Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) was sidelined, underfunded and stripped of institutional authority during the administration of the former President, the late Muhammadu Buhari former National Security Adviser, Maj.-Gen. Babagana Monguno, has said.
The development, he noted, had grave implications for national security and safety of the late president.
The revelations are contained in the first-hand accounts by Maj.-Gen. Monguno in Dr. Charles Omole’s book titled: “From Soldier to Statesman: The Legacy of Muhammadu Buhari”.
According to Monguno’s account, a powerful inner caucus within the Buhari presidency, described as a “cabal” and represented chiefly by the late former Chief of Staff, Abba Kyari, and a few others who with unfettered access to the President, routinely undermined protocol, disrupted command structures and weakened the country’s security architecture.
One of the most troubling episodes detailed in the book involved the Presidential Air Fleet, which constitutionally reports to the NSA.
Monguno recalled that the fleet’s commander raised concerns over a fuel supplier that was under investigation, warning that continued engagement posed unacceptable risks.
Acting on standard security doctrine, Monguno forwarded the recommendation to the President, who approved a change of supplier.
However, the decision triggered outrage from Kyari, who confronted the NSA for acting without deference to “other interests.”
“What should have remained a routine risk-mitigation measure quickly became a source of hostility, signaling”, according to Monguno, “that even core security decisions were subject to informal power brokers”.
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The rift widened when Mamman Daura reportedly intervened, describing the action as an “injustice” to the fuel supplier.
From that point, Monguno said, his office became persona non grata within the inner circle.
The book revealed that the consequences were severe: despite presidential approvals, funds meant for national security operations were allegedly withheld, with the Minister of Finance drawn into the dispute.
The biography describes this sustained deprivation of funds as a deliberate emasculation of the NSA’s office.
Critical subscriptions lapsed, technical systems linked to foreign partners went offline, and intelligence infrastructure around the Presidential Villa deteriorated.
Monguno said he wrote more than 30 reminders and made repeated personal appeals, only for approvals to stall after being routed through the Chief of Staff’s office.
The erstwhile NSA said that institutional damage extended beyond finances, noting that the Special Services Office, the statutory secretariat of the intelligence community, was excluded from about 20 National Security Council meetings.
In its place, ad hoc note-taking by staffers from the Chief of Staff’s office replaced formal record-keeping, eroding institutional memory and accountability.
The book further revealed that it took the appointment of Boss Mustapha as Secretary to the Government of the Federation for the NSA to draw a firm line, refusing to proceed with a council meeting until his secretariat was admitted.
Although Kyari eventually relented, Monguno said the episode underscored how order and protocol had broken down at the highest levels.
The former NSA also disclosed that for 20 months, his office operated without a permanent secretary, despite presidential approval for an appointment.
A counter-note from a “gatekeeper,” he said, effectively nullified the directive, an example of how repeated acts of petty sabotage could cripple a system without overt conspiracy.
The consequences of these structural failures came into sharp focus after the attack on Kuje Correctional Facility.
Amid public accusations of intelligence failure, Monguno said he returned from an official trip to find a National Security Council meeting already convened.
He presented extensive documentation of prior warnings and threat assessments to the President.
At the end of the briefing, Buhari reportedly told him: “NSA, you’ve absolved yourself,” a moment Monguno interpreted as quiet vindication, and a stark reminder of how easily individuals were scapegoated for systemic dysfunction.
The book further recounts how security funding for elections, once routinely coordinated by the NSA’s office, was later struck out at the last minute, apparently due to factional suspicions.
Even misunderstandings within the First Family, Monguno said, were fuelled by the false assumption that the NSA was hoarding funds, when in reality the office was financially crippled.
In Omole’s account, both the late Buhari and the Nigerian state emerge as casualties of an informal power structure that prioritised access and influence over institutions and protocol, a dynamic that, according to Monguno, endangered not only governance but the life of the President himself.
Kyari died of complications from COVID-19 attack on April17, 2020 less than one year into the Late President Buhari’s second term.
