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Tag: Bukola Saraki

  • Saraki learnt nothing

    It is said that you can’t give what you don’t have. So it isn’t surprising that the outgoing President of the Senate, Bukola Saraki, missed the point when, according to an April 2 report, he “advised political party leaders to allow elected federal lawmakers to choose their leaders on the day of inauguration in order to achieve stability of the 9th  National Assembly.”

    There is no doubt that Saraki, a member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), targeted the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), whose members will be in the majority in the 9th National Assembly. Under normal circumstances, the APC is expected to produce the principal officers of the next federal legislature.

    Saraki had talked to journalists after a lecture by the Clerk to the National Assembly, Mohammed Sani-Omolori, at an orientation programme for newly elected federal legislators in Abuja. He said: “The point I am making is that we should not make too much noise on the process of electing presiding officers. What is important is for the members of the Senate to decide who is the best to lead them, so that they can have stability.”

    Considering how Saraki became Senate President in 2015 when he was an APC member, his words show that he learnt little or nothing from the scandalous episode. He attained the position by scheming, pure and simple.  Saraki’s political manoeuvrings had got him the office against his party’s preference. But, predictably, it was a Pyrrhic victory; and it worked against him at the helm of the Senate.

    Saraki’s anti-party plot to get the top seat in the Senate had resulted in a strange power-sharing arrangement. Normally, the Senate President and the Deputy Senate President should have been members of the majority party.  But a member of the minority party, Ike Ekweremadu of the PDP, became Saraki’s deputy in a leadership combination that left a lot be desired.

    The APC’s response to Saraki’s advice was predictable.  The party’s National Publicity Secretary, Lanre Isa-Onilu, said:  “The position of the party remains that those positions that belong to the majority party belong to us. Members of the minority party should mind their own business. They should find a way of occupying the positions that belong to them. It is not in their place to start telling us what to do and what not to do.”

    Indeed, Saraki needs to learn to distinguish between what is normal and what is abnormal.

  • Senate may pass 2019 budget April 16

    The Senate may pass the 2019 budget by April 16 as the President of the Senate, Dr Bukola Saraki Tuesday gave the various standing and sub committees up till Friday to submit their reports to the Appropriation Committee.

    Following the Senate President’s directive, the Appropriation Committee will then submit its report to the Senate from April 9 to 11.

    Saraki, in an apparent move to ease workload on the senators who are chairmen and members of various committees, adjourned plenary session till April 9.

    This, he said, was to allow the senate committees complete their budget defence sessions with the various Ministries, Departments and Agencies.

    Read Also: Senate uncovers ‘illegal’ firm under Industry Ministry

    The Senate’s decision to adjourn plenary followed a revelation by the vice chairman of the Senate Appropriations Committee, Sunny Ogbuoji, that less than 10 committees had so far submitted their reports.

    Saraki said, “Let us agree that they (committees) will submit their reports by Friday. We will suspend plenary just for a week till 9th (of April). We should be able to reconvene here by Tuesday and lay the report by 9th, 10th and 11th of April. And pass this budget by the 16th. Because we have the Easter break coming as well. We don’t have that luxury of time.”

    He enjoined the various sub committees to submit their reports to the Appropriation Committee on schedule, failing which proposals submitted by affected Ministries, Departments and Agencies will be adopted and cleared.

    President Muhammadu Buhari had, on December 19, 2018, submitted the budget proposal of N8.83 trillion to a joint session of the National Assembly.

    Meanwhile, President Buhari had rejected eight of the bills passed by the National Assembly and forwarded to him for assent.

    The bills include the Ajaokuta Steel Company Completion Fund Bill; Nigerian Aeronautical Search and Rescue Bill; Small and Medium Enterprises Development Agency Bill; National Biotechnology Development Agency Bill; National Institute of Credit Administration Bill; Federal Mortgage Bank of Nigeria Bill; and the Chattered Institute of Training and Development of Nigeria (Establishment) Bill.

  • 2019 general elections was free, fair – CODER

    The Coalition of Democrats for Electoral Reform (CODER) says the 2019 general elections in Nigeria was free and fair.

    The group stated this at a news briefing on Monday in Lagos that hinged on its observations of the Presidential, National Assembly, Governorship and House of Assembly polls,

    Execute Director/Chair Transition Committee of CODER; Mr. Wunmi Bewaji argued that if the elections were influenced, President Muhammadu Buhari would not have lost in Aso Rock if the elections were to have been influenced.

    “ Similarly, the Senate President, Bukola Saraki also lost his re-election bid along with others who failed to win in their states and constituencies inspite of being current occupants of their seats.

    “The 2019 election may not have been 100 per cent free and fair but we can score it 80 per cent based on the results and expectations which were dashed as INEC allowed the votes to count.

    “In all countries of the world, including the US and others, elections are never 100 per cent right but are adjudged free and fair based on the general outcome and calculations.

    “In states where it is believed that the elections will be marred by violence or rigging, elections were concluded and no major violence recorded,” he said.

    Read Also: Sokoto loses peaceful conduct of elections record- INEC

    Bewaji said that the infractions recorded at the poll were not enough to discredit the process or nullify the results/ outcome except in specific areas that INEC considered for re-run hence the inclusive declaration in those areas.

    He said findings and observations however revealed that INEC needed to retrain, retool and reinvent itself to be able to meet the growing challenges posed by population explosion for it to perform its tasks as a 21st century electoral body.

    “INEC must move from its archaic operations culture to technology based operations, electronic voting is imperative to cope with growing population and challenges of future elections.

    “INEC also needs to make ease of voting a priority to prevent apathy and disenfranchisement,” he said.

    He said that the group was concerned about reckless and rampant use of fake news by political gladiators in the general elections, stating that there is need for persons and organisations involved in the creation of fake news to be punished.

    The CODER director called for an urgent review of the role of the judiciary pointing out the need for it to be clearly defined.

    He however urged Buhari to formally put in motion, arrangement for Nigeria to use the occasion of May 29 not just for swearing in of elected officials but for Nigeria to celebrate its uninterrupted 20 years of democracy.

     

     

     

  • Lobby, political solution‘d have confirmed Magu, says Saraki

    Senate President, Bukola Saraki, on Monday threw light on the controversial refusal of the Senate to confirm the appointment of Mr. Ibrahm Magu as substantive chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

    Saraki said the appointment of Magu as EFCC Chairman may have been confirmed but for the failure of the Presidency to explore the established channel of lobby.

    He also said that “political solution” should have been applied after the Senate rejected the nomination of Magu twice if only the Presidency toed the path.

    The Senate President spoke at the orientation programme for Senators-elect and House of Representatives members-elect of the 9th National Assembly held in Abuja.

    Saraki attempted to parry questions on why the National Assembly did not go to court for a definite pronouncement on the failed confirmation of Magu’s appointment as substantive EFCC Chairman.

    He was forced to respond when the question refused to go away.

    Saraki said that it is left to the Executive arm of government to find a replacement of a ministerial nominee if rejected by the Senate.

    Talking specifically on Magu nomination, he said that there was no doubt that the Senate has the power to confirm or reject his nomination.

    On why the Senate did not go to court for pronouncement on whether the Senate has the power to confirm the EFCC chairman, he said that there were over 12 cases pending in court on the issue.

    Saraki, who said that some of the cases had been pending in court for over two years, added he cannot explain why the cases have not been decided.

    He noted however that “in cases like the EFCC chairman, there is always the need for political solution and dialogue to solve the issue.

    “But to say whether the Senate has the power to confirm, the Senate has power to confirm. The power of confirmation is there even in America which we copy.

    “When the Executive makes appointment, there is issue of lobby. This is why we want a particular nominee. It is done even in America.”

    On the election of presiding officers of the 9th National Assembly, Saraki advised senators-elect and members-elect that they should ensure that there were in the chamber on the day of inauguration.

    READ ALSO: National Assembly after Saraki and Tambuwal

    He insisted that inauguration and election of presiding officers only take place on the floor of the two chambers of the National Assembly.

    The Clerk to the National Assembly, Mohammed Sani-Omolori, who flagged off the orientation, spoke on the overview of the National Assembly including structure, functions and inter-parliamentary relations.

    In the course of his presentation, Sani-Omolori mentioned that one of the functions of the Senate is the confirmation of nominees from the Executive arm of government.

    The power of confirmation of nominees prompted questions on the confirmation of Magu and why he is still serving as Acting Chairman of EFCC when he was denied confirmation.

    Sani-Omolori said that he was not in a position to answer political questions and referred the question on Magu to Saraki.

    Saraki noted that the options are the President can lobby the legislature or present someone else at the event of rejection of a nominee.

    Saraki said: “The point I am making is that we should not make too much news on the process of electing a presiding officers. What is important is for the members of the Senate to decide who is the best to lead them so that they can have stability.”

    On non- confirmation of Magu, Saraki said: “The truth really is that the issue of confirmation whether ministerial or other appointments, is done by the entire Senate.

    “Generally, we have an unwritten practice that we would get the input of senators from the state where the appointee hails from before we start the screening process in the Senate.

    “By the powers of the Senate if such a nominee is rejected, then it is upon the executive to find a new replacement.

    “The issue really is that the Senate has the powers to reject a ministerial nominee.

    “In a situation where the Senate rejects, it is up to the executive at that time to send in a replacement or in some cases, when we have appointment rejected and the executive will re-present before the Senate but if the senators again, took a decision to reject the nominee, the appointment stands rejected.”

  • National Assembly after Saraki and Tambuwal

    For drama, there are very few institutions that can match Nigeria’s National Assembly. On a given day, anything could happen: from legislators hurling chairs at each other or exchanging blows, to masked thugs invading the chamber to spirit the mace away.

    Sometimes the entertainment is provided by external forces. For instance, in the dying days of the Goodluck Jonathan presidency, the lawmakers arrived for work one day to discover that all entrances had been blocked by the police.

    It was part of the fallout from the power play between Jonathan’s Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) government and Speaker Aminu Tambuwal who had been flirting openly with the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC). At that point, the votes of the opposition were the only thing sustaining him in office.

    Enraged that they couldn’t gain entrance into their offices, and fearful that the executive was about to pull off something unsavoury against their man, the more excitable and adventurous among the legislators took to scaling the high gates and fences – not minding the impediment of their billowing agbadas. In the end the police backed off and normalcy was restored.

    More recently in August last year, it was the secret police in the form of hooded State Security Service (SSS) agents that arrived to seal off the assembly. Assisted by truckloads of the regular cops, their assignment was ostensibly to supervise the overthrow of Senate President Bukola Saraki and his deputy Ike Ekweremadu.

    But such was the backlash that Acting President Yemi Osinbajo removed the then SSS Director-General, Lawal Daura, from his position.

    From the early days of the Fourth Republic, the assembly has been a hotbed of intrigue as a succession of Senate Presidents and Speakers were toppled in messy coups at the behest of the Executive.

    Among victims were the likes of Evans Enwerem, Chuba Okadigbo, Anyim Pius Anyim, Adolphus Wabara, Salisu Buhari, Patience Etteh and Dimeji Bankole.

    While the legislature is a separate arm of government, its ability to choose its leadership without interference from external forces, has been limited. Although the arms are supposed to work in concert, the parliament’s power over the national purse as well as constitutional role in the possible impeachment of a president or governor makes it a threat to insecure politicians in the executive branch.

    This fact has often defined the relationship between the two sides. Many in the executive believe that they can only sleep with two eyes closed if they install a stooge to lead the legislature. On the part of the lawmakers many chafe under this constraint as they struggle to balance the desire for cordial ties with their constitutional duty to provide checks and balances.

    Under President Olusegun Obasanjo, the National Assembly was a very unstable place for those who led the institution. His successors – Umaru Yar’Adua and Jonathan – were less overbearing and allowed the lawmakers greater room for self-expression. But that didn’t stop the pattern of the executive overtly trying to install Senate Presidents and Speakers.

    That was until President Muhammadu Buhari famously washed his hands off the matter in 2015, declaring that he could work with anyone. His position was unprecedented in recent times and completely caught the APC leadership which was still trying to guide the succession process off-guard.

    In the vacuum that was created Saraki launched his power grab in the Senate with a bloc vote from the PDP, while half of the APC lawmakers were on a wild goose chase elsewhere in Abuja. In the House of Representatives, his confederate, Yakubu Dogara, pulled a similar stunt – again allying with elements of the opposition to defeat Femi Gbajabiamila who was backed by the party.

    While Saraki’s actions angered many within the ruling party’s leadership, his move was by no means original. Indeed, he had merely torn a page out of the APC’s very own play book as the party had openly cooperated with Tambuwal when he defied the PDP to run against the party approved candidate for Speaker, Mulikat Adeola. So, this was a case of unorthodox politics coming back to bite you.

    Since that episode, however, many have come to think that this is the proper way of doing things. Nothing can be farther from the truth.

    In pursuing their bids for self-actualisation, Saraki, Tambuwal and Dogara, trampled the concept of party supremacy underfoot. They probably felt they could later beg for forgiveness after deliberately sinning. It helped that at that point they were dealing with a naïve president and a weak party chairman.

    With attention now reverting to the National Assembly succession, many have been watching to see how the APC would handle things and how the PDP would play its own cards.

    Anxious not to allow a repeat of the debacle of four years ago, Buhari and the ruling party’s leaders have quickly seized the initiative by anointing Senate Majority Leader, Ahmed Lawan, to lead the upper chamber. They are believed also to have lined up the House Leader, Femi Gbajabiamila, for the Speaker slot.

    Further firing up controversy, APC National Chairman, Adams Oshiomhole, bluntly declared that the ruling party would not share power with the opposition. All committee chairs would be from the ruling party except for one slot constitutionally set aside for the opposition.

    While some have questioned whether this forceful intervention is wise given that it takes away much of the approved aspirant’s room for compromise, it does appear to have had an effect.

    It has only drawn muted protest from one aspirant – Senator Ali Ndume, but we’ve not witnessed the sort of mutinous response we saw in 2015. Buhari has also moved to mollify another interested party, Danjuma Goje.

    For its part, the PDP insists it would put up candidates to lead the National Assembly and would do everything in its power to derail the APC’s plans.

    Despite the criticism he has received, I can’t find much that is wrong with Oshiomhole’s position which simply echoes a basic principle that in a democracy the majority rules.

    Nigeria’s National Assembly, just like the presidency, is closely patterned after the United States’ model with minor modifications. In the US, the day to day business of the Senate is run by the Majority Leader and not a Senate President.

    However, succession from election to election is without fuss, as the most senior person simply moves into the next slot. For instance, when the Democrat’s Harry Reid was Majority Leader, Mitch McConnell of the Republican Party was Minority Leader. When the Republicans became the majority he became the leader of the Senate.

    The same thing happened in the  House of Representatives where Nancy Pelosi who used to be Minority Leader seamlessly stepped into the Speaker’s chair when the Democrats became the majority last November.

    In the same manner, it is the party with the largest number that heads the legislative committees. What occurred under Saraki in the Senate and Tambuwal and Dogara in the House with the two parties sharing chairmanships as equals was an aberration.

    They had to share power with the opposition because the manner in which they emerged demanded that there be a quid pro quo. Such arrangements are forced on you where you can’t muster a majority and have to cobble a working coalition together. It is uncalled for where you are in clear majority in the two chambers as is the case with the APC today.

    It is immoral politics for a party in minority to seek to rule over the majority. That would be like attempting to overturn the expressed will of the people.

    Rather than seek to govern a chamber where it is the second largest in number, the PDP should strive to excel in its opposition role and offer Nigerians a clear governance alternative.

    But such is the character of our politics today that despite its clear majorities in the House and Senate, there is still considerable trepidation within and without the APC as to whether it can make its members line up behind those backed by officialdom.

    There is this false notion that once people step into the chambers of the assembly, they should no longer be held to their partisan obligations. Nothing could be more wrongheaded. The Senate or House are not some special political clubs where legislators lose their partisan identifies.

    They are simply fora where people advance the vision of their parties for governing the country. Sometimes, there could be bipartisanship on issues. At other times voting could follow strict pary lines. It happens all over the world and we would not reinvent the wheel in Nigeria.

    I suspect that the case would be different in 2019 for a couple of reasons. The ruling party now has a strong leadership that has shown that it is able to confront those who were hitherto untouchables. Its handling of Ogun State Governor Ibikunle Amosun and his Imo counterpart Rochas Okorocha attests to that.

    Secondly, there is no Saraki in this contest. In 2015, he was driven by ambition and the politics of the legacy groups within APC. Since the presidency was out of the question, the Senate Presidency was the next best thing his new-PDP could fight for. He had the profile, following and resources to go against the party line and emerge unscathed.

    The dynamics are different this time. Those expecting a repeat of what happened four years ago should ask themselves whether Goje or Ndume want the Senate Presidency so badly that they are willing to confront Buhari and the APC high command. How far would they be willing to go in pursuit of their ambition?

    But perhaps the most important factor in the struggle for power in the National Assembly is the fact that PDP has emerged from the elections stronger than before. It has taken four states from the APC and now has governors in all zones. The APC has lost its lone foothold in the Southeast – Imo State.

    But what it lost at gubernatorial level, it has made up for by adding control of the National Assembly to its grip on the presidency. For it to maintain the initiative going into the next election cycle, it only makes sense for it to unapologetically maximise its advantages. I suspect that the PDP would do the same if positions were swapped.

     

     

     

  • A peep into our leaders’ future

    NOW that the elections are over -somehow – it is fit and proper to ponder the future of some of the major actors. Court summons are flying all over the place as some launch desperate battles to reclaim what they call their stolen mandates. Others have surrendered to fate, that unseen hand in human affairs, to face life without the rough and tumble of politics. Just for a while, I bet.

    What will they do? Will they stay here or hop onto a plane and wave a long bye to this land of exciting contradictions? Will they join the struggle to rebuild and rework Nigeria? Will they defect to the winning party as politicians often do without scruples? Or will they just sidon look (apologies to the late Chief Bola Ige).

    Consider Senate President Dr Bukola Saraki. Since  populism flew high on the wings of the “O to gee” phenomenon to trump what the people described as a long-time hegemony, he has been a subject of relentless vitriol from all-comers. He took it all on the chin. Now there are postulations, permutations and speculations on his future.

    Some have suggested that Dr Saraki should stay put in Kwara and rebuild his political empire. Others said he should simply return to his first love – medicine. They went further to suggest his early clients, who are also VIPs in their own right – Senator Dino Melaye (of whom many have wondered, ‘what ails him; is he well?’) and former Ekiti State Governor Ayo Fayose (is he still in sifia pains?) who may soon ask the court trying him for alleged fraud for leave to attend to his health.

    Saraki, I learnt, won’t give up on politics. With hindsight, you count him out at your own peril.

    Many pundits have sworn that this is Atiku Abubakar’s last political battle, which he has vowed to fight with his all. They said on account of age, he may not be strong enough for the rigours of running in 2023, even if he has the financial wherewithal for the unpredictable venture.

    I suspect that when the court battle is over, the Waziri Adamawa, who is contesting President Muhammadu Buhari’s victory, will find the time to write his memoirs and debunk all those pesky speculations about his wealth, his women and his friends. Such rumours include what his opponents have gleefully described as the “Dubai Agenda” with which they claimed he wanted to clinch the presidency. Is it a myth or reality? What does it mean? Could it have handed Atiku power if it had not been checked as his opponents aver? Did Atiku actually have access to INEC’s server?

    Former Senate President David Alechenu Bonaventure Mark is not returning to the Red Chamber. What is crystal clear is that the retired soldier is not tired. He will surely be involved in the local politics, sponsoring his cronies for offices. More importantly, perhaps, Mark will now have time for golf, the elitist game for which he has a remarkable passion and in which he is said to have invested a fortune home and abroad. Now he can tend his courses better and savour the sheer lush greenery of the fairway and improve on his handicap.

    Besides, he can now splash more cash on the game, with the fairway so far away from the prying eyes of those curtain-twitching busybodies posing as whistle-blowers.

    General Jeremiah Timbut Useni, former military governor, former minister, former Quarter-Master General of the Army, distinguished senator and governorship candidate of the PDP in Plateau State, has vowed to reclaim his mandate. He says he was rigged out. Solomon Lalong, the incumbent governor, has since been handed the trophy.

    What will Useni do now? Get set to have another shot at the office? Retire from politics and go into humanitarian ventures, if indeed service is the engine that drives his ambition? I really don’t know. All I am sure of is that the senator will neither be bored nor be idle. No.

    There has been this clamour for his memoirs in which he is expected to shed light on what actually happened on June 8, 1998 when former Head of State Gen. Sani Abacha – of dreadful memory – died. Useni is said to be the only one who holds the key to unravelling how the man who ruled Nigeria with an iron fist passed on peacefully in his bedroom in what is believed to be either an orgy of concupiscence or a miracle.

    Now the amiable senator will have time to debunk all the rumours. Was there a bevy of Indian girls at the Villa when Abacha died? Where was his Chief Security Officer (CSO), Col. Hamza Al-Mustapha (retd.), the one singing like a canary and blabbing all over the place, when his boss succumbed to death? Was it a murder or a natural incident? Will Useni agree to write?

    Former Kano State Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso believes his candidate was robbed of victory in the governorship election. Like many others, he is screaming and swearing and crying and sobbing and whining and singing and wailing that Umar Ganduje’s victory will be reversed. Interesting.

    Those who think the leader of the Kwakwasiyya Movement will be idle got it all wrong, I dare say. His Excellency will be available for politicians seeking Hausa votes in any part of the country. Articulate, calm and charming. Kwankwaso can always deploy his skills to woo his kinsmen living outside the North to vote whoever has sought his service. That, no doubt, is a hell of a job that will keep anybody busy. But, will His Excellency receive a just and commensurate reward for such physical and mental exertions?

    Oyo State Governor Abiola Isiaka Ajimobi is at peace with himself after losing the battle for Senate. He carries on with the business of state with the nobility and dignity of a self-respected leader, unlike some of his colleagues who are fighting for their integrity after being accused of betraying the party that gave them power. One was even hit with a criminal allegation of putting a gun to an electoral officer’s head to force his declaration as winner of a senatorial election – he denies it ever happened.

    Since Ajimobi mounted the saddle about eight years ago, Ibadan has ceased to be the haven for thugs and motor park warlords whose cutlass brandishing henchmen ruled and ruined the exciting city. Ibadan is now peaceful, no more home to gangsters, mobsters and tricksters. His Excellency will have his hands full, seeking peace where there is trouble – there are many such places in our beleaguered country. The Oyo formula will surely be handy.

    It is stale news that Senator Godswill Akpabio lost his seat in an uncommon election that was prosecuted in an uncommon manner by an uncommon electorate and some uncommon supervisors, who are defending it all in an uncommon way. Many have been wondering what the charismatic politician will do now.

    Akpabio, it has been suggested, should set up a first-class law chamber – many don’t remember he is a lawyer who strayed (or strolled) into politics. The uncommon senator, I am damn sure, has his eyes on a bigger stage, considering his closeness to the men of might and means in Abuja whose social functions he now finds time to attend. In other words, Akpabio is likely to get a national platform from where he will relaunch his uncommon political career and reclaim his lost crown. Will he not be betrayed again?

    The Uba brothers – Chris and Andy – lost the battle for Senate to another Uba, Ifeanyi, the controversial businessman. Chris Uba, you may wish to recall, had spoken of his plan to propose a law to protect godfathers. All that has become a mere dream, some conjectural fantasy of a wannabe senator. But the chief need not worry;  godfathers, fortunately, will remain with us for as long as we have willing godsons and goddaughters. He should return to that role in which he is so experienced.

     

    The Rivers conundrum

    RIVERS State residents are faced with a difficult question. Who won the March 9 governorship election? The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is laying claim to the prize. So is the African Action Congress (AAC), a relatively unknown party eager to become a giant killer. There are speculations that it is backed by the All Progressives Congress (APC), which fielded no candidate in the election.

    Results were being collated. Suddenly it all stopped, stuck in the murky mud of violence. INEC is set to resume the collation, but there are many results that are being pushed as the authentic representation of the wishes of the people.

    inec Elections
    INEC Chairman Mahmood Yakubu

    Amid the chaos, the AAC candidate’s running mate, Akpo Yeeh, jumped ship (o yeah, he did), defecting to the PDP. Suddenly. He got a warm reception at the Government House where Governor Nyesom Wike, PDP National Chair Uche Secondus and others were waiting excitedly to receive him. Before AAC could deal with the reality of a running mate dumping its camp to join its opponent’s (at whatever price), its vice chairman also threw in the towel to join – no prize for guessing which party – the PDP. Suddenly.

    There have been protests and protests. Who has the people’s mandate? Will INEC be seen as an unbiased umpire when it all ends somehow? Why has it all been so bloody? With soldiers in hospital, is it valid to say the army was the aggressor or aided the violence that attended the election?

    Until our politicians decide to bury their greed and allow the people to decide who gets their mandate, there will always be violence as personal interests and people’s interests clash. INEC will continue to get the bashing – wrongly.

    Since democracy remains the best way of choosing leaders, it must be saved in Rivers. But will our desperate politicians agree?

  • Abia APC backs zoning of Senate Presidency to Southeast

    The Abia State Chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) has joined other Abians and well-meaning Nigerians to call on the National leadership of the party to ensure that the position of Senate President in the 9th National Assembly was ceded to the Southeast.

    Abia APC speaking through the Publicity Secretary of the party in the state, Comrade Benedict Godson on Thursday in Aba, the commercial nerve of the state posited that it will be both politically and morally correct to do so.

    According to Godson, the call was important going to the recent political development in the country where both the newly elected and already serving senators from different parts of the country have started scheming for a position, the APC publicity secretary said would ordinarily be zoned to the southeast to balance power sharing among the major ethnic groups in the country.

    Those touted to be key contenders of senate Presidency include former governor of Abia State, Dr. Orji Uzor-Kalu (Southeast), Senator Ahmad Lawan from Yobe (Northeast), former Gombe State governor, Danjuma Goje (Northeast), Senator Ali Ndume from Borno (Northeast )and Senator Adamu Abdullahi from Nasarawa State (North-central).

    Godson said that the structural makeup of the current government from executive, legislative and judiciary, shows that it will be the most infallible and plain sailing decision for the party to cede the senate president to South East.

    “If you can recall, Dr. Chris Ngige because of his defeat could not be made Senate President because he couldn’t come back to the national assembly and there was no way that they could have given it to Ekweremadu who is from another party. That gave way for the manipulation that brought Bukola Saraki in as the senate President.

    “For us here, this should not be a difficult decision at all. It is a decision that will show inclusiveness in all ramifications. The structure of the current government from executive, legislative and judiciary calls for a space for the Southeast to accommodate and integrated.

    “Our able leader, President Muhammadu Buhari is from Northwest, Vice President; Prof Yemi Osinbajo from Southwest, Secretary to Government of the Federation (SGF), Boss Mustapha and the Chief of Staff to the President, Abba Kyari are both from Northeast.

    “Although the current senate president and Speaker of the House of Representatives are no longer our members, but both are from North Central and Northeast respectively. And the South-South until recently had the number one position in the judiciary (CJN). Even the National Chairman of our party is from the South-South as well.

    “This goes to show that the Southeast is the only geo-political zone which has no ranking government official in the hierarchy of power within the APC led government. So, giving us this one is a no brainer I must say it unequivocally.

    READ ALSO: Abia APC in final push for Saturday polls

    “Agreed, in 2015 we didn’t do much in terms of sending people from APC to the National Assembly, but the story is different today as we already have an elected Senator and members of House of Representatives. Even in the presidential election, we showed serious commitment and dedication to our party candidate who won convincingly,” he said.

    Godson who said that he was sure that Kalu was going to deliver creditably if chosen as the Senate President going by his level of experience as a businessman, governor and former House of Representatives member noted that it was imperative that the National Working Committee of APC, all elected Senators from both Southeast and other zones among other stakeholders of the party joined hands to support Kalu to clinch the senate apex position for justice and equity within the party and the nation at large.

    “Those of us from Abia are strongly behind our leader Senator Orji Uzor-Kalu and believe he should be considered for the post because he is capable and has collected his certificate of return from INEC and as such now a Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria from the Southeast.

    “People may say he’s a greenhorn in the senate, but we must put records straight, because he is not new in the National Assembly.

    “He was in the House of Representatives in 1991. He was deputy chairman, House Committee on Finance and Immigration, because his party, the National Republican Convention (NRC) was in minority then. He’s not a greenhorn at all.”

    Speaking further, Godson said, “Let no one get this call twisted in anyway, our call and demand for this position is not in any way trying to say that the APC led Federal Government has not done well in the Southeast.

    “That’s not what we are saying. The essence of this explanation is to make sure that people don’t twist it into that. In fact, our people are aware that the president Buhari led administration has executed more people oriented projects in the Southeast than previous administrations.

    “So, we must make this clear before mischief-makers will turn our simple call for rightful accommodation and integration into the progressive APC government to mean an agitation of dissatisfaction with the APC led administration.

    “We appreciate the Federal Government and all its efforts in the Southeast, but we are saying that it will be fair, politically and morally correct for our zone to be given the number one principal position in the Senate because we deserve it as it will make our party stronger and more balanced in national outlook.”

  • UPDATED: Senate in rowdy session over alleged militarisation of elections

    Senators on Wednesday came short of exchanging blows in the chamber over alleged militarization of the just concluded 2019 general elections.

    Another bone of contention that pitched the lawmakers against themselves was alleged inconsistent application of electoral laws by the electoral umpire, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

    Tempers rose. Discordant and acrimonious voices became the order in the hallowed chamber. The chamber was sharply divided along party lines.

    All Progressives Congress (APC) Senators and their People’s Democratic Party (PDP) counterparts, squared up for a possible offensive.

    Senate President, Bukola Saraki, came to the rescue to no avail. The chamber boiled as the lawmakers shouted and threw punches into the air.

    A motion on “The militarization of the Nigerian electoral process and the inconsistent application of electoral laws by the INEC” sparked the row in the chamber.

    It was sponsored by Senator Dino Melaye (Kogi West) with Senators Mao Ohuabunwa (Abia North), Matthew Urhoghide (Edo South), Samuel Anyanwu (Imo East), Clifford Ordia (Edo Central), Ahmed Ogembe (Kogi Central), Biodum Olujimi (Ekiti South) and Obinna Ogba (Ebonyi Central), as co-sponsors.

    Melaye in his lead debate said: “Conscious of the need to grow our nascent democracy through the institutionalization of procedures, application of civil laws and the restriction of excessive use of military force in the civil affairs of the state;

    “Aware of the growing militarization of our nations electoral process, and the inconsistent application of electoral laws by the institutional umpire the IN EC, especially as witnessed in the recent national election 2019, where the presence of the use of extreme military force akin to a war campaign was applied in electoral polling stations, and the declaration of ’inconclusive elections,’ as a term being used inconsistently, and partially at the whims of electoral officers in occasions that appear solidly as similar cases;

    “Concerned that this extreme militarization of a democratic electoral process and the inconsistent application of electoral laws by INEC in matters of national elections pose serious threats to our democracy, and has security implications that must be nipped in the bud.”

    Melaye said that he is persuaded that the country is on the edge of a precipice, “and our democracy can be saved for future posterity, if only we can build strong institutions that can operate within established laws, and with our military forces restricted to their traditional roles of defending the nation.”

    The Kogi West Senator claimed that on the eve of the Presidential and National Assembly elections, the ADC to the Governor of Kogi State, allegedly “mounted a roadblock with over 200 security agents, some of who were fake.”

    Many politicians of the PDP extraction, he said, were denied access to Kogi State.

    According to him, a former governor of the State, Idris Wada, was forced to return to Abuja when his security aides were seized.

    He added, “Some Senators here and members of the House of Representatives were stopped from coming into Lokoja. I had to consult some celestial powers and that was how I got into Kogi State and my village through celestial powers.”

    Melaye insisted that “this is not about PDP or APC. This is about Nigeria. Where is NPN, where is UPN. All these things will come and go. The Senate cannot look the other way, while these things are ongoing. Lecturers and youth corps members were killed during the elections. We can’t keep quiet in the face of obscurity.”

    “It is pathetic that there is no national broadcast from the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. We must not have this kind of elections again in this country,” Melaye concluded.

    Melaye prayed the Senate to accordingly resolve to: “Condemn the massive use of military forces in the national electoral process of the nation;

    ii. Urge the INEC to ensure the unrestricted and consistent application of all electoral laws without bias to a candidate or a party in all elections;

    iii. Direct the Senate Committee on INEC to investigate all perceived inconsistent application of electoral laws by INEC in the 2019 Elections; and

    iv. Urge the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to give assent to the recent amendment to the Electoral Act to ensure a level playing field and adoption of equal standards in our national elections for a strong and peaceful democracy in Nigeria.”

    Senate Leader, Senator Ahmad Lawan who seconded the motion said the essence of the Senate is to ensure the provision of necessary legislative intervention whenever the need arises.

    Lawan said, “We are here to smoothen processes in all affairs of governance. The challenges of elections in Nigeria have been here with us.

    “We should consider those things we feel need the intervention of the Senate.

    “I believe that our process remains a journey. Our electoral process in Nigeria needs a lot of refine and fine tuning.

    “The Executive is also concerned. Here, we have an opportunity to discuss with INEC what the challenges have been so that we can have an evaluation of the entire situation.

    “The ball is in our court. We should review what happened and see where legislative intervention is required. Then we will put it up before the Executive.

    “When INEC postponed the election, we were concerned because it was becoming a trend that must be stopped.”

    Trouble started when Minority Leader, Senator Biodun Olujimi went into specifics and spoke about election rigging.

    Olujimi said: “What happened on the 23rd of February have been captured by Melaye. We are Nigerians and we are in Nigeria. For this country to favour us, we must speak truth to power. Whoever is siding what happened during the elections because of partisanship, he or she is unfair to Nigeria.

  • Saraki, PDP plotting to hijack 9th NASS leadership, Nabena alleges

    A chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Yekini Nabena has revealed plots by Senate President Bukola Saraki and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) leaders to hijack leadership of the 9th session of the National Assembly.

    Nabena, in a statement in Abuja, said the leadership of the All Progressives Congress (APC) must move fast to nip such moves in the bud by coming out with a zoning formula for the emergence of leaders of the legislature.

    Nabena, who is also the Deputy National Publicity Secretary, said the Senate President is working in tandem with what he called “Otta farm”.

    He warned the APC must move quickly and urgently roll out the zoning arrangements to avoid a repeat of what happened in 2015.

    Saraki and Speaker Yakubu Dogara emerged Senate President and Speaker against the party’s wish in the outgoing 8th National Assembly.

    Speaking with newsmen in Abuja, Nabena said the outgoing Senate President and his party (PDP) have devised plans to ensure that there loyalists take control of the legislative arm of government.

    READ ALSO: End of Saraki hegemony

    He said: “The outgoing Senate President and the PDP caucus have begun surreptitious move to lure some new APC lawmakers with juicy committee position in return for their support for the PDP choice for the leadership of the Senate and House of Representatives.

    “Already, Saraki’s henchman, Dino Melaye and some other returning PDP federal lawmakers have scheduled meetings with some APC lawmakers from Wednesday to Sunday in a yet-to-be announced venue.”

    He stressed: “It is important that the APC leadership meet and urgently rollout a fair zoning arrangement to ensure that we produce our preferred candidates for all leadership positions in the incoming National Assembly.

    “Since Saraki lost his bid to return to the Senate and control of his home state, Kwara, he has devised a plan to ensure that he influences the choice of the incoming National Assembly Leadership. This is Saraki’s last-ditch effort to remain politically relevant.”

  • Senate refers nominated RMAFC members to committee for screening

    The Senate has referred the 30 nominated Chairman and Commissioners of Revenue Mobilisation, Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) to its Committee on National Planning for screening.

    This followed a motion moved by the Leader of the Senate, Ahmad Lawan at plenary on Tuesday.

    President Muhammadu Buhari had urged the Senate to consider and confirm the appointment of the nominees in accordance with Section 154(1) of the 1999 Constitution (Amended).

    Senate President Dr Bukola Saraki asked the committee to exercise due diligence during the screening and report back to the senate within two weeks.

    Engr. Elias Mbam from Ebonyi State was nominated as Chairman while Chris Akomas (Abia), Ayang Okon (Akwa Ibom), Chima Okafor (Anambra), Isa Mohammed (Bauchi State) and Samuel Maagbe (Benue) were nominated as commissioners.

    Others nominees were Ntufam Whiley (Cross River), Andrew Agbaga (Delta), Patrick Mgbebu (Ebonyi), Victor Eboigbe (Edo), Amujo Ajayi (Ekiti), Maria Aniobi (Enugu State), Musa Abari (FCT), and Mohammed Usman (Gombe State).

    Also nominated were Ahmed Gumel (Jigawa), Kabir Mashi (Katsina State), Umar Abdullahi (Kano State), Rilwan Abarshi (Kebbi), Suleiman Abdul (Kogi) Abdullahi Yaman (Kwara), Wright Adekunle (Lagos State) and Aliyu Abdulkadir (Nasarawa).

    Others were Ibrahim Shettima (Niger), Fari Adebayo (Ogun), Tokunbo Ajasin (Ondo State), Kolade Abimbola (Oyo State), Alexander Shaiyen (Plateau), Wenah Temple (Rivers), Modu Juluri (Yobe) and Abubakar Gusau (Zamfara).

    RMAFC is a Federal Government establishment saddled with the responsibility of monitoring accruals to and disbursement of revenue from the Federation Account

    It reviews the revenue allocation formulae and principles in operation to ensure conformity with the changing realities.

    The commission also advises the Federal, State and Local Governments on fiscal efficiency and methods by which their revenue is to be increased.

    Furthermore, the commission determines remuneration appropriate to holders of offices as specified in Parts A and B of the First Schedule to the Act establishing it, among others.(NAN)