead to mischief and instability in the polity. Speaking at the public presentation of a book, “Gwandu Emirate: The Domain of Abdullahi Fodio, since 1805” in Birnin Kebbi, the former Vice President reminded northerners that the old Sokoto Caliphate was built on the fear of God Justice which explained its progressiveness.
He said “somewhere between 1810 and 1812, when Sheik Usman divided the Caliphate into two for administrative convenience, he assigned Abdullahi to supervise the Western Emirates while Sheik Muhammadu Bello took charge of the Eastern Emirates.
“Each of those Emirates was autonomous in the true sense of the word. Thus, Sokoto Caliphate proved to be one of the best ran confederacies that made significant achievements in the history of mankind. For instance, many people are not aware of this, the Caliphate did not have any standing army as a State, but the Emirates did.
“Each emirate was given sufficient latitude and responsibility to manage its own affairs. This system of administration ensured social justice, accountability and efficiency. It is indeed very surprising to me that some of us have totally forgotten about that part of our history. And when they are reminded, they express utmost suspicion and disbelief.
“As northerners and Nigerians we need to remember this history, this example, as we debate issues around unity, federalism, revenue sharing, and the devolution of powers to federating units,” he said.
The former Vice President who was the chief presenter of the book, describe Abdullahi Fodio as a great intellectual, a general in the jihad campaigns, an administrator whose objective was to establish equity and social justice among people, and a reputed statesman of exemplary character who “authored more than one hundred books out of which less than 10% were published.
“His prescriptions for societal rejuvenation and development are, at least, as relevant today as they were when he made them. For instance, his book, Diya’ al-Sultan, was purposely written to guide rulers on good governance. According to him, the two virtues that constitute the foundation of governance in all circumstances are: taqwa (fear of God) and ‘adl (justice). In other words, it is the absence of either or both of these virtues that lead to mischief and instability in any polity.
“Sheik Abdullahi was second in command to his brother, Sheik Usman Dan Fodio in the emergence of the jihad movement. As Waziri to the latter, Abdullahi was both a Deputy and Chief Adviser on all issues concerning the Caliphate. However, as early as 1807, Abdullahi became somewhat disillusioned with the turn of events for which he decided to abandon all his privileges and migrate to the Holy Land,” he added.
Tag: atiku
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Atiku: Instability caused by absence of justice
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Attack on mosque dangerous development, says Atiku
•‘Nigerians are hungry’
Former Vice President and Chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Atiku Abubakar, has described the bomb attack on a mosque inside the University of Maiduguri (UNIMAID) as a dangerous development and a threat to the educational advancement of the Northeast.
According to him, lack of education was a major threat to security in the Northeast, as many of the terrorists have have not read the Koran for themselves and interpret the tenets of Islam beyond the false teachings of their terrorist commanders.
A statement from his media office in Abuja, yesterday, said: “The attack on UNIMAID is not just about a bomb exploding in a mosque. Once again, education in the Northeast is under attack.
“A sound education will provide our youths with the ability to analyse and make informed decisions, an opportunity that many young people in the Northeast do not have at present, making it easy for false teachers to control them.”
Atiku stressed that the attack is worrisome, especially at a time when the terrorist group was clearly degraded. “We cannot afford to be complacent now or in the future,” he added.
The former vice president has also said hunger was ravaging the country as the people are thinking of nothing other than food.
Fielding questions from reporters in Minna after a condolence visit to the family of the late Abdulkadir Kure, Atiku said the hunger in the land is much that even politicians are not thinking of 2019.
“Who is talking about 2019 now? We are talking about how to put food on our tables. 2019 will have to wait first,” he said.
Atiku described the deceased as a friend, brother and a compatriot, adding that he was a governor who served and cared for his people and was one of the best the country had. -
Buhari, Saraki, Atiku, Bello, others mourn Kure
•Ex-governor for burial tomorrow
President Muhammadu Buhari, Senate President, Abubakar Bukola Saraki, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and others have extended condolences to the government and people of Niger State on the passing of former governor Abdulkadir Kure.
Kure, who was Niger State governor from 1999 to 2007, was elected on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). He died on Sunday in Germany.
Buhari, in a statement by his Special Adviser on Media and Publicity, Femi Adesina, commiserated with wife of the deceased, Senator Zaynab Kure and her children, the Kure family members and the Nupe people.
He joined them in mourning the two-term governor and vibrant political leader, who he described as a great promoter of peaceful co-existence, development and the unity of the Nigerian state throughout his life.
Buhari paid tribute to Kure’s unselfish dedication to the progress of his state, symbolised by his selfless services to his community even after leaving office.
The President prayed that the Almighty Allah will receive Kure’s soul and comfort all who mourn him.
Saraki, in a condolence message by his Special Assistant on New Media, Bamikole Omishore, expressed shock over the death of the former governor.
He described late Kure as a man, who made tremendous sacrifice for nation-building.
The Senate President noted that Kure’s death has left a void that could not be easily filled.
He said: “I received the shocking news of the demise of a political icon, Abdulkadir Kure. His demise no doubt, leaves a void that cannot be easily filled.”
Deputy Senate President Ike Ekweremadu also expressed deep sadness over Kure’s death.
Ekweremadu, in a statement by his media adviser, Uche Anichukwu, extolled the deceased as a patriot and true party man.
He described Kure’s death as a heavy loss to the government and people of Niger State, the PDP and the nation.
Atiku said Kure’s death has robbed Nigerian of one of its finest, decent and peace-loving politicians.
In a condolence message from his media office, the former vice president said: “It was impossible to encounter the late Kure without respecting and admiring him ever more for his humility, gentleness, patience and peace-loving nature.”
According to Atiku, “Kure looked at power as an opportunity to serve his people without keeping a ledger of ill-will towards anybody, whether you supported him or not.”
He said the exemplary life of Kure was good evidence that there are gentlemen in politics, despite the widespread negative perceptions of politicians in the country.
The Turakin Adamawa stated that he valued every moment he shared with the late Kure because “you couldn’t help admiring his wisdom, experience, patience and knowledge.”
The All Progressives Congress chieftain prayed to Allah to grant the deceased eternal rest in peace and abundant blessings in paradise.
He expressed his condolences to the government, family and the entire people of Niger State over the demise of the late Governor Kure.
Former Senate President David Mark, in his statement, described Kure’s death as devastating.
Mark described the late ex-governor as an accomplished public servant and quintessential politician.
He noted that late Kure was a vibrant and dynamic governor of Niger State in his days, who embarked on aggressive transformation of the state.
Niger State Governor Abubakar Sani Bello described the deceased former governor as a leader, who played politics without bitterness.
He said Kure was a peace-maker and a bridge-builder, who was concerned about the state’s grow.
He said the late governor instituted good governance and started developmental projects that were focused on the people.
Bello paid tributes to Kure during a condolence visit to the deceased’s residence in Minna.
A statement by the governor’s Chief Press Secretary, Mr. Jibrin Ndache, quoted Bello as describing Kure as “an example of God-fearing gentleman, who understood that there was time for politics and time for governance”. -
Atiku hails Adeboye’s ‘inspirational leadership’
Former Vice President and All Progressives Congress (APC) chieftain Atiku Abubakar has described the outgoing national General Overseer of the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), Pastor Enoch Adeboye, as a unique inspirational leader, whose influence cuts across tribe, class and religion.
Atiku said in a statement by his Media Office in Abuja that the religious leader’s influence on many Nigerians over the past four decades was overwhelming.
“Some of the most prominent personalities Nigeria has been blessed with have been those who learnt from the pulpit of Pastor Adeboye. A most recent example is our current Vice President, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo,” he said.
He hailed the efforts of Pastor Adeboye, which clearly went beyond the normal expectations for a preacher, such as his active participation in the war against Human immunodeficiency virus infection and Acquired immune deficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS) in Nigeria, which saw him featuring in an anti-AIDS advert that was aired on national television.
Atiku hailed the role that the cleric played as a converging figure for other religious leaders in Nigeria.
“Pastor Adeboye is the kind of religious leader I pray that we see more of in Nigeria. He is a man beloved, and who loved one and all without discrimination,” he said.
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Awujale: Obasanjo fought Adenuga because of Atiku
Excerpt from Awujale: The Autobiography of Alaiyeluwa Oba S.K Adetona, Ogbagba II, Mosuro Publishers, 2010, pp. 187-195
The EFCC in Lagos had come calling brusquely on Mike Adenuga (Jnr), Chairman Globacom on 9 July 2006. They broke his gate, swarmed into his house and kept him under ‘arrest’. When I heard about the arrest, I called the legal firms, of Ayanlaja SAN & Adesanya SAN as well as Professor Biodun Adesanya SAN to take up the matter and secure Mike’s release. They swung into action and gave indication that they would take the matter to court.
By evening, it was no longer necessary to go to court as Mike, following his statement to EFCC, had been released with instructions to report regularly to the EFCC headquarters in Abuja. Mike proceeded to Abuja, accompanied by his lawyer, Prof. Biodun Adesanya SAN. Indirectly related to this case, the EFCC had quizzed and released Mohammed Babangida, Ibrahim Babangida’s son. The EFCC purportedly were on the trail of some money belonging to the Petroleum Trust Development Fund (PTDF), but there was really more beneath the veneer.While Mike was in Abuja, he was counselled to see Obasanjo to extricate himself. For four days, he made attempts to see Obasanjo but was unsuccessful. After a few days in Abuja with no case pressed against him by EFCC, he returned to Lagos. Not long afterwards, and in the heat of this mess, Obasanjo did two things that puzzled me. He called Mike to meet him at a social event in Lagos –Engr. Olapade’s birthday celebration. Mike and Obasanjo were both captured by press photographers in the newspapers at the event. Following the celebration, Obasanjo asked Mike to accompany him to Ota. It was in Ota that he solicited for the construction of the Administration Block of his university, Bells University in Ota. Mike agreed and Carchez Turnkey Projects Ltd handled the project for him. It appeared the whole matter, the EFCC hunt, simmered and Mike continued about his business. On a trip to Ghana, he ran through his Nigerian daily newspapers and discovered that the situation was unfolding in a more revealing version. The EFCC had arrested Mohammed Babangida. Mike read between the lines and proceeded to the UK on exile. When I visited the UK, Mike came to see me, and wanted me to facilitate a meeting with Obasanjo so that he could present his side of the case. The allegations against him were as follows:a. That Abubakar Atiku, the Vice-President, gave Mike Adenuga money from the Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF) which were invested in Mike’s bank, Equatorial Trust Bank (ETB), and that the funds were used in paying for the Globacom licence.b. That as a result of the connection in (a) Atiku was a major shareholder in Globacom. And Atiku used his clout to ensure that PTDF money got into ETB.c. That General Ibrahim Babangida, the former Head of State, was also a major shareholder in Globacom.
It was not enough for Mike to merely present his case to EFCC, for it seemed the EFCC was under some remote control. The Presidency was after Atiku. Atiku at some point was the Chairman of the PTDF; an attempt was being made to indict him for alleged illegal and unauthorized channelling of PTDF money into Globacom. All sorts of rumours were flying around and the Presidency wanted to pin down the case against Atiku. If Ibrahim Babangida also fell into the trap, so much the better.
A wide opening presented itself and EFCC seized it.
G.Subair is Mike’s second cousin. His father died young and he grew up, just as I did in my early life, living with Mike’s mother. He worked for Mike and was seconded, amongst other things, to open the Kaduna office for Globacom. In need of accommodation or office space, he leased, on behalf of Globacom, a house, at 2-3 Dawaki Road in Kaduna belonging to Mohammed Badamasi Babangida and used that address in official correspondence and memoranda. Mohammed is the first son of President Ibrahim Babangida. This was Babangida connection to which EFCC hung on when they were rummaging through Globacom documents. This was, according to them, irrefutable evidence that Babangida was a major shareholder in Globacom and that his son, Mohammed Babangida, or G.Subair or Mike was fronting for Babangida in this venture.
Mike told me how he had raised money through the BNP Paribas Bank in France and how he paid to New York for the Globacom licensing fees. All the money involved could be traced with supporting documents to France and New York in the form of a huge loan. The Bank BNP Paribas on its part had a letter stating clearly their involvement in the transaction and Mike wanted to present this among other documents to President Obasanjo. I called Obasanjo and relayed the facts as I had them from Mike to him. I requested for his fax number so that I could fax Mike’s letter explaining all the transactions and the Bank of Paribas letter to him. As soon as he gave me the fax number, I faxed the documents to him. Still, Obasanjo was not satisfied. It seemed that it was all a ruse because they were really after Atiku and Babangida and wanted Mike to implicate them. Mike refused to cooperate. If he was not going to cooperate, they thought, harassment would do it. On 19 August 2006, I made a statement to the press asking Obasanjo to caution Nuhu Ribadu, the head of the EFCC, about his mode of operations. I denounced the harassment of citizens by EFCC and urged them to go to court if they had anything concrete against anyone.
While Mike was in exile, we shared a moment of relaxation together. We took a holiday together in south of France with some members of our families. I had with me my wife Olori Kemi, my daughter, Ronke and Oba Adekoya, the Dagburewe of Idowa. Mike came along with his two daughters and his niece.
While on this holiday, the President of France, Jacques Chirac, was going to be holding a conference with African Heads of State in Nice. Coincidentally, we got to know that Obasanjo was booked to stay in the same hotel where we were staying. Later, we learnt he had changed his mind and would not be attending the conference. Then not long afterwards, we were told he had decided to attend after all. By the time he finally decided to attend, all the rooms in the hotel were fully booked and he was now booked into another, Embassy Hotel, which was a stone’s throw from when we were. I got to know that he would check in at 8.00am on the day of the conference. At 8.330am, I went to his hotel and took Mike along with me. From the reception, I spoke to him on the phone. When he asked from where I was speaking, I told him I was downstairs in the lobby of his hotel! He said he would send someone down immediately to lead me up to his suite, and he did so. I left Mike behind in the hotel lobby. When I got to his suite, there were already a number of people in the corridor, in his living room and the dining room waiting to see him. His ADC took me straight to see him in his bedroom. I had hardly settled down when he started talking to me about his deputy, Abubakar Atiku. He was at daggers drawn with Atiku. When he exhausted all he had to say about Atiku, he jumped on Theophilus Danjuma, his estranged friend. They fell out after Danjuma had served him as Minister of Defence. I sat there just listening. He needed to get a lot off his chest. He told me how would leave the Chirac conference immediately after the opening because he wanted to attend a PDP campaign in Gombe at 5.00pm that same day. He was lead campaigner for the PDP and Umaru Yar’adua for President.
He reeled off a number of events where he was going to be engaged in the coming months, including the opening of the Obajana Cement Factory. Wait a minute! Something struck me at the mention of Obajana Cement Factory.I told him that I had heard that he and Aliko Dangote jointly owned the cement factory. I told him that I heard Dangote was fronting for him in the venture. His reply was to query whether I believed what I heard. I countered by saying whether I believed it or not was irrelevant to the question that I had asked him. He said nothing further on this. Before we left his room, I pointed out to him that now that he was approaching the end of his term in office, there were some people to whom he owed apologies: Chief S.O. Bakare (Oluwalogbon) was one. Chief Bakare gave everything to support Obasanjo when he was down. In spite of Obasanjo’s condemnation by the populace, Bakare still stood by him. I had forewarned Bakare that Obasanjo would eventually dump him. Notwithstanding, he stood by Obasanjo. In the end Obasanjo walked away. A few months in office they separated as friends.
I told Obasanjo that Mike Adenuga was in Cannes and that I had brought him with me. He was waiting in the foyer downstairs. I told him that the reason I brought Mike along was that it was not unlikely that Obasanjo would hear that Mike was in Cannes while he was in town and would deem it discourteous if Mike did not show up to pay his respect. Now that I had told him, that Mike was downstairs, it was now up to him, if he wanted to see Mike, to send someone to bring him up. Obasanjo objected to Mike coming to see him in his suite. Instead, he said he would see Mike downstairs on his way to the conference. At this point, I volunteered to go downstairs and wait with Mike. Obasanjo again objected, insisting that he and I should go down together. Soon after, his ADC came into the room to remind him about the time. He went into his bathroom, got ready and we went to the lift with his Foreign Minister.
When we got down, Mike came forward to greet him. ‘I have nothing against you, it is a matter of principle’ Obasanjo told Mike. Mike in turn said, ‘Your Excellency, I understand. Thank you.’ That was all the exchange they had.
When Obasanjo left office in 2007, we met at the 90th birthday ceremony for Chief T.O.S Benson in Lagos on 23 July 2007. As a matter of fact, we sat side by side. In the course of our conversation, I told him I was going to be in Abeokuta the following day. He said he would be in Ota when I was there, but that he would specifically come to Abeokuta to host me for lunch. He kept his word. So much so that he called me on the phone when lunch was ready! I assured him that I would not miss lunch and I would be with him as soon as I was through with my meeting.
I went as promised for lunch with Oba Adekoya, the Dagburewa of Idowa. When we got there, Obasanjo also had Alhaji Ola Yusuf from Owu, Abeokuta, who had come to see him and he too joined us for lunch. We were four at table. It was sumptuous lunch, and I had never been treated to anything like it in our long relationship.
Mike Adenuga was still in exile abroad and Obasanjo steered the lunch talk in his direction. He asked me to ask my son meaning Mike Adenuga, to return home. I requested that he should leave the matter until after lunch and it would be tackled on a one-to-one basis between us. He agreed.
After lunch, we went into his private sitting room. I declared that what Nuhu Ribadu, Chairman of EFCC, was doing in respect of Mike Adenuga was wrong and he was doing it at Obasanjo’s behest. I told him that I refrained from interfering because I wanted to see how the law would pan out on the issue. The kernel of the matter really, as I told him, was his disagreement with Abubakar Atiku, his deputy, and they had taken the matter almost life-and –death level. Mike Adenuga was a pawn in the crisis and he should be given the right to defend himself.
I reminded Obasanjo that he was no longer in office and he should back off in his pursuit of Mike. I went further to let him know that if Nuhu Ribadu did not desist from molesting Mike, I would go into the ring with them. Here I made clear that I would take him and Ribadu to unnecessarily and unjustifiably pursue Mike. Obasanjo promised to see Ribadu and to ask him to back off. He further promised to give me a feedback on this.
When I did not get his feedback, I called him a number of times, but the phone would ring and not be answered. Eventually, I called his aide, Bodunde Adeyanju, who on picking my call passed the phone to Obasanjo to speak to me. Obasanjo told me Ribadu was out of the country and he would get back again to me on Ribadu’s return. I told Obasanjo how difficult it had been to reach him on the phone. I offered a solution. I would ask Mike to send him a phone which he would give his aide, Bodunde, as an intermediary. This way, all I had to do was call that number and Bodunde would pass it to him if he wanted to speak to me. He agreed and Mike sent the phone down the next day. But still Obasanjo did not come back to me on the issue.
Mike remained in exile in London and nothing much was heard again or raised by the EFCC about him. Later in 2007, I called Mike in London and told him I wanted to know why he had refused to return home. Since he had no skeleton in his cupboard, then he should return home. I explained to him that the purpose of the wealth with which he had been divinely endowed was to care for his needs, and his interests. It was also for use to defend his honour and integrity. For these reasons, I urged him to return home.
Thereafter, Mike returned home. Nobody touched him and no institution has prosecuted him because there was no genuine reason from the onset for anybody to touch him. However, the construction project at Bells University slowed considerably while Mike was in exile and a few solicitous calls from Obasanjo to Mike while he was in exile did not change the pace of work. On his return from exile, the school Bells University had the temerity to write to him seeking for a meeting to discuss the continuation of the project. When I got to know, I offered to be in attendance at the meeting and sent word round that I would be in attendance. I had the intention to lambast all of them. They must have sensed it because up till now, the meeting has not been held!
All the enormous goodwill which Obasanjo carried into office was squandered with a performance that left him with a second term short of tangible achievements. Eight years in office was ample time to put electricity on a very strong footing. Eight years was enough to put down a strong foot against corruption and make a clear difference. Eight years was adequate for orderliness and the rule of law to triumph in every facet of our society. These were the basis upon which I gave him my support for the office. Some new State Governors have shown how much good can be achieved in a shorter time.”
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The Atiku cross
Sir: In politics, reputation is critical to the success or failure of a candidate at the polls. And so, advertising and indeed, branding are used relentlessly by politicians to fight for the mind of voters.
One of Nigeria’s most intelligent and gifted politicians, former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, the Turakin Adamawa, is carrying a burden; a political cross of sorts placed upon him by a tiny but influential group of politicians who are determined to use any means possible to destroy his ever-rising political influence. They are committed and sworn to doing anything, whatsoever; legitimate or illegitimate, moral or immoral, even the outright peddling of falsehood, to deny Nigerians the dividends of Atiku’s election to political office.
In Nigeria, all you need to do to destroy a politician’s electoral fortunes is to put on him or her, the toga of corruption, whether true or false. And that is the strategy of those who feel embittered and threatened by Atiku’s political pedigree – brand Atiku as corrupt and promote this theme of corruption consistently before the voting public – lie consistently to the public and destroy Atiku politically.
None of those painting Atiku as corrupt has produced any shred of evidence that he is indeed corrupt. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo and members of his kitchen cabinet, who are credited with placing this corruption tag on Atiku in vengeance over the Turaki’s truncating of his (Obasanjo’s) Third Term bid, investigated Atiku in Nigeria and virtually in every country of the world. But everywhere Obasanjo and his henchmen went, Atiku was given a clean bill of health. No corrupt act was found to have been perpetrated by Atiku in Nigeria or in any country of the world. No court in Nigeria or in any nation on earth has found Atiku guilty of any iota of corruption.
But still, the stop-Atiku-cabal continues to advertise and brand Atiku as corrupt. Their reason is simple: If Atiku stopped Obasanjo from getting an unconstitutional Third Term in Aso Rock, then Atiku must not be allowed to enter Aso Rock.
In his decades-old involvement in politics, Atiku has always come out tops as the leader with the brightest ideas on governance and policy. His views always resonate with the wishes of the people. His policy documents are the best articulated and that Nigeria continues to grapple with poor electric power supply is because the Atiku plan has not been implemented in Nigeria. Atiku’s power strategy is the construction of smaller power generating plants all over Nigeria to serve clusters of people in the areas where these plants are located. Nigeria’s current power strategy has continued to invest and waste billions of dollars on white-elephant power infrastructure that have continued to produce darkness, decades after.
Nigerians should look at the origin of the Stop-Atiku-Project and see it for what it is – a vengeful and selfish reputation-destruction mission embarked upon by a tiny but influential group of envious politicians embittered by Atiku’s intimidating track-record of enviable achievements, and his growing capacity to sweep the polls in any free and fair electoral contest.
Atiku’s traducers should play fair in politics. Politics is majorly a contest of ideas; and the superior ideas captured in manifestoes and policies, win the votes. They should come up with governance ideas that will best Atiku’s own. For it is in the purveyance of great ideas that Atiku holds the ace. Atiku’s traducers should not resort to lies, character assassination, conspiracy theories and hitting below the belt to destroy the man.
For Atiku’s traducers, I leave them with the immortal words of William Cullen Bryant; that “Truth crushed to earth shall rise again. The eternal years of God are hers; by error wounded, writhes in pain, and dies among her worshippers.”
- Udenna Orji,
Abuja.
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Atiku urges sacrifice, hope
Former Vice President and chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Atiku Abubakar, has declared 2017 as a year of new hope for Nigeria and Nigerians.
In a statement released to mark the New Year celebrations, the Turakin Adamawa described the outgoing 2016 as a year in which our nation faced a multitude of challenges, but which ended on a high note, giving us hope and confidence in what we as a nation can achieve when we stand to work together.
“Our military has recorded an important victory over Boko Haram and we should be grateful for the sacrifice our men and women in uniform are prepared to make to keep us safe. To honour them, we should also remember that it is our collective responsibility to make peace, and not just in the North East.
“I believe we can and will work around our differences, because we know that our strength lies in our diversity. And when we make our New Year’s resolutions, I hope my countrymen and countrywomen will join me in aspiring to be tolerant and to listen with an open mind and heart to those who do not share our views. We should respect each other’s views and traditions, and we should remember that our humanity shows in how we treat the most vulnerable.”
The Turakin Adamawa also addressed the economic challenges Nigeria is facing.
“On the economic front, the federal government has given assurances of a speedy recovery. I am confident that we will see investments in key sectors, and that steps will be taken to restore business confidence. We’ve been dealt a cruel hand, but things are looking up, and I’m confident we will emerge stronger: we’re learning to be more efficient and effective, and we’re learning to evaluate what we really need and what we can afford. We’re suffering, but we’ll become more innovative and competitive.”
The former Vice President concluded that hope was important to all we aim to achieve in 2017, as that hope and perseverance will guide us through the darkness that announces the break of dawn. -
Sultan, Atiku hail Fed Govt over Sambisa Forest’s capture
•PDP to military: clear other forests used by criminals as hideouts
SULTAN of Sokoto Alhaji Sa’ad Abubakar lll and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar have hailed the Federal Government and the Army for capturing the Sambisa Forest from Boko Haram terrorists.
The Sultan, who spoke yesterday in Gusau at the closing ceremony of the 20th Zamfara State Annual Qur’anic Recitation Competition, said the capture of Sambisa Forest from Boko Haram was historic and a great success.
“We are happy to hear this good news; we are, therefore, calling on the Nigerian Army not to relent in its efforts in fighting the activities of Boko Haram,” he said.
He called on Muslims to continue to pray for the country’s peaceful coexistence.
The monarch added that they should cooperate with all the tiers of government to move Nigeria forward.
He called on political office holders to ensure fairness and transparency in implementing projects for the nation’s growth.
On the Bill before the Senate seeking equality in inheritance, the Sultan said it was against Islamic religion and, therefore, unacceptable to Muslims.
The Bill is seeking equality for male and female children in the sharing of inherited family wealth or property.
The bill also proposes that a widow is entitled to the custody of her children unless it is contrary to the interests and welfare of the children.
The Sultan said: “Our religion is our total way of life. Therefore, we will not accept any move to change what Allah permitted us to do.
“Islam is a peaceful religion; we have been living peacefully with Christians and followers of other religions in this country. Therefore, we should be allowed to perform our religion effectively.’’
Atiku said the sacking of Camp Zero, which is believed to be the final base of the Boko Haram group in Sambisa Forest, was the Armed Forces’best Christmas and new year gift to the nation.
In a statement made available to reporters in Abuja yesterday by his media office, the former vice president said with the feat, the Northeast region can now rejoin the rest of the nation’s growth process, which it has been denied by the over seven-year insurgency.
He congratulated the officers and men of the Army on the spectacular feat.
He described the success of the soldiers as “a military feat worth celebrating”, adding that the military has made good its promise to defeat the terrorists group and bring peace to the Northeast region.
According to him, by accomplishing this feat, the armed forces have shown that they have truly regained their form and famed fighting ability.
He added that the spectacular victory was the result of committed and focused leadership of President Muhammadu Buhari, the military commanders at the battlefront, the intelligence agencies and the unity of purpose exhibited by the nation’s military chiefs to rid the country of the Boko Haram menace.
Atiku hailed Nigerians, who at every point in the anti-terror war, supported the military with prayers and good wishes.
He lauded the international community and close partners of Nigeria in the anti-terror war, saying that the final routing at Sambisa Forest hopefully should herald the end of terrorism in the country.
The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) yesterday urged the Federal Government not to see the capturing of the Sambisa Forest by the military as an end to the country’s bloody insurgency.
According to the main opposition party, there are several other forests serving as dens of criminal insurgents in other parts of the North.
A statement yesterday by the party’s caretaker committee’s spokesman, Prince Dayo Adeyeye, said the government and the military authorities could not claim to have defeated insurgency until these other forests had been cleared.
The statement said: “Beyond Sambisa, all the other forests, which criminals used as hideouts and bases, must equally be cleared by the military.
“Forests such as Birnin Gwari, Zamfara, Southern Kaduna, Enugu and Benue have become killing fields. They must all be cleared of criminal elements.
“The clearing of the Sambisa Forest is a critical milestone, but not the end of the war against insurgency. The government and the military must not rest on their oars.
“The hot pursuit of the terrorists must continue unabated and relentlessly until the entire Northeast is rid completely of them.” -
Atiku: states opposed to alcohol should not share from alcohol tax
Former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar has said states opposed to the sale and consumption of alcohol have no business should not benefit from tax paid on alcohol.
He also said the country does not need more states because existing states are too weak and unviable to be federating units.
Atiku spoke at the public presentation of a book, “Nigerian Federalism: Continuing Quest for Stability and Nation-Building”, produced by the African Policy Research Institute.
The former Vice President, who is a chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC), also said: “We must acknowledge that in federal systems that work, federating units cede certain powers to the centre. In our strange federal contraption, it is the centre that is creating federating units, giving them money and monopolising most power and resources. Thus our state governments are no longer performing as federating units. Rather they currently seem like dependent provinces of the central government in Abuja.
“Think about this: sales taxes ought to be collected and used by states and local governments. Of course there is nothing inherently wrong in a federal sales tax but states must agree with the federal government what items should be taxed, at what rate and how the proceeds are to be shared. They ought to be uniform.
“If a state is opposed to cattle tax or bicycle tax or alcohol tax, or pollution tax, for instance, it should not expect to share in the tax proceeds from those items. That is called fairness.
“In fact, states should be the ones collecting those taxes on behalf of the federal government and get compensated for their work, through an agreed sharing formula, rather than duplicating the cost of collection. Federal intrusion makes it more difficult for a state to collect taxes from items that may be peculiar to it, thereby narrowing the tax base. And it makes enforcement even more difficult.“
On local government autonomy, Atiku said: “Even our state governments are nearly dependent on the Federal Government, meaning they do not even have the autonomy that we are trying to give to the local government that are below them.
“In our strange federal contraption, it is the centre that is creating federating units, giving them money and monopolising most power and resources. Thus, our state governments are no longer performing as federating units. Rather, they currently seem like dependent provinces of the central government in Abuja.
“We are all witnesses to the agitations and complaints by different sections of the country at different times about being marginalized or shortchanged in fiscal allocation and the distribution of such other public resources such political positions, jobs, school admissions, provision of infrastructure, and even social honour.
“In response many Nigerians have been calling for some form of restructuring of our federal system, while some small fringe groups insist on their part of the country separating from the federation all together.
“What I find odd and somewhat unhelpful is the argument of those who say that we cannot renegotiate our union and who proceed from there to equate every demand for restructuring with attempts to break up the country.
“I believe that every form of human relationships is negotiable. Every political relationship is open for negotiations, without pre-set outcomes.
“As a democrat and businessman, I do not fear negotiations. That is what reasonable human beings do. This is even more important if a stubborn resistance against negotiations can lead to unsavoury outcomes.”
The former Vice President added that: “We must acknowledge that what got us to our current over-centralised, and centre-dominated federal system is political expediency and fear, and bolstered by the command and control character of military regimes.” -
Atiku: The first name leader at 70
A few years ago, I became interested in knowing why Nigerians prefer to relate with Mr Atiku Abubakar, (we all know the office he has held) in his first name, that is, as just “Atiku”. Indeed, Nigerians have become so used to the name, Atiku Abubakar, that they have no difficulty in placing both the first and last name so interchangeably that it is now difficult to know which is which. In the avalanche of literature that has been churned out on him, it is not uncommon to read, “Atiku Abubakar” just to see “Abubakar Atiku”, in the next sentence. But this ‘mistake’ is not common with other Nigerian leaders. You would hardly see, for example, Buhari Muhammadu, Obasanjo Olusegun, Babangida Ibrahim, Sambo Namadi, Ekwueme Alex, Jonathan Goodluck, Gowon Yakubu etc.
An average Nigerian listening to a discussion during which the name Olusegun or Ibrahim or Muhammadu or Goodluck or Alex or Namadi or Yakubu keeps on coming up, is most unlikely to relate them to those leaders of ours who bear the same names. But not so for “Atiku”. The moment the word, “Atiku”, is mentioned, it is unmistaken who is being referred to. So, how did this phenomenon arise? I mean the phenomenon of being the only Nigerian leader whom the people prefer to relate with in the first name but which (first) name they have also become so accustomed to that majority seem to forget that there is a second name to attached to it. Indeed, one may not be far from stating the truth by saying that but for the sake of common literary rule, most Nigerian journalists or writers would just put down the word, “Atiku” and go ahead with their writing without bothering about “Abubakar”.
Sincerely speaking, I am still undertaking the study but while we continue, I can share one or two of my findings so far. One is that Atiku Abubakar or Abubakar Atiku was thrown up when Nigerians were earnestly yearning for a pan-Nigerian leader who would share in their emotions. Yes, he was invited to be a presidential running mate but no sooner had that dispensation began than Nigerians realised that Atiku Abubakar was billed to play the role of a stabilizer in a presidency that was headed by a boisterous and loquacious master who, apart from the obvious encumbrances of a military background, betrayed a mindset over some sections of the country. Atiku Abubakar, as vice president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999-2007), was a clearing house for politicians who had one thing or the other to sort out with the system. He was the listening ear to state governors who, while struggling to be in the good books of a fastidious president, saw a friendlier vice president as a comforting companion. I could remember being in the company of one of the state governors then who, in the course of a friendly discussion, mentioned that he was broke but that the then vice president (Atiku Abubakar) had promised to give him some money. Of course, the ordinary reaction was, can a governor get broke? But on second thought, it meant that even people high up in the society looked up to Atiku. In fact, it was much later that I personally came to realize how much Atiku mentored many of our political gladiators.
It was in Atiku that the then National Assembly members found collaboration in the search for a solid foundation for the nascent democracy, even when the same presidency he was second-in-command showed an open hostility to the national legislature. In particular, Atiku as vice president maintained a good relationship with each of the senate presidents who, for factors that are outside the scope of this article, were very conscious of the banana peels that were placed on their corridors. But it was not only at the formal, governmental level. Atiku reached out to the different sections of the country, identifying with different social and cultural programmes that were put together by their people from time to time both within and outside the country.
He made it a duty to send representations to every occasion to which he was invited by cultural associations of the different ethnic groups in the country. I could vividly remember an incident at the London Heathrow Airport some time in 2005 while I was on my way to the United States of America to attend that year’s World Igbo Congress held in Los Angeles. At the airport, a group of Igbo chaps who were going to represent the then vice president at the congress, mistakenly strayed away from a leather bag that contained a speech that was going to be read on his behalf at the congress. The airport security officials quickly got hold of the bag and before the chaps knew what was happening, a warning message rendered the air in the airport. “Mr Atiku Abubakar please come for your bag or have it destroyed…” That was quite shocking and surprising because there was hardly any inkling that the Nigerian vice president was at the airport. I soon discovered that the document in question was borne by a close friend of mine who had a personal relationship with the vice president. That is Atiku. He related with both young and old and irrespective of class. Much earlier in the year 2000, I had had my own encounter with him, though indirectly. That was when a group of us decided to organise a media reception for Chief Onyema Ugochukwu following his appointment as pioneer chairman of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC).
Our first port of call, upon advice, was the office of the vice president, with a request for support. Without any hesitation, he gave us all we requested for through his then media adviser, Chris Mamma. Of course, there are several stories of this nature concerning Atiku Abubakar’s warmness, humility and charisma but by far the more significant thing to note is that his openness and general convivial disposition did not detract him from remaining focused on the sanctity of democratic ethos. Atiku is accommodating but those who know him closely would attest to the fact that he takes no nonsense when it comes to cold and hard politics. It is this beautiful blend between his accommodating nature on one hand and a stoic strictness on democratic rules and principles on the other, that made it possible for him to play strategic roles in the two most significant events that have been witnessed thus far in the fourth republic. The first was on the third term proposition by his then boss, President Olusegun Obasanjo.
The story is too well known to be repeated here. As a matter of fact, Atiku’s role in aborting the third term bid has been retold in the past few days by other writers who have been commentating on the former vice president’s life and times as he turns seventy years of age. Bu what I think might be more refreshing, now that we are reviewing the life of this great Nigerian at this remarkable age, is to point at what seems to be a pre-destined determination of the role(s) he played.
Reference has already been made to Atiku’s robust and warm relationship with the national assembly and its members while he was in office. That was not for nothing. Had there not earlier existed such a (warm) relationship, there wouldn’t have been the synergy between him and the leadership of the national assembly in that struggle to abort the third term bid. Obasanjo was almost set to overrun the senate led by a fellow who, like his predecessors, was also scared of banana peels but who got impetus from Atiku who merely needed to employ an already existing goodwill to ensure that the third term agenda was killed.
But even before the third term issue, Atiku had engaged in other battles with his boss and some of his apologists who saw nothing wrong in Obasanjo’s generally undemocratic disposition. Only a few days ago, one of such Obasanjo apologists, Chief Tony Anenih, reportedly boasted that he single handedly stopped Atiku Abubakar from becoming president in 2003 and that the latter in turn ensured his exit from Obasanjo’s cabinet. While that is a topic for another day, my take for now is that Atiku’s battle with undemocratic elements in those early days of our newly found democracy was more intensive and began much earlier than many thought. At that occasion, Anenih also reportedly said that he detests the nickname, Mr. Fix It, because he felt it had a negative connotation. For me, the Anenih Mea Culpa is coming too late because, when the going was good, he enjoyed the near invincibility it gave him as is evidence from his boasting over Atiku. Looking back, that was when the stage for the rot that ensued in the system, especially under the watch of the PDP and Obasanjo, was set.
The second history is about the loss of power by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in 2015. Atiku’s insistence on the rules of the game was what set the stage for the implosion that so weakened the party that it couldn’t get its acts together before the 2015 general election. Again, the story is too well known to be retold here but taken together, Atiku was an agent for the realisation of a change that Nigerians were very much desirous of prior to that elections. It is a different matter if that change is yet to go the direction that Nigerians had expected but the more important thing is that Nigerians wanted a change and they got it through the forces of democracy that had a fellow like Atiku Abubakar at the front line. At the time Atiku ‘rebelled’ against the PDP, it was for the canal eye and mind an “anti-party” activity but little did Nigerians know that impetus was being given, perhaps inadvertently, to some developments that were to have almost a revolutionary effect on the Nigerian body politic. Whether anybody likes it or not, and however imperfect the system is currently, Nigeria will not be the same again. Is it going to be for good or for bad? I am quite certain that it will be for good and this is not just based on natural optimism. It will be for good because, regardless of the modus operandi of the fellow(s) who currently preside over the system, there are still very much around those who have shown the necessary flair and capacity to intervene again and redirect the ship of state.
My belief is that it was not for nothing that Atiku Abubakar was there to stop the third term agenda that would have destroyed the future of our country. I think it was also not for nothing that he was there when Nigerians wanted a change from the PDP bore. And it is not for nothing that he is still around and at 70 getting even more endeared to the hearts of his fellow country men and women than he ever was.
From all indications, Atiku is being called upon again by providence to play yet another strategic role in (re)shaping the collective destiny of Nigerians. As far as I am concerned, it is not for nothing that we are seeing him take the lead in talks about restructuring, another issue that the generality of Nigerians are worried about. For reasons that are not difficult to fathom, the current political establishment, including the ruling party of which he is, nonetheless, a key leader, may (again) be upset with him but I can see history repeating itself. Atiku may, as before, laugh last. My hope, therefore, is that he does not relent. As I noted in an earlier article, taking on the role of leading Nigerians to a more acceptable, equitable and just political structure may not necessarily land him in Aso Rock; but there can be no doubt that it will fetch him a place, far more glorious than the ephemerals of presidential power, in our collective history.