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Tag: battle

  • Battle of the titans

    Battle of the titans

    Nigerian Breweries (NB) is not resting on its oars to retain its leadership in the market. After unveiling Ace Roots to tackle Guinness Orijin, whose brand coverage is spreading fast, NB has also spread its tentacles with Ace Roots to get into the regional market, writes ADEDEJI ADEMIGBUJI.

    The Nigerian stock market, like the traditional African market, is a hub of trading desks brought together by the mutual interest of each trader. Selling and buying and the marketplace have thrived for centuries on mutuality, with all the stakeholders bounded by the common values being derived from the market. Although the sovereign usually plays important roles in establishing a market, the growth of the market, its integrity, regularity and aesthetics depend on the efforts of all.

    The stock market, institutionally represented by the Nigerian Stock Exchange (NSE), has thrived for decades on the traditional mutuality of a marketplace. Now, the NSE appears set on a new trajectory where the marketplace will be owned by shareholders and the marketplace itself combines the functions of providing amenable space for profit-making to traders with that of making profit itself to distribute to its shareholders. This is the concept of demutualisation. The NSE has been locked in intense grip of demutualisation in recent years, with various views on the necessity, procedures and timing and other details of the exercise as widely divergent as the multitude of different backgrounds that trade on the market.

    The demutualisation of the marketplace got a major lever few days ago with the publication of the much-awaited rules and regulations that will serve as guidelines for the demutualisation. The release of the rules and regulations by the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), the apex regulatory body for the Nigerian capital market, concluded a four-year exercise to provide amenable template for the demutualisation. SEC had in February released the draft rules and regulations on demutualisation for comments and review by stakeholders.

    Demutualisation is the process of changing a member-owned stock exchange, otherwise known as mutual exchange, to a corporate entity owned by shareholders. In a mutual exchange, the three functions of ownership, management and trading are concentrated into a single group, hence the broker members of the exchange are both the owners and the traders on the exchange and they further manage the exchange as well. In a demutualised exchange, the three functions of ownership, management and trading are clearly separated. The new rules by SEC simply defined demutualisation as “the process through which a member-owned organization becomes a shareholder-owned company.”

     

    A volte face from voice vote

    Established as Lagos Stock Exchange (LSE) in 1960, the Exchange started as a private company limited by shares. It was renamed Nigerian Stock Exchange in December 1977 and was re-incorporated as a company limited by guarantee in December 1990. As a limited by guarantee not-for-profit organisation, the NSE thrives on the goodwill, reputation and integrity of its members. It has also operated over the decades as a self-regulatory organisation (SRO). The NSE altogether has some 350 individual and institutional members including some 255 active dealing members, state-owned investment firms and major high networth investors (HNIs).

    While Nigeria’s doyen of accounting, Mr. Akintola William, is the only surviving initial signatory to the founding memorandum of the NSE, the membership list of the NSE has always included “the movers and shakers” of the Nigerian economy. Beside stockbroking firms and other capital market operators that are dealing members, members of the NSE included Alhaji Aliko Dangote, Alhaji Abdul Rasaq (SAN), Alhaji Aminu Dantata, Chief Ernest Shonekan, Chief Jerome Udoji, Chief Chris Ogunbanjo, Chief Bayo Kuku, Dr. Lateef Adegbite, Dr, Chris Abebe, Mr. Gamaliel Onosode, Mr. Isaiah Balat, Alhaji Isyaku Umar, Mr. Oba Otudeko, Otunba Adekunle Ojora, Mr. Pascal Dozie, Mr. Paul Ogwuma, Chief Phillip Asiodu,  Rear Admiral Allison Madueke (rtd.), Senator Udo Udoma, Mr. Goodie Ibru, Mr. Tony Elumelu and Senator David Dafinone among others.

    Several State Investment Companies are also institutional members of the NSE, giving the States inputs into the operations of the NSE. These included Adamawa Securities Limited, Kaduna Investment Company, Kano State Investment and Properties Limited, Katsina State Investment and Property Development Company Limited, Kwara State Investment Corporation, New Nigerian Development Company Limited, Niger State Development Company Limited, Sokoto Investment Company Limited and Yobe Investment Company Limited among others.

    But the designation of members may soon change to shareholders, with all the trappings of a public limited liability company and with the Exchange itself listed on its own floor and probably other continental and global floors. The SEC’s rules and regulations on demutualisation settled a major contention-the probable template for demutualisation and placed the NSE firmly on the path of potential radical change in ownership and other related structures.

     

    How to sell the market

    The final body of rules and regulations on demutualisation appears to be a delicate balancing act. With ceiling on single individual and institutional shareholding, total equity interest of trade groups and core investor as well as provisions on procedures, documentations, corporate governance and finances among others, selling the shares of the market may not be as straightforward as buying from the market. For a start, stockbrokers and dealers, who constitute the largest members of the NSE, may have to sell down their shareholdings within a period of five year under the demutualisation of the Exchange. As against earlier ceiling of 40 per cent indicated in the draft rules and regulations, the final rules indicated that the aggregate equity interests of members of any specific stakeholder group such as stockbrokers and broker-dealer in the demutualised securities exchange should not exceed 20 per cent. Also, no individual or entity must directly or in directly own more than five per cent of the issued shares or voting rights in a demutualised securities exchange. The rules, made pursuant to section 313 of the Investments and Securities Act (ISA) 2007, describe “related entities and persons” as a person or entity that is related to the entity or person that owns the equity or the voting rights.

    According to the rules, the stakeholder groups who are shareholders of the Securities Exchange shall with effect from the date of demutualisation reduce their cumulative shareholding in the demutualised Securities Exchange to no more than 20 percent within five years. The 20 per cent ceiling is however an improvement on the draft rules, which stipulated a ceiling of 10 per cent within five years.

    The rules stipulate that the securities exchange should initiate a process for determining the accurate list of members of the Exchange prior to the commencement of demutualisation while the process of demutualisation should include an exchange of membership rights in the Securities Exchange for ownership of shares in the demutualised Securities Exchange.

    The rules allow the Exchange to give equity interest to a strategic investor subject to establishment of the fact that the strategic investor has technical expertise through previous experience in managing other Exchanges. However, the aggregate number of shares to be offered to the strategic investors shall not be more than 30 per cent of issued and fully paid up capital of the securities exchange. Notwithstanding this, if the Exchange is in dire need of funds, it could issue a higher number of shares subject to approval of the Commission.

    As part of preconditions for demutualisation, a securities exchange shall prior to demutualization submit the names and profiles of members of its committee on demutualization, a valuation report, the draft Memorandum and Articles of Association of the Securities Exchange, the proposed rules of the demutualised Securities Exchange, the proposed allotment and the basis of the proposed allotment of shares to the initial shareholders of the  Securities Exchange, a list of the directors proposed as the Board of the Securities Exchange, an implementation plan stating the process to be adopted for effecting the demutualisation of the Exchange, including but not limited to the treatment of the rights and liabilities of the existing members of the Exchange and the proposed plan for the independent management of the commercial and regulatory functions of the demutualised Securities Exchange and timelines for implementation of necessary structures to ensure the functional treatment of commercial and regulatory functions for a “No Objection” clearance by SEC. Any changes to the information provided under the preconditions must also be filed with the Commission for a “No Objection” clearance.

    The demutualised Exchange is also expected to implement its plan for the independent management of its commercial and regulatory functions within one year of approval by SEC.

    On corporate governance, demutualised Exchange shall have a board of sufficient size relative to the scale and complexity of its operations and the board must be composed in such a way as to ensure diversity of experience without compromising independence, compatibility, integrity and availability of members to attend meetings. At least one third of the board shall be independent directors as provided for under the SEC Corporate Governance Code or any other applicable Corporate Governance Code while all appointments of directors and executive management shall require the prior written approval of the SEC. Besides, the demutualized Exchange shall be required to comply, in all other respects with the SEC Code of Corporate Governance for public companies and any other applicable corporate governance code.

     

    Drumming supports for demutualisation

    Nigerian retail shareholders have expressed supports for the demutualisation of Nigeria’s only regular securities exchange. Minority retail shareholders, who usually operate under various groups and see themselves as major stakeholders at the stock market, said the demutualisation of the Exchange would open up the marketplace for popular ownership and enable minority shareholders who have been part of the growth of the market to benefit from ownership of the market.

    Chairman, Ibadan Zone Shareholders Association (IBZA), Chief Sola Abodunrin, said demutualisation portends good omen for the Nigerian stock market as the NSE can now truly become a national institution in terms of ownership. The zonal shareholders’ associations were established by SEC to widen domestic participation in the Nigerian capital market.

    National coordinator, Independent Shareholders Association of Nigeria (ISAN), Sir Sunny Nwosu, said the demutualisation of the Exchange will open up opportunity to minority retail shareholders to be part of the market they had contributed to. According to him, the demutualisation should be inclusive and should encourage participation by the generality of the people including shareholders that have been major stakeholders in the market.

    He said shareholders were in support of the provision which limits the maximum allowable equity stake for any individual or entity in the demutualised exchange to five per cent. “I think it is good for the shareholders, they should allow everybody to participate in the ownership, we are the growers of the market and we should be able to participate in the fortunes we have created. They should however ensure that nobody, no matter how big you are, should own more than five per cent in the Exchange,” Nwosu said.

    President, Constance Shareholders Association of Nigeria, Shehu Mikhail, described demutualisation as one of the best things to happen to the Exchange noting that it will create opportunities for the general investing public and also for the NSE itself.

    Beyond domestic concerns, demutualisation is being driven by global trend, increasing globalisation of the marketplace and the capital-intensive nature of competitive stock exchange. Proponents argue that mutual-ownership does not provide the flexibility to adequately meet these new challenges. Demutualised entities have wider access to capital and can have wider horizons compared with mutual-owned exchanges. A demutualised NSE, for instance, will be able to float initial public offering (IPO) and supplementary equity and debt issues to raise funds from the investing public. While the NSE boasts of superior trading technology relative to other African exchanges, it will need to increase investments in cutting-edge technology and operating systems to realise its dream as the African hub for financial trading. This is further highlighted by the ongoing programme to integrate all stock exchanges and stock markets in the West African region under the West Africa Capital Market Integration (WACMI) programme.

    Under the WACMI programme, securities exchanges in Nigeria – NSE; Ghana-Ghana Stock Exchange (GSE), Sierra Leone-Sierra Leone Stock Exchange and the bloc of eight francophone countries under the Bourse Regionale des Valuers Mobilieres (BRVM)- including Benin, Burkina Faso, Cote d’Ivoire, Guinea, Mali, Niger, Senegal and Togo, will be gradually integrated in phases.

    With the removal of jurisdictional restrictions, the defining factor for financial convergence may be technology- with the most seamless, foolproof and smoothest remotely running the regional market. The competitive verve, more than any other factors, has seen conversion of many exchanges from mutual member-owned entities to limited liability companies. London Stock Exchange (LSE), which has significant relationship with the NSE including several dual listings, was demutualised in 2000. The Australian Stock Exchange was demutualised in October 1998. India started the process of demutualising all the broker-run exchanges with the demutualisation of the Bombay Stock Exchange in August 2005. Many other exchanges such as the Singapore Stock Exchange, Japan’s Nikkei and New York’s NASDAQ have also converted into shareholding structure.

    Besides, many believe that demutualisation will remove inherent weakness in the constitution of member-owned exchange. Mutual exchanges are ultimately geared to maintaining their members’ interests. The interests of the members are not necessarily the same as those of the exchange; they are disparate. The separation of shareholders, management, and users in a demutualised exchange makes for better strategic decision-making, rather than protecting vested interests.

    Many stakeholders appear keen on the demutualisation. The Federal Government, which played a major role in the founding of the private members-owned NSE in 1960, said it had held talks with the NSE and SEC prior to the release of the rules and regulations. Minister of State for Finance, Ambassador Bashir Yuguda, confirmed the discussion between the government and other stakeholders on the demutualisation. According to him, government is engaging stakeholders such as SEC and the NSE because of the importance it attaches to the capital market and the import of such demutualisation on the market. He noted that the engagements and discussions with the stakeholders were geared towards ensuring that government comes up with the right policy for the demutualisation.

    President, Nigerian Stock Exchange (NSE), Mr. Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede, also said the discussions on the demutualisation of the Exchange are ongoing noting that the exercise is of critical importance to the NSE and the entire capital market. According to him, giving the position of the NSE, the demutualisation of the Exchange will require input from both the government side and the private sector.

     

    Beyond the silver linings

    However, demutualisation also has its own challenges, which may colour the success or otherwise of the entire exercise. One of the most difficult aspects of demutualisation is the adoption of the correct corporate structure. Corporate structure is the first rung of the demutualisation ladder and will adversely affect all other stages unless the optimal solution is implemented. There may be potential vexatious issues that may arise given the status of NSE as an SRO including the issue of conflict resolution mechanism in case the exchange finds itself in a commercial conflict with another company listed on its board and enforcement of disciplinary action especially where such enforcement would hurt the exchange’s bottom line. Also, a shareholding structure spread across large number of shareholders without a major controlling shareholder may unduly delay decision making as vested interests jostle to carry the votes while a controlling core investor with larger-than-majority shareholding could return the NSE into a worse private ownership. For the Nigerian market, the demutualisation may not fare better than the entire market, where more than two-thirds of transactions are controlled by foreign portfolio investors and less than five per cent of the entire population participate in the market.

    Already, there is a seething rage among the stockbrokers and dealers who feel that the rules and regulations are unfair. Stockbrokers and dealers, the largest constituency of the market, had earlier kicked against the ceiling placed on trade group’s final shareholding in the post-demutualised period. With the new rules reducing trade group’s stake to 20 per cent, many operators said broker-dealers will be shortchanged in the demutualisation process.

    “I have reservation with the demutualisation provisions. The market is owned by the dealing members who are the major stakeholders. The limit of stockbrokers to 20 per cent is unfair while the 30 per cent for core investor may create avenue for a single individual or institution with financial strength to exert major influence in the NSE. The provisions should be fair to all and core investor limit should not be more than 15 or 20 per cent,” said Tunde Oyekunle, a broker at the NSE and managing director, Finawell Capital Limited. President, Association of Stockbroking Houses of Nigeria (ASHON), Mr. Emeka Madubuike, said the group’s sub-committee on the demutualisation, which scheduled meeting this weekend, will come up with a common position on the final rules and regulations.

    Many have cited example of the Indian government’s scheme for demutualisation of stock exchanges, which was used in the demutualisation of the Bombay Stock Exchange, now BSE Limited. With some 790 brokers, the maximum trade group’ holding was 49 per cent with a provision that a minimum of 51 per cent of the equity capital would be held at all times by public other than broker-shareholders. The BSE scheme shared similarity with the SEC’s rules with regard to the provision that no individual or institution should be allowed to have more than five per cent voting rights. Also, the Nairobi Securities Exchange, which in third quarter 2014 floated its IPO and listed its shares on its own floor, allocated more than three-quarter of its shares to former member-broker-dealers.

    The demutualisation’s IPO and eventual listing may be the lift several cash-strapped and illiquid Nigerian stockbroking firms have been angling for. The Nairobi Securities Exchange’s IPO was the most successful in the history of the bourse. Such a repeat by the NSE’s IPO will lay a background for strong post-listing trading.

    But the demutualisation is still a long walk for all the stakeholders. It may be a puzzle to the local folks that the stock exchange, where shares of quoted companies are sold, is also up for sale. But to the stakeholders, this demutualisation is about the redefinition of the marketplace.

     

     

  • Buhari leads APC’s battle for Lagos, Ekiti, Oyo, others

    Buhari leads APC’s battle for Lagos, Ekiti, Oyo, others

    President-elect for Imo, Rivers, others

    President-elect Muhammadu Buhari has a packed schedule this week. He is leading the All Progressives Congress (APC) campaigns in some “battleground” states to lend his popularity to the push by APC candidates.

    He is scheduled to visit Lagos, Delta, Akwa Ibom, Rivers, Imo, Nasarawa and Benue states.

    Others on the programme are Oyo, Ekiti, Ondo and Adamawa, a source told The Nation last night.

    Ahead of his campaign trips, which will likely be in town hall format, Gen. Buhari has already called on Nigerians to vote APC candidates all the way.

    The president-elect will be in Owerri, the Imo State capital, on Tuesday. Governor Rochas Okorocha, who is seeking reelection on the platform of the APC, in a statement signed by his Media Adviser Sam Onwuemeodo, said Gen. Buhari will be given a “heroic” reception at the Heroes’ Square, where he will address residents.

    The governor, who held a thank-you rally in the state, to appreciate the people for their unalloyed support, noted that Imo people contributed significantly to the resounding victory.

    The governor urged the people to turn out  en masse to receive Gen. Buhari irrespective of their political affiliations, adding that “in the new emerging order, everybody will be carried along and people will not be discriminated against on grounds of their political leaning”.

    The Coalition for a Better Nigeria, in a statement at the weekend, said Gen. Buhari will visit the commercial capital on Wednesday and hold “a town hall meeting titled Change 2015”.

    It will be the 5th national discourse of the Coalition to review Nigeria’s political history and progressives as well as Nigeria’s march to freedom with the 2015 polls.

    Leaders of the party, including National Chairman Chief John Odigie-Oyegun, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Chief Bisi Akande and Senator Biyi Durojaiye, will be joined by Governors  Babatunde Fashola (Lagos) and Rauf Aregbesola (Osun) for the meeting at the Airport Hotel in Ikeja, the state capital.

    “We expect some outings, possibly town hall meetings in some critically challening states but nothing has been finalised by way of programming,” spokesman of the APC Presidential Campaign Council Mallam Garba Shehu said yesterday.

    Director of Organisation of  the APC Campaign Council Boss Mustapha said the full campaign programme will be out today.

    Mustapha, who said he was in his home state of Adamawa campaigning for governorship candidate Jubrilla Bindow, said: “You know Gen. Buhari is no longer a candidate but president-elect.

    “His programes are no longer completely in our hands. You know many countries are making contacts with him, among other engagements. By Monday, we will be able to give you a final programme.”

    Elections into the governorship seats will be held in 29 states. Ondo, Edo, Ekiti, Kogi, Osun and Bayelsa states are excluded.

  • Beware the ‘technicians’: Win the battle and lose country?

    Beware the ‘technicians’: Win the battle and lose country?

    President Goodluck Jonathan recently admitted in a Voice of America interview that foreign ‘technicians’ had been brought in for maintenance and instruction in the fight against Boko Haram. This has however been refuted by Nigerian soldiers who say that the technicians are participating in actual combat and are not working with them but rather on their own. All we have heard of these technicians is that they are likely from South Africa, Russia and Ukraine. In the past, these technicians would be referred to as mercenaries but a more modern term would be private armies, security contractors or now technicians as President Jonathan would have us believe.

    The political spin machinery has been working overtime with reports of gains made against Boko Haram. Although some might suggest these are good gains but we need to ask ourselves this question: At what cost have these gains come? By cost, I do not mean the millions of dollars that have likely been paid to these technicians (It is widely speculated that the average cost of hiring a private security contractor ranges from between $10,000 to as high as $40,000 a month), but rather the cost to our national integrity and future stability.

    My concern is that these gains may be short lived and ultimately, the country may live to regret them. We may be setting a dangerous precedent of using non-­ state actors in conflict resolution. If history teaches us anything, it is that we should beware of the ‘technicians’.

    We only have to look to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, where the use of “private contractors”, as they were popularly known, did not end the wars but rather, escalated them. Closer home on the African continent, we can look at the role private armies played in the Congo, Sudan, Equatorial Guinea, and Uganda; and some of these countries have not yet recovered from the after effects.

    Even if the fight against Boko Haram is successful – some serious and burning questions still need to be answered:

    •What does this say about the once formidable Nigeria military?

    •What is in it for our regional friends – Chad, Niger and Cameroon?

    •What dangerdoes it portend for Nigeria? – In terms of prolonged political instability and the possible creation of new threats.

    •What are the implications under International Humanitarian Law? Can human rights abuses arise from the misconduct of these technicians?

    Historically, the Nigerian Army has generally been perceived as one of the better equipped fighting forces on the African continent and has been instrumental in ending regional conflicts in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Sudan and most recently Mali. However, that reputation has been shaken to its core with its inability to proffer an effective strategy in tackling Boko Haram. Reports of corruption, mutiny, loss of territory, arms deals, increase in unchecked arms importation, low morale of soldiers and even rumours of a possible military coup have further blighted its strength. The question is why spend all these funds on short term gains, when the same amount could have been used to buy equipment, and to recruit, train and empower the military force? Our underbelly has been exposed and the sharks have come out to feed. Whatever bragging rights we once had may not exist anymore unless we have a rethink.

    According to a recent Global Fire Power (GFP) ranking used to determine a nations Power index; of the 30 African countries in their database, Nigeria ranks fourth; first to third being – Egypt, Algeria and South Africa. Others to note are those of our regional joint partners – Niger, Chad and Cameroon. An analysis using a few of the factors that were used to determine some countries rank – total population, land size, active frontline personnel, active reserve personnel, air power, naval power, defense budget is captured in the table above.

    From the data, Nigeria tops all countriesin population size, our land size is roughly about 920,000 sq km, our frontline personnel is at 130,000, reserve personnel at 32,000 and our defense budget at about $2.3 billion. Egypt is about the same land size but with a population of 86million, frontline personnel at 468,500, reserves at 800,000 and a budget of $4.4bn. Algeria has the biggest defense budget with about $10.5bn, a population size of 38 million, frontline personnel of 512,000 and reserves at 400,000. South Africa’s numbers pale in comparison to Egypt, Algeria and Nigeria but what they lack in personnel and reserves, they make up for in the size of land systems, air and naval power. The numbers that stick out are how low are frontline and reserve personnel are – For a country of 177 million people; our cumulative military strength is 162,000. Invariably there is one soldier to about 1000 people.

    This brings me to the role of our friends in Niger, Chad and Cameroon who were ranked according to this index in 10th, 12th and 23rd place respectively. Niger has only 5,300 frontline personnel and 0 reserves, a land size of over 1,200,000 sq km, a population of 17 million and a defense budget of $85 million. Chad has a similar land size to Niger, 30,350 frontline personnel and 0 reserves, a population of about 11 million and a defense budget of $120 million. Finally, Cameroon has a land size of roughly over 475,000 sq km, frontline personnel of 14,000, and reservespersonnel of 10,000 and a defense budget of $370 million.

    Cumulatively, Nigeria tops ALL its partner countries in EVERY index. The big question is, how then, are these 3 able to combat Boko Haram more effectively than Nigeria?  Surely, can it be simply standing in solidarity with its ‘giant’ neighbor? Some suggest the impact of internally displaced Nigerians and the loss of territory spurred these countries to action, perhaps, but have you considered the fact that military operations are expensive. Other theories, many of which suggest that money is the deciding factor also exist. No doubt, money and conflict will always be the visible and invisible face of evil. Throw in oil and any other resource and you have a war on your hands.

    Some popular reports speculate a deliberate sabotage by the Chadians against Nigeria mostly stemmed from the rights to the Lake Chad basin – which some say contains about 2.32 billion barrels of oil and 14.65 trillion cubic feet of natural gas. Another theory is the threat of a food crisis in these countries; many of whom depend on food from Northern Nigeria. Supporting Nigeria in tackling Boko Haram will certainly open up access to food markets and distribution chains. Another theory is perhaps the lure of a huge payout from the Nigerian Government to the joint forces; one reported by PUNCH newspaper to total 146.2 million naira a month to troops from neighboring Chad and Niger. These armies reportedly don’t earn as much as they are currently being paid so supporting Nigeria is financially beneficial. All these are speculative theories and we should welcome their support. Perhaps this may give rise to calls for better funding of regional forces.

    When governments choose to use private contractors to solve conflicts, not only does this pose a real and serious threat to stability and conflict resolution, it also erodes the capacity of public institutions to ensure order. How prepared are we to deal with potential human rights abuses? Studies show that if the defense institutes of states fail to establish effective management structures to regulate the activities of these private contractors, there are higher chances of misconduct and committing of atrocities.

    The clamour for power and political positions has blinded many to this clear and present danger. Why win a battle only to lose the country? Is the desire to desperately hang on to power worth trading our future for?

    When all has been said and done, will there even be a country and are we not opening ourselves up to even greater problems after Boko Haram is gone? Boko Haram is a well-oiled machine; the Federal Government may claim to have made gains for now but what happens when it regroups and fights back? Or worse still, what happens when a new set of heavily armed splinter groups emerge? We’ve seen the group’s tactics evolve over 5 years and unless a more strategic solution is sought, they will evolve to a much larger beast.

    Too many interests want to see Nigeria fail and bring our almighty ego to its knees. Why play into their hands?

     

    •Akinmeji is a Public Policy Analyst. She is an alumnus of the prestigious Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies, Washington DC. She writes from Abuja

  • Fani-Kayode: fighting GEJ’s battle without grace

    It is no more in doubt that President Jonathan is a very cynical leader. And with the on-going PDP’s game of deceit, appeal to religion and ethnic sentiments after 16 years of uninspiring leadership, Nigerians must have come to the sad conclusion that PDP is contemptuous of Nigerians. And if Nigerians needed any further proof, the appointment of Femi Fani-Kayode as Director General of PDP Presidential Campaign Organisation, (PDPPCO) and his on-going war against the person of General Muhammadu Buhari is all that is needed. Add this to the President’s admission during his chat with Tell editors shortly after his inauguration back in 2011 that he is ‘never moved to action by  public opinion’, the picture one gets is that of a President who does not give a damn about how we feel as Nigerians.

    For a man  who few months back wrote the President off as “a wicked and insensitive leader”, whose “chapter has been finally closed by OBJ with his letter”; who predicted that “All Progressives Congress, APC, would form the next government at the centre” and wrote off PDP by saying “PDP as we once knew her has gone forever; the ship has hit the rocks and she has sunk to the bottom of the sea; she is dead and buried” to have emerged as the best the President and PDP can find to launder their image is a measure of the value they place on credibility. And finally that a man standing trial before a High Court in Lagos for alleged money laundering  was appointed by the President and his party as chief  image maker, is not only scandalous, it is an assault on our collective sensibilities. It speaks volumes about “the President Jonathan we don’t know”. (apology to Reuben Abati)

    The ignoble role his father played in the destruction of Yoruba land is well documented. Chief S B Falegan, a former Managing Director of Federal Mortgage Bank of Nigeria (FMBN) in his new book My Yester-Years describes Chief Remi Fani-Kayode as “belonging to a group of political rascals who engaged in the selfish pursuit of greed, and personal enrichment at the expense of the country.”  And reviewing for Nigerians, Chief Remi Fani-Kayode’s rascal antecedents in the Nigeria’s politics during the NPN, he says, Femi Fani-Kayode, ‘who could say President Jonathan government is a bad omen to the country and thereafter decamp to the PDP to engage in a  re-twisted propaganda, has only taken  after his father’s styles”. And in fighting Jonathan’s war, Femi like the chip of the old block, has been trying to outdo his father who literarily aided the NPC ruling party to dig its own grave.

    First, it was about Buhari’s West African School Certificate. Sponsored government paid agents laid siege on television houses especially the respected Channels TV tasking our patience by insisting that Buhari, a retired four star General of the Nigerian Army, who attended the best military schools in the world, a former military Head of State ‘has no papers’, and therefore not qualified to contest for a position he had vied for thrice between 2003 and 2011. And when finally the authorities of Buhari’s old school presented his WAEC results, Fani-Kayode accused Buhari of perjury.

    Thereafter, Fani-Kayode’s heartache became Buhari’s age despite evidence of serving heads of states around the world that are of Buhari’s age. Fani-Kayode moved on to accuse Buhari of toppling Shagari’s government. It turned out Shagari was in fact removed by Babangida, Gusau and Abacha who merely used Buhari to buy credibility and legitimacy because of his personal integrity. Twenty months later, they deposed him  and unfolded their own agenda which included ‘a transition without end’, acceptance of IMF loan and liberalization of our economy which started the era of sharing of our national patrimony among privileged members of the military and their political and socio economic counterparts.

    Then last week on the eve of presidential election that would have  held two weeks back but for the mischief of panic stricken PDP, Fani-Kayode addressed journalists in Abuja to announce that “the Federal Government has concluded arrangements and may soon drag General Buhari before the International Criminal Court” for the mindless killings that followed Jonathan’s victory in 2011. But they would wait until after the election Fani-Kayode swore would be won by PDP.

    But for now, following Buhari’s successful outing in London to sell himself, his agenda and counter PDP’s propaganda that cast him as an irredeemable dictator, Fani-Kayode has opened another battle front. He swore “General Muhammadu Buhari last Thursday’s outing at the Chatham House in London was a monumental failure.”  He also took on Chatham House, blaming it for offering “its prestigious platform to sell a bad product to the world”.

    The question is why Fani-Kayode who in view of his new position is at liberty to change  his earlier perception of Jonathan as “‘wicked and insensitive leader” is losing sleep over  Buhari’s ‘failed’  visit that may not necessarily take anything away from the engrained image of his principal’s among the western nations as ‘a deeply corrupt government’ (Hilary Clinton,) ‘A failed Nigerian leader’; (Economist), ‘A failed president’ (Washington Post), and A lousy incumbent’ (New York Times).

    Jonathan’s government, whose intelligence has failed it in locating the whereabouts of close to 300 secondary school girls abducted from their dormitories about 10 months back or finding out the identities of the criminals who engage in an orgy of killing of women and children in their sleep in the middle belt region of Nigeria, has suddenly rediscovered itself only two days after Buhari’s visit to Chatham House. Fani-Kayode listed “some interesting facts about Buhari’s Chatham House out”, gathered through intelligence: ‘The event was organised only two days before it took place and well after Buhari had arrived in London; ‘The questions that were asked were given to him two days before the event and the answers were prepared for him and given to him to rehearse’; and ‘The programme lasted for only 55 minutes and only five questions, which were all planted, were asked’.

    Lest we forget, government intelligence according to Fani-Kayode also indicated that Buhari who depends on donations of as low as N100 from the masses of Nigeria who have faith in his ability to fix Nigeria, budgeted N5 billion for what was termed “the Buhari’s London jamboree”.

    Government intelligence however missed out Buhari’s plan to turn all the aircrafts in the presidential fleet to form the nucleus of a new Nigeria Airways because he considered it wasteful for President Jonathan to keep a fleet of over six aircraft when the Prime Minister of Britain like many of his western counterparts fly public airlines.

    But I think what should worry Nigerians is Fani-Kayode’s foreboding boast that “the government would first demystify Buhari by defeating him at the polls”, and that the PDP “would win the Presidential and general elections slated for March 28 and April 11 respectively”   while vowing that “the APC will never smell power”.

    But looking at the past and critically assessing PDP that often scores landslide victories in opposition strongholds as it recently did in Ekiti state,  I think there is the need for eternal vigilance by the opposition as well as all Nigerians that still have faith in our nation.  Chief Remi Fani-Kayode, after defecting to the opposition NCNC in the First Republic first called on the federal government to declare state of emergency in the West and later told the Yoruba that whether they voted for his new party or not, NNDP would win the election. It is part of our history that the Balewa government illegally declared state of emergency and went ahead to supervise the rigging of the 1965 Western Region election.

    President Jonathan and PDP have always found a way to undermine the constitution to achieve their set goals. The cases of the illegal removal of Justice Ayo Salami, the illegal suspension of Sanusi Lamido Sanusi as CBN governor and to some extent the President’s open support of losers of Nigerian Governors Forum election are clear indications that President Jonathan and PDP can swing any surprise.

    They just don’t give a damn.

  • Ganduje, Takai battle for Kwankwaso’s seat

    Ganduje, Takai battle for Kwankwaso’s seat

    The road to the governorship election in Kano State has been rough. The candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje and his Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) counterpart, Alhaji Salihu Takai are warming up for the poll. KOLADE ADEYEMI examines the fierce battle for power and the chances of the two candidates. 

    Ahead of the April 11 governorship election in Kano State, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC), the two major parties with strong candidates, are poised for a fierce battle. The campaign for the election has taken Alhaji Salihu Takai of the PDP and Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje of the APC to the 44 local governments. The die is now cast; there is a stiff contest to capture the attention of the electorates.

    The battle has been taken to the airwaves.  Supporters of the two candidates are now engaged in a war-of-words at local radio stations. Using blackmail and propaganda, they are castigating one another and selling their candidates to the public. Though the two candidates have consistently urged their supporters to eschew violence, political thugs loyal to them continue to flout this non-violent stance, especially during rallies and road shows. The Kano State Police Command, however, are not taking it cool, as the police have been arresting and prosecuting party supporters who engage in thuggery and violence.

    Last week, police paraded 23 suspected political thugs, including a female, alleged to have sponsored the killing of one of the victims during a political clash. The State Commissioner of Police Idris Ibrahim told reporters that a clash between two political rivals in Ladi Makole, Warawa Local Government Area, resulted in the killing of one person and  wanton destruction of properties. He said the police and other security agencies are prepared to provide security during the elections, by ensuring that enough men are deployed to the nooks and crannies of the state.

    The Assistant Inspector-General of Police in charge of the Zone, Alhaji Muhammadu Tambari Yabo, has read the riot act to politicians, saying police were ready to arrest and prosecute anybody engaged in electoral violence, no matter how highly placed. He said: “We have not forgotten the 2011 elections and the violence that followed it. That was a sad experience that no one would want a repeat. So, we should be prepared to have elections that will be free, fair, peaceful and rancour-free. We should make sure that our activities are within the ambits of the law. Let me give the Ghana example where electoral officers and returning officers move freely with electoral materials (on their bicycles) after elections without molestation or harassment from anybody. We should not be seen to be carrying offensive weapons while on political rallies. Don’t carry anything you can use to take advantage of your brother in a way of inflicting injury on him. Our wish is that what happened in 2011 will not repeat itself again and as the custodians of law and order, we will do our best as police men to make sure that we will not record election violence this time round.”

    Tambari drew attention to Section 94 (2) of the Electoral Act which prescribed  a fine of N2 million or two-year imprisonment or both to persons convicted for being in possession of offensive weapons during political rallies or on the election day. He said he has directed all Commissioners of Police under him to bring the law to full bear no matter, whose ox is gored. Yabo added: “I wish to strongly warn at this juncture that the police and other law enforcement agencies will bring into bear the full weight of the law on all violators of electoral and other national laws. These laws are very categorical in guiding your conduct during electioneering campaigns,” he added.

    Ganduje said the APC will record 100 per cent victory in the  most populous state. Ganduje who spoke to reporters during an interactive session in his office, also declared that the victory of the APC presidential candidate, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, in the 2015 general elections is sure, citing calamitous leadership allegedly run by the PDP at the centre. From Ganduje’s calculations, the APC is ready to sweep the 40 House of Assembly seats, 24 House of Representatives seats, three Senatorial seats and the governorship seat in Kano. He added that Buhari’s victory in Kano would be 100 per cent.

    In his words, “the die has been cast, we are ready for the race and, Insha Allah, and we shall succeed. For our President-in-waiting, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, we are working very hard to give him the maximum votes here in Kano. If possible, all those who registered, even those who are not in the APC, we are begging them, we are soliciting for their support, we are appealing for them to vote for our president because of the different shortcomings, different man-made calamities, we require somebody who is upright, somebody has the political will, somebody who is strong, somebody who can fight injustice — no matter what will happen to him and to any other person. So, we shall continue to do that to ensure that we contribute our quota being the most populous state. We want to lead in giving him (Buhari) the maximum vote, may God help us.

    “We are also working very hard to ensure that all our candidates will be able to make it in the forthcoming elections. For the governorship, Insha Allah, we shall celebrate, we shall rejoice together, but we have to work hard before that time. Here in Kano, the issue is continuity, the issue is consolidation — consolidation with new innovations, consolidation with ideas and consolidation with a lot of planning and calculations. Governor Rabi’u Kwankwaso has done an excellent job. Hence, there is a need to consolidate and complete those projects that we may not be able to complete within the period of this administration. But, beyond that, we need to introduce new innovations in critical infrastructure in Kano State.”

    On his agenda for the state, he said: “We have done a lot in education. My administration, Insha Allah, will consolidate and lay emphasis on qualitative education; because looking at the quality of education all over the country, I am sure you’ll agree with me that it is appalling. Look at WAEC and NECO results, you’ll understand what I’m talking about. So, we shall ensure that there is quality in the system; and of course in terms of quantity, we shall continue to improve. We are even attacking it from so many fronts—even those who are beyond school age are included. We shall introduce adult education, so that we capture all those that cannot read and write.”

    He added that his administration will centre more on provision of stable power supply under Independent Power Project (IPP), road construction, transforming Kano to a mega-city, integrated rural development, boosting the agricultural sector and increasing Internally Generated Revenue (IGR.)

    Also speaking on Ganduje’s chances, Director-General of Kano State Hisbah Board, Alhaji Abba Sa’ad Sufi said,  “Dr. Ganduje has all it takes to succeed our leader, Governor Kwankwaso. As the Deputy Governor and Second-in-Command of the Kwankwasiyya Movement, he is part and parcel of the development we are witnessing in Kano. He was there as the Deputy to Governor Kwankwaso between 1999 and 2003. He is also here now; and he knows how Governor Kwankwaso manages the economy. He has been part of all the decision-making and as a leader with a great mind and great ambition for Kano, Governor Kwankwaso would not have entrusted such an important mantle to somebody who has not been tested and trusted. Everybody in Kano and those who have been visiting the state recently are aware that a revolution is going on; and it will take only a fool to say that these good tidings that are flowing in Kano should not continue. So, Dr. Ganduje is there for continuity. He is there to build on the legacies of his boss and also introduce innovations that will take Kano State to greater heights.

    Ganduje is not a small fry in Kano politics. He has been there for over four decades and he is one of the bulldozers in the political landscape. A foundation member of the PDP, he gave up his ambition to govern Kano in 1999, after he was pressured by stakeholders to step down and support Kwankwaso who eventually picked the ticket and chose him as running-mate. Ganduje was Commissioner for Works, Housing and Transport between 1994 and 1998. He was Kwankwaso’s Deputy between 1999 and 2003. Before then he served as Administrative Secretary, Federal Capital Development Authority (FCDA); Development Secretary of Kwalli Development Area; Sole Administrator of Abaji Area Council; Chairman, Gwagwalada Area Council; Special Adviser (political) to Kwankwaso when he was Defence Minister; Executive Secretary of Lake Chad Basin Commission and Assistant Secretary of the defunct National Party of Nigeria (NPN) in the Second Republic. Many believe that Ganduje’s wealth of experience in politics and civil service puts him at a vintage position to win.

    Takai, the PDP candidate, is also not a novice in Kano politics. He has the full backing of the immediate past governor of the state, who is now Minister of Education, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau. Takai is also believed to be in the good books of the Ulamas and some traditional rulers. In 2011, he challenged Kwankwaso under the platform of the defunct All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP), but was defeated with just 60, 000 votes.  His supporters believe that, this time round, Takai would make it to Government House. He has been campaigning all over the state. But, he may be face challenges in some places, because of the emergence of Gen. Muhammadu Buhari as the APC presidential candidate. Though Buhari is not from Kano, he has a big following in the state; he is loved and cherished by mostly the Talakawas.

    Takai was former Commissioner of Local Government Affairs during the Shekarau administration. According to Farouk Iya, the white-beaded Malam remains the only candidate that can defeat the APC in Kano.  Iya is a close associate of the PDP candidate. He had to resign as Commissioner of Education when Kwankwaso dumped the PDP because he was not ready to jump ship. Today, he is the Director-General of Takai Campaign Organization.

    Takai noted recently that his interest in the race was not a do-or-die affair, but an art of God and a sincere intention to rescue Kano from “the mercy of a very harsh government that is making life unbearable for all.” He added: “It is a pity that the state government has distanced itself from the population and has been involved in destructive activities, rather than being constructive. They do not seem to have concrete plans to develop the state, but are needlessly engaged in unnecessary waste of public funds.”

    Takai said his government would concentrate more on agriculture, education, security, health, commerce and industry, human development, as well as infrastructural development.

    Thus, the Kano governorship race promises to be an interesting one. The two candidates are popular and with the capricious nature of Kano politics, pundits believe that it would be difficult to make a clear-cut prediction on who will emerge the winner on April 11.

  • begins N7.8b anti-erosion battle

    begins N7.8b anti-erosion battle

    •Oshiomhole accuses PDP of contract duplication

    Edo State Governor Adams Oshiomhole has accused the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) of duplicating unexecuted contracts when it was in government in the state.

    The governor spoke at the weekend when he kicked-started a World Bank-assisted gully erosion control in Auchi, Etsako West Local Government Area; Queen Ede in Ogbeson Quarters, Benin, the state capital and parts of Ekheuan Road, all valued at N7.8 billion.

    Oshiomhole said he was shocked that the Queen Ede erosion project, purportedly awarded by the former PDP administration, was also reportedly awarded by the Federal Government when his administration approached the Federal Government for intervention.

    At the Queen Ede erosion site, he said: “My first visit to this place was on a Sunday, about the second or third week of my resumption of office. Someone drew my attention to the fact there was a serious problem in this area. I came around and I was shocked at what I saw.

    “I saw an abandoned tractor around the valley. When I asked for the status of the project’s report, a ministry official told me the job was ongoing. Subsequently, I invited him to show me what he meant by the job was ongoing. That’s because what I saw here were abandoned equipment; there was not one worker on site.

    “When we came here, he showed me the tractor, saying that was what they meant by the job was ongoing, by the fact that there was a tractor abandoned.

    “But that was not the only thing that I found very, very strange… It was clear that the job was never meant to be done; it was a cover-up to siphon funds.

    “Few months later, I wrote to Abuja to complain about the erosion challenges in this state. I wrote quite a number, including on Queen Ede (erosion site), particularly when my attention was drawn by the Edo State Ministry of Works to the fact that this erosion was caused by the design errors when the Asaba Road was being built by the Federal Ministry of Works. I asked the Federal Government to provide the funds to fix it.

    “We were honoured by the visit of the Minister of Environment. He said he had invited the Benin-Owena River Basin Authority official to show me what they were doing about this same erosion. I offered to accompany him. We got here and he showed me the same site that the Federal Government was doing the same job on.

    “So, you have a real scandal, where the Edo State Government under the PDP awarded this contract and paid for it. The PDP-led Federal Government awarded the same contract and paid money for it. Each of them claimed that they were doing the job. As you can see, they simply caused more complications.”

    Oshiomhole said the PDP had accused him of borrowing.

    According to him, Edo State remained the least indebted state in the Southsouth.

  • Big four in big battle for Senate

    Big four in big battle for Senate

    In the 2011 general elections, the Anambra Central Senatorial District was a straight fight between Dr. Chris Ngige of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and the late Prof Dora Akunyili, who contested on the platform of the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA). Now Ngige’s opponents are Chief Victor Umeh of APGA, Hon. Uche Ekwunife and Senator Annie Okonkwo, who are both laying claim to the ticket of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). NWANOSIKE ONU x-rays their chances. 

    With the calibre of candidates lined up by the various political parties, the Anambra Central senatorial race promises to be a battle of the titans. In the race are the incumbent Senator Chris Ngige of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Chief Victor Umeh of the ruling All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) and the duo of Annie Okonkwo and Hon. Uche Ekwunife laying claim to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) ticket. With the exception of Umeh, all of them have won elections in the constituency at one point or the other and are capable of clinching the senatorial slot. Even at that, Umeh is not a pushover. The former National Chairman of APGA decided to take the gauntlet against Ngige to prevent the APC, which has no doubt become a formidable platform all over the country, from establishing itself in the state.

    Observers say the Anambra Central race may be a replay of the 2011 contest, where Ngige squared up against the late Information Minister Dr. Dora Akunyili in a fiercely-contested election that could not be concluded in the first ballot. It was eventually decided in favour of the APC flag bearer at the second ballot. The Ngige versus Akunyili contest attracted the attention of the international community not only because of the calibre of the contestants, but perhaps also because it was the first keenly contested election in the state since the return to civil rule in 1999. Akunyili had contested on the platform of APGA, while Ngige flew the flag of then Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), one of the opposition parties that came together to form the APC.

     

    Ekwunife

    Ekwunife, popularly known as Iyom, is the member representing Anaocha, Njikoka and Dunukofia Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives. Though, her name is not on the final list published by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), but the Amazon of Anambra politics has been campaigning vigorously for the contest, believing that the court would eventually award her the ticket. Senator Okonkwo is the PDP candidate recognized by INEC.

    But, political analysts believe that Okonkwo will not make much impact in the race, given the calibre of candidates fielded by the APC and the APGA and that Ekwunife would have been a better option. Okonkwo’s name appeared on the INEC list because the Ejike Oguebego-led faction of the party is the one recognized by the court.

    For now, the PDP still parades other acclaimed candidates for the senatorial race, including Sylvester Okonkwo and Dikeora Obiora Okonkwo in the same Central zone, alongside Ekwunife.

    The division within the PDP may be its undoing. There is a consensus among observers that Ekwunife has all it takes to defeat any of the candidates, but her major headache is the crisis tearing the PDP apart since she dumped APGA for the party.

    She is believed to be the anointed candidate of the national leadership of the party. But, INEC keeps insisting that it had no hand in the party’s primaries that produced her.

    In spite of this handicap, she continues to soldier on, traversing all the wards in the district to sensitise her supporters that she is still in the race. Indeed, Ekwunife has been meeting with all traditional rulers, market leaders, the youth, women groups and faith-based associations in the seven local government areas that makeup the zone. Her billboards and posters adorn all the nooks and crannies of the state. Anambra State Governor Chief Willie Obiano and the state House of Assembly have done everything humanly possible to stop her, but all to no avail.

    The Assembly even went to the extent of passing a law, which was given accelerated hearing by going through the first, second and third readings same day, to discourage her. But, Ekwunife has proved that she is equal to the task.

     

    Umeh

    For Umeh, the election is like navigating in uncharted territory, not having contested election at any level within the constituency before now. He has been at the helm of affairs in APGA for over 10 years. But, his long reign as the National Chairman of the party has been punctuated by one controversy after another. Some of the APGA faithful in the state believe he has done well for the party as its leader, while others insist that he has ruined their party.

    The two biggest obstacles standing before Umeh and the senatorial seat are former Governor Peter Obi and Chief Sylvester Nwobu-Alor, the former APGA National Chairman’s uncle, who is also the national coordinator of APGA Elders forum.

    Umeh’s quest to occupy the senatorial seat is believed to have been prompted by Obi’s decision to quit APGA for PDP, where he has been made President Goodluck Jonathan’s Deputy Campaign Director General in the Southeast.

    Another is Umeh alleged role during the primaries, where the ambitions of many aspirants were shattered. But, some p[arty stakeholders insist that Umeh had no hand in the injustice that were meted out to virtually all the aspirants. They say Governor Obiano, who has taken over as the leader of the party in the state with the exit of Obi, is to blame for what transpired at the primaries. Following the declaration of Umeh as the party’s flag bearer in the Anambra Central senatorial race, some of them vowed that it was payback time.

    But, the effects of such threats remain to be seen, as the former National Chairman is believed to have become a moving train in the politics of Anambra State. So far, his campaign has been attracting overwhelming crowd everywhere he goes.

    He has accorded a rousing welcome in all the communities he visits within the district in the course of the campaign. In fact, he has been offered chieftaincy titles by traditional rulers of most of the communities. Before now, he has acquired more than 25 chieftaincy tittles from different states and communities.

    Another factor that has worked in his favour is the APGA battle cry of protecting the interest of Ndigbo. Hate him or love him, many people believe that Umeh is the type of person who will not allow what belongs to Ndigbo to elude them at the Senate.

     

    Ngige

    Since he mounted the saddle of leadership in Anambra State as governor between 2003 and 2006, Ngige has not looked back. Today, he represents Anambra Central on the platform of the APC.

    The battle he fought in 2011 to clinch the senatorial seat at the expense of the late Akunyili is still fresh in the minds of the people. Indeed, some people refer to him as Anambra’s political oracle. He is one of the leading lights politically in Igboland today. He was one time the president of Aka-Ikenga, an Igbo socio-cultural organization, in Lagos.

    His followers see him as prudent, but his opponents describe him as “tightfisted”. He is still very popular among the masses. As one of the pillars of the APC in Anambra State, Ngige is a beneficiary of the growing popularity of the party in the state. The recent presidential campaign of the party in Awka, the Anambra State capital, was an eye opener to many about the growing popularity of the party.

    The crowd was awesome, even those who do not belong to the party marvelled with many others from different parties wearing the APC colours, singing and praising the APC standard bearer, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari.

    But, Ngige’s only challenge is that his popularity appears to be limited to Anambra Central. Nevertheless, one of the things he has going for him, as he campaigns for his re-election in the Senate is the life scholarships he gave to over 5,000 students in secondary and tertiary institutions in the zone.

    He is also credited as being instrumental to the near constant power supply in Awka and the communities within the Central senatorial district. This was made possible through the provision of transformers to several communities.

    Besides, many people still remember how Ngige opened up and linked many communities with good roads during his reign as governor of the state. Many political analysts believe that he has done well for Ndi-Anambra and should be backed by the electorate for a second term.

    Thus, the APC strongman stands the chance of retaining his seat, with many of the aggrieved members of other political parties working underground for him.

     

    Okonkwo

    The business mogul-turned politician grabbed the PDP senatorial ticket in the zone as published by INEC. But, observers believe he is merely playing the role of a spoiler in the race. Such observers say his mission is to split the Idemili North and South votes with Ngige and that he still bears grudges against the APC chieftain, following the manner he left the APC.

    Okonkwo’s candidacy does not appear to have the backing the masses, who prefer the more colourful and charismatic Ekwunife. They believe that the PDP would have been better off, if it were her that is on the INEC list.

    Many of the stakeholders are disenchanted with Okonkwo’s snobbishness attitude, which has led to some of his ex-allies working against his ambition. He is leaning towards the enfant terrible of Anambra politics, Chief Chris Uba, to assist him.

    Given the presence of Ngige and Umeh in the race, Okonkwo is not likely to make any appreciable impact.

  • Momoh, Alimekhena, Ugbome battle for Edo North

    Momoh, Alimekhena, Ugbome battle for Edo North

    The Edo North senatorial race is gathering momentum. Three parties-the All Progressives Congress (APC), the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP)-are fielding candidates for the election. Correspondent OSAGIE OTABOR writes on the three-horse race.

    In June, Senator Senator Obende Domingo, who represents Edo North District in the Senate, will vacate his seat, following the expiration of his tenure. He was elected in 2011. During the party primaries, he failed to secure the ticket of the All Progressive Congress (APC). He came a distant third. The shadow poll was won by Major Francis Alimikhena (rtd).

    Edo North is made up of six local governments. But, there are also three ethnic groups in the zone. They are Owan, Estako and Akoko-Edo. The people of Estako occupy three local government areas and they are in the majority. Domingo is the first senator from Akoko-Edo to represent the district.

    The succession battle is a three-horse race. The contest is among the candidates of Estako extraction. The parties are the Social Democratic Party (SDP), the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the APC. The parties, it was learnt, picked their candidates from Estako to secure victory at the polls. The projection is that people may be mobilised to vote along ethnic lines. A source said that there is an ‘Estako agenda,’ which had been sealed before the primaries. “Etsako is a majority tribe here and, if the people decide to vote for an Etsako man, he will win,” added the source.

    However, the three candidates are from Etsako. Thus, the contest will not be a walk over for any candidate. Apart from Alimikhena of the APC, other flag bearers are Hon. Paschal Ugbome of the PDP and  Hon. Abubarkar Momoh of the SDP. According to observers, the contest is unpredictable.

    Momoh and Alimikhena hail from Estako East. Ugbome is from Estako Central. They have been holding elective positions in the district since 1999. But, luck has not smiled on Alimikhena, although he has been contesting party primaries for the same position in the PDP since 2003 before he defected to the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN).

    To analysts, the three candidates have to rely on votes from Owan and Akoko-Edo local governments for victory at the polls. The thinking is that votes from the Estako may be split because the three flag bearers are from the sub-zone.

    Alimekhena

    The victory of Alimikhena at the APC primaries was a surprise to many stakeholders. Before the primaries, many thought that the contest was between Senator Domingo and the Secretary to Edo State Government, Prof. Julius Ihonvbere. Alimikhena secured 836 votes. But, his victory was attributed to the commitment Estako agenda. He had his career in the Nigerian Army between 1968 and 2000. He is also a lawyer. The APC candidate is renowned for philanthropic activities. According to his kinsmen, he is generous. He is likely to reap the fruits of the power of incumbency. Governor Adams Oshiomhole has turned Edo North into a huge construction site. He has embarked on massive infrastructural development in the area. Many road projects have been executed by the administration. Many villages, including Okpekpe and Imiegba, which were not accessible, have been opened up. Alimikhena however, faces an uphill task. His opponents are former lawmakers and council chairman. They are grassroots politicians. They are popular across the towns and villages.

     Ugbomeh

     Ugbomeh is a businessman and a lawyer. He is a member of the Governing Council of the National Examination Council (NECO). Ugbomeh hails from Ugbekpe-Ekperi. He began his political career in 1998 when he was elected on the platform of the defunct United Nigeria Congress Party (UNCP) to the Edo State House of Assembly. But, he was not sworn in because the transition programme collapsed, following the death of the Head of State, Gen. Sani Abacha. In 1999, he was elected to the House of Assembly on the platform of the PDP. In 2004, he became the Chairman of Estako Central Local Government. Ugbomeh is a committed member of the PDP. He has served as the state vice chairman and senatorial leader. He is also the former Director of Operations. He told reporters told that God has revealed his victory at the polls to him. He has embarked on rigorous campaigns. But, he will have to work hard to defeat the APC candidate.

    Momoh

     Momoh lost the PDP ticket to Ugbomeh. In anger, he defected to the SDP, a party that is fast growing in Edo North. Momoh is perceived as a grassroots politician. His popularity is not in doubt. He has served as a councillor, council chairman and lawmaker at the state and National Assembly. He currently represent Estako Constituency in the House of Representatives. Momoh left the APC for the PDP along with Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu after the party’s congresses. He joined the SDP after he lost the party’s ticket to primaries to Ugbomeh. Momoh believes that his popularity among the masses would make him win the poll. He said his performance would swing the pendulum of victory towards his direction. But, he is contesting on the platform of a fragile party. The time is too short for the party to enlarge its coast. Thus, according to observers, SDP has a narrow chance at the poll.

  • Kogi kinsmen battle for title

    Trouble is brewing in Ganaja in Ajaokuta Local Government Area of Kogi State over which of two brothers should occupy the traditional stool of the area. While one of them, Idris Mohammed occupied the stool in an acting capacity hoping to be confirmed later, his cousin, Yahaya Abubakar Umar was eventially crowned as the Anajagaku of Ganaja.

    This action has created tension in the sleepy community as supporters of the two kinsmen are spoiling for war.

    Mohammed has petitioned the authorities in the state on the development, saying he has been prevailing on his supporters not to take the law into their hand but to remain calm and allow peace to prevail. However, he is not sure for how long he can hold them down.

    Although there are two ruling houses in the community, he claimed that the kingship was snatched away from him by undisclosed persons and handed over to his cousin.

    He claimed that the “coup” was perfected with the connivance of Umar and some of his loyalists.

    Mohammed said the reason behind the development is the fear that if the throne returns to him and his family lineage, being the “rightful owners, the impostors might not be able to return. Even right from time, they didn’t use to snatch it; if you beg we give you, but this one was done with fire, cutlasses and arrows. The palace was locked and now the situation is ripe for war, but I have continued to appeal to our people to remain calm.”

    He explained that “the Ohi of Egunji in Adogo (Ajaokuta LGA) is the traditional ruler in charge of the whole area, and the Onu of Ajaokuta”.

    The Nation was informed that the Shaba of Ganaja title has been in existence for over 400 years, long before the creation of Kogi State and is recognised by the authorities. Supported by a cousin-sister, Zainab Banda, Mohammed said despite the petition to the state Commissioner of Police (CP) and the Director of State Security Service (DSS), things have remained the same as those bent on fomenting trouble within the community went ahead with the coronation. He claimed he was molested when he went on a peace mission to the palace of the Anajagaku.

    “I have written petitions to the Commissioner of Police and the SS, but still they couldn’t stop them. The situation is tense as I am talking to you right now. I want the Ohi of Egunji and his council to call this chief top order in case of trouble tomorrow. There has been peace and we don’t want this to cause trouble. We are cousin-brothers but we have to sit and agree. As an elderly brother, they pushed me out of the palace so that maybe I will cause trouble and government will push me out that I cannot lead. I have acted as Anaja of Ganaja for so long, but we later agreed to give it to the present person because he was an elderly person, but since he is now chief; the position ought to revert to me, but they tried to short-change me. I want peace in my community and I want things to be properly done. The council will now sit and come out with an acceptable candidate, even if it is him, but what is obtainable now is unacceptable”.

     

  • Sokoto Assembly candidates battle to retain APC tickets

    Sokoto Assembly candidates battle to retain APC tickets

    Two candidates for the Sokoto State House of Assembly election are battling to hold on to their party tickets following moves by various groups in their constituencies to substitute their names ahead of the general elections.

    Abdulwahab Yahaya and Abdullahi Zakari from Goronyo and Rabah State Constituencies, are facing challenges over their qualifications to contest the election.

    A group, Sokoto Stakeholders Forum, has already petitioned the state chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) urging them to stop both Yahaya and Zakari from contesting the election.

    Similarly, the group said it would launch a legal battle to deny the duo the chance to run.

    Speaking to reporters in Sokoto yesterday, one of the petitioners, Musa Abdullahi Mafara, said the two candidates are disqualified from contesting the elections because they do not have the necessary educational qualifications.

    According to him, the two candidates also stand disqualified because they are not registered members of the APC as required by the party’s constitution.