Tag: Dele Giwa

  • Dele Giwa was here

    Beautiful mornings do not last forever. The radiant, luscious and autumnal morning of October nineteen, 1986 did not endure at Talabi Street, Ikeja. As the cool brilliant morning wore on to midday, a novel and spectacular method of human wastage made its devastating entrée into Nigeria’s political space.

    Oladele Baines SunmonuGiwa, groundbreaking editor with film star good looks, was bleary-eyed after a night of carousal celebrating black Africa’s first Nobel prize in Literature. But he was already in his study. As he was handed the bulky parcel with the presidential coat of arms, Giwa had exclaimed rather redundantly: “This must be from the president!”

    If Dele Giwa had any intention of reading the message on earth, the presidential parcel had an altogether different proposition. It was: Open and read in heaven. As the celebrated editor casually tore through the swanky seal, the parcel hissed and let forth a historic explosion.

    Within seconds, the entire study had become a burning, hollowed out shell. Shrapnel, shards of glass and shreds of human flesh littered everywhere. Crouching under the smouldering hulk of the reading table was Dele Giwa, his magnificent torso mangled, his mid-section sensationally shattered. As he gained awareness of what had happened, Giwa gave a weak yell. “Won tipami!” , he moaned in Yoruba.(They have killed me!).

    Acrid fumes of burning human flesh, roasting books and other refined refuse filled the air. Life had begun to ebb away from one of Nigeria’s greatest sons, a mesmerising maestro of the written word, a formidable journalistic sleuth, an extraordinary social animal and a warm, humane visionary.

    As far as dying goes, it was quite a way to go, a volcanic exit if ever there was one, a one-way ticket in a chariot of fire and on a turnpike of no return. It was an extraordinary act of political intimidation, the equivalent of the ultimate nuclear intervention in post-colonial elite warfare. It was a maximum message of intent to dominate and prevail at whatever costs. Nigeria would never be the same again.

    Those who killed Dele Giwa could have organised for him to be quietly dispatched by a lone gunman. They could have set him up in a scene of domestic violence. They had the means to make things look like an armed robbery attempt. They could have a car run him over as he took his early morning jog around Ikeja. No, these modes of elimination are too mundane and cheaply predictable.

    By choosing to bomb Dele Giwa out of existence, his executors wanted Nigerians  of his ilk to note the range and repertoire of the murderous cocktails at their disposal. After all, it is said that men are killed not because horses have been stolen, but so that horses may not be stolen.

    But in addition to its preposterous violence, we must also note the sneaky cowardice of the act. It began a pattern of sly surprise and political ambush that was to become their trademark as earthly powers that be sought to bring the entire Nigerian social landscape under their dominion. Being a plucky warrior himself, Giwa would have loved to go under in a personal, no-holds-barred duel. For a man of such stirring valour, the anonymous bestiality of a parcel bomb would have been the unkindest cut of all.

    May be Giwa would not have died after all, but this was not due to any concession from his vicious killers. History has it that had there not been a minor marital tiff, Giwa’s spouse would almost definitely have opened the parcel thinking that it contained early copies of Newswatch, the magazine Giwa edited with such distinction and panache.

    Like all good women, Funmi shared in the triumph and success of her husband. By October 1986, Newswatch had become a publishing sensation. The magazine had not only the aura of an excellent publication but also the trappings of a great work of art in progress. Week after week it served its rapidly expanding readership scoop after scoop putting egg permanently on the face of the dominant military faction of a corrupt political class that operated by stealth and secrecy.

    It was the complete Americanization of Nigerian journalism, with its power of full disclosure, its fierce and obdurate independence and its raucous razzmatazz. Giwa himself with his matinee idol looks and film star carriage seemed to have been torn out of The Great Gatsby, the classic film of the American dream with its Hopalong Kid and his perpetual romance with an orgiastic future and its immense possibilities. That dire future is now firmly with us, and it is not an American dream but a Nigerian nightmare.

    Giwa was the Nigerian Gatsby, a remarkable wannabe from the gutter of deprivation who became a man of means and a major player in the power sweepstakes. He took his giddy transformation in his elegant strides, and with style and aplomb. Not for him the vulgar obscenities and crude hoopla of the wantonly self-obsessed ragamuffin. He was as cool as cucumber. He became a source of inspiration to millions of Nigerian youths trying to escape the grinding poverty of the bleak house.

    In the event, it was all too good to be true. Dele Giwa patronized the power-elite and spoke truth to power like a mystical superpower addressing earthly powers. By so doing, the great journalist threatened the power structure and the pecking order of an unlettered power-Mafiosi. By his very example, he was pointing to an alternative life-style, an alternative vision away from the larcenous crudities of those who depended on crude oil for survival.

    In the circumstance, both the message and the messenger were handed death sentences without any suspension. The inimitable K.O Mbadiwe once chillingly cautioned his journalistic tormentors to note the fate that befell their predecessors. When a newspaper and the editor were abusing him, K.O said, he did not do anything about it but a few weeks later, according to him, both the paper and the editor folded up. It remains a miracle that Newswatch did not fold up after Dele Giwa’s murder.

    When Dele Giwa was sensationally dispatched, snooper noted at the time that the image of a virile gifted young man with his mid-section shattered might well become the enduring image of the nation itself. Once a country loses its way, it continues to wade deeper and deeper in the jungle of crippled nationhood.

    Thirty years after Dele Giwa’s murder, this has become a self-fulfilling prophecy. On the very eve of Giwa’s anniversary nine years ago, a Nigerian law maker, a trained medical doctor at that, fell to the din of fistic contention as his colleagues slugged it out for the third time on the floor of the house. He was later pronounced dead. Four years after the bomb , made its way to the independence celebration at Eagle’s Square in Abuja. The Nigerian terminator machine has been working in overdrive gear.

    Now try this. If we were to resurrect all the great men and women we have wasted, all the brilliant Nigerians that we have sacrificed at the altar of a vicious and incompetent state, what an endless funeral procession that would be, what a crying cortege of shame it must be!

    Since we have nothing but dark memories of contemporary Nigeria, this is what we must hold on to, since our heart aches with sorrow and tragedy, this is what we must hang on to. The enemies are those who want to us to forget, who want us to bury history and their complicity by asking us to bury our sad memories. No, we shall not. National memory is made of sterner stuff. And Dele Giwa lives forever.

  • Who did not kill Dele Giwa?

    •It is shameful that 30 years after, we are yet to know whodunnit

    He was clearly ahead of his time. He was young, dashing, ebullient and swashbuckling with it. He was a man of the word, as well as of the world. A newsman’s newsman imbued with that gung-ho Yankee spirit; perhaps the result of having studied in Brooklyn and had a stint with the New York Times, USA.

    Giwa returned to Nigeria in the 70s and regaled his compatriots with his American brand of no holds barred kind of journalism. At a very young age he held senior positions in Daily Times and National Concord before he led a team of like minds to set up Newswatch magazine. Giwa, Ray Ekpu, Dan Agbese and Yakubu Mohammed were among the shining lights of Nigeria’s print journalism of the late 70s and 80s and Newswatch, a weekly journal epitomised the tribe.

    Giwa was not only at the head of this plucky team, he was the catalyst of an interesting new time for Nigeria journalism. He was at once a newshound who instinctively knew what news item would ignite public imagination every week – and Newswatch sold like essential staple at its height. Giwa was also a master of the prose who relished the American simple, fleeting style. His weekly column Parallax Snap was a treat to millions.

    Coupled with his celebrity status as a professional journalist, he also kept up a jet-set lifestyle: trendy dressing and high life. He loved the good life, carousing with the high and mighty and getting too cozy with people in power that he must also hold to account as a journalist. He did not keep a decent, professional distance from the personages he reported.

    But all these may not have mattered had the unexpected not happened. On the cool Sunday morning of October 19, 1986, history was made in Nigeria – albeit, a dark one. A letter bomb sent to Giwa’s residence on this day terminated a seeming enchanted life and career.

    The question then was whodunnit? Who killed Dele Giwa? Of course, the nation never got any answer; that peculiar gruesomeness, first of its kind in the land could never be unravelled till today. Thirty years after, with the assassination yet unravelled, the question today may well be: who didn’t kill Dele Giwa?

    It was in the heady days of military administration and with a head of state of the time, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida preferring to be addressed as ‘President’. According to the only witness to the deathly transaction, Mr. Kehinde Soyinka, who was the London correspondent of Newswatch at the time and who was in Giwa’s study with him, upon the receipt of the killer parcel, Giwa was said to have remarked: “This must be from the President”. An account also said that the letter bore the seal of the president of the federal republic.

    The heinous murder was mired in conspiracy theories and seeming official cover-up. For a blast that left a surfeit of leads and a littering of plausible proofs, no conclusive investigation was carried out and the matter was never given any closure. Spirited efforts by late activist lawyer, Gani Fawehinmi, to investigate the case were stalled and stone-walled at every point.

    Giwa, who was a few days earlier accused of stockpiling arms by the military authorities, was also accused of possibly blackmailing the military president over a drug case. The now notorious story of a certain Glory Okon who was alleged to be a courier for the wife of the ‘president’ and who was supposedly arrested, allegedly sprung from detention and later touted to have died was deeply linked to the Giwa murder.

    Suffice to say that Giwa’s life, times and tragic demise were stuff for block buster movies. We urge the authorities to reopen the case and get to the root of it, lest history may hold us all culpable for that most ghastly phenomenon. We dare add that there must be lessons in it for all.

    Professional journalists and indeed all professionals holding positions in public trust must at all times show themselves to be above board.

  • IPC seeks justice for Dele Giwa

    IPC seeks justice for Dele Giwa

    THE International Press Centre (IPC), Lagos, has called for justice on the murder of Dele Giwa, 30 years ago.

    Giwa, the founding editor-in-chief of Newswatch, was assassinated through a letter bomb on October 19, 1986.

    IPC Director Lanre Arogundade, in a statement, described the killing of Giwa as the most drastic act of intimidation of the press in Nigeria.

    “The death of Dele Giwa has shown just how journalists could be endangered. Many others have been killed, and we must not relent in the pursuit of justice for them and the safety of journalists in Nigeria.

    “IPC, therefore, uses the opportunity of the 30th anniversary of the murder of Dele Giwa to plead to the Buhari administration to reopen the case, as justice is an important element of development,” Arogundade said.

  • Back from hell

    Unlike their abduction over two years ago, their release last Thursday was without a bang. There was no noise, nothing whatsoever in the air to suggest that something of that magnitude was about to happen. It was done quietly and the operation was clinically executed. The lesser the noise about the operation the better those behind it might have thought. They guessed right. You do not announce the execution of such high profile operation to the world until it is over.

    They may have learnt from the killing of Osama bin Ladin by the United States (US) Seal on May 1, 2011 in a nocturnal operation which left the Pakistani authorities wondering how it happened right under their noses without them knowing.  The girls were in captivity for over two years before they regained their freedom. Over 200 of them were kidnapped in the early hours of April 14, 2014 by Boko Haram from the Chibok Girls Grammar School (CGGS) in Borno State. The incident generated uproar worldwide.

    In no time, the Bring Back Our Girls (BBOG) movement was born.  The BBOG spearheaded the campaign for the girls’ rescue. What it had going for it was not arms and ammunition with which to go after the kidnappers but the force of moral suasion.  Campaigning under #BBOG, the movement became a force to reckon with globally. United Nations (UN) Secretary General Ban Ki Moon, US First Lady Michelle Obama and other renowned figures identified with the movement to fight for the girls’ release.  The Nigerian wing led by Aisha Yusuf and Oby Ezekwesili became a thorn in the flesh of government.

    Through its daily sit-out at the Eagle Square, from where it was pushed out when the government thought it was becoming a pest,  the movement ensured that the Chibok girls never left our consciousness.  Through thick and thin, the movement stayed together despite all the Jonathan administration did to frustrate its efforts.  Can we talk about the Chibok girls without saying one or two things about former President Goodluck Jonathan? I do not think so. His administration’s handling of the case is nothing to write home about.  It felt unconcerned about the girls’ fate when news of their abduction broke.

    It sounded odd to the administration that over 200 people could be abducted at a go. “Are they goats?” Some top security officials of the administration were said to have asked while dismissing reports of the girls’ abduction.  At secret briefings with the former president, these security chiefs insisted that no girls were kidnapped in Chibok that fateful night of April 14, 2014. So,the government went on as if everything was normal whereas they were not.  It read political meaning to the whole thing. But why will a rational person play politics with such matter? Why will anyone claim that his daughter had been kidnapped when she was not? The government did not take time to think through the matter after wasting a precious two weeks before waking up from its slumber.

    For a whole two weeks after the girls’ abduction,  the government did nothing to find them. Rather than move swiftly to rescue the girls, Jonathan went to campaign for his party’s candidate in the then coming Ekiti State governorship election.  On the rostrum,  he and others danced to azonto music as they prepared to rig the election in favour of Ayo Fayose.  Elsewhere, the government would have dropped everything until the girls were found because governance is all about the people. A government that does not value the people is no government and until our government appreciates this fact it will continue to have problems with the governed. The people are not there to be wooed during elections alone, they are there for all seasons – in good and in not so good times.

    The Jonathan administration failed woefully as regards the rescue of the Chibok girls. The release of the 21 girls has shown that if it had put in some commitment, it would have achieved the same result as the Buhari administration, which in two years has given the nation something to cheer about this matter. These girls have gone through hell and back. They have seen a lot in their few years on earth. Only God knows what they went through in the hands of their captors. We are happy that some of them have returned because we had lost hope of ever seeing them again. The possibility of not finding them again was a reality too difficult to swallow but what could we have done in the face of then available facts. Our acceptance of that reality does not mean that we do not wish either the girls or their families well, it was borne out of what we know about Boko Haram, especially after its leader, Shekau, boasted that the sect would marry the girls off or kill them.

    The condition in which the 21 girls and the one earlier rescued returned shows that they are not being well kept. For all we know, Boko Haram may be using these girls as slaves. They will be slaving for the group’s leaders, who will be feeding fat on their sweat. Besides, Boko Haram may be sexually abusing and torturing the girls. Of the 219 confirmed to be with Boko Haram, we have now got back 22, leaving 197 still with the sect. 197 is a huge figure; we cannot afford to leave one, not to talk of such a large number of girls with the sect. President Muhammadu Buhari has done well in bringing back some of the girls, but his administration should not rest until it brings back all of them.

    No matter the number of sheep a shepherd has he will not rest until he gets back any that is missing. So, our president too should not sleep until he brings back the remaining girls.  Let us all hearken to the plaintive cry of Gloria Dame, one of the 21 freed girls, : “I did not know that a day like this will come that we will be dancing and giving thanks to God among people… we are praying to God to touch the heart of Boko Haram to repent and we are calling on Nigerians to pray and fast for the release of our remaining ones in captivity”. Captivity is hell, it is not a place to wish for even one’s enemy.

     

    Who killed Dele Giwa?

    His killing that fateful Sunday of October 19, 1986, shook the nation. It was 30 years yesterday that he was blown into smithereens in his Adeniyi Jones, Ikeja, Lagos home. The news spread like wildfire that Dele Giwa, the founding Editor-in-Chief of Newswatch Magazine,  had been killed by parcel bomb. Then, it was novel to kill by parcel bomb unlike these days when bombs explode everywhere.  What could Dele Giwa have done to warrant being killed like that? Nobody was ready to answer the question which agitated the mind of the public. The late Giwa was a damn good journalist who liked to live well. He was from a humble background and he strove to make it in life to free himself from the shackles of poverty. He achieved his dream, but he was not allowed to enjoy the fruits of his labour for long. Newswatch, the magazine he co-founded with Ray Ekpu, Dan Agbese and Yakubu Mohammed was about 21 months old when he was killed. Many theories have been propounded for Giwa’s death. One of these theories is that Newswatch was working on a story about Gloria Okon, who was said to be a drug courier for the wife of a former head of state. Whether true or not the public cannot say. But the magazine has since denied working on any such story as at the  time of Giwa’s death. One thing is certain though – Giwa was killed. But who did it? This is the question we have been asking in the past 30 years.

     

    Arepo calling IE

    For the past two months, Arepo, a burgeoning community in Ogun State off the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway,  has been in pitch darkness. Despite all efforts to know what is happening, the Ikeja Electric (IE), which services the community, has not been forthcoming. According to sources, we have been without light because of a fault which is yet to be traced. If it takes weeks or months to trace a fault, how long will it take to repair it? Years? This is what happens when public utilities are sold to those without the technical know-how to run them.

     

  • Who killed Dele Giwa?

    Who killed Dele Giwa?

    •Police should reopen probe into the murder of the ace journalist now

    The suggestion that the Police may reopen investigations into the murder of ace journalist, Dele Giwa, killed through a parcel bomb on 19 October 1986, is  welcome.

    The hideous killing had then provoked a national outcry as it was executed through a strange method. Journalists and human rights activists called on the Police to carry out a thorough investigation with a view to apprehending the killers and preventing reoccurrence.

    However, despite the hues and cries, a shoddy job was done, thus leading to a yearly call on the Police to find the murderers. There is a general public suspicion that some officials of the government of the day knew about the murder.

    Recent conflicting statements by Kayode Soyinka, who was the London Correspondent of Newswatch, whose Editor-in-Chief Giwa was, the Lagos State Commissioner of Police, Abubakar Tsav and former Deputy Inspector General of Police, Chris Omeben, have introduced a new dimension to the case.

    It is intriguing that 19 years after the gruesome murder, principal participants are beginning to find their voice. Mr. Omeben, who claimed to have led the investigations into the case, said he faced frustrations as he was unable to reach Mr. Soyinka, dubbed the major suspect.

    But Mr.  Tsav has described the claim of his former boss as false.  Mr. Tsav said he handled the probe and got Mr. Soyinka to make statements, as he was present with the late Giwa that day. Mr. Tsav also revealed his frustrations came from government quarters; as all attempts to get Col. Halilu Akilu and Lt. Col. Kunle Toogun, two security chiefs also named in the case, to address issues as concerned them failed.

    The former Lagos Police boss claimed the two were shielded by the government and his bosses. He wondered why Mr. Omeben, who got the case file and refused to return it, is singing a different tune about two decades after.

    The pledge by Olabisi Kolawole, spokesperson for the Nigeria Police, to order a fresh probe into the matter should start without delay. It is not sufficient for Ms Kolawole to promise doing so only if fresh facts emerge. The facts released to the public by Messrs Soyinka, Tsav and Omeben are enough to commence fresh investigations, as criminal cases are not statute-barred.

    This is a democratic government and, fortunately, Cols Akilu and Toogun are still alive. They should be invited to answer queries on whatever they knew about the matter. Mr. Giwa should not be allowed to die in vain.

    Already, there have been too many unresolved murders, many politically motivated. A. K. Dikibo, Marshal Harry, Bola Ige, Olayiwola Balogun, were some of those so killed.

    We call on the Nigerian Bar Association, the Nigerian Union of Journalists and the human rights community in the country to insist on a thorough, fresh probe into the crime.

    President Muhammadu Buhari who is seen as a courageous leader, and who has aversion for corruption, oppression and all forms of injustice, should step into the matter immediately by ordering a high-powered investigation into the matter.

    Lawyers have always held that an injustice to one is injustice to all. This is one reason that efforts must be made to ensure that Giwa’s son, Billy, and the widow, Funmi, who were traumatized by the bombing, get psychological relief and justice.

    A successful resolution of the issue would also serve to assure the general public that the Nigerian state has the capacity and will to protect citizens. This could serve as deterrence to putative future criminals. However late it might have been, the arms of the law should catch up with all who infringe the law.

    Journalists in Nigeria are pursuing constitutionally assigned responsibilities; and deserve the protection of the state. Journalists — and other professionals, for that matter — should not be murder targets, simply for performing their lawful and legitimate duties.

    Who killed Dele Giwa?  That remains a poser yet unanswered. This is one murder that must be laid to rest — and the earlier, the better.

  • Biafra campaigners and Dele Giwa’s agitators

    SIR: Since the historic election of President Muhammadu Buhari which signified the rejection by Nigerians of impunity and the corrupt old order, there seems to be people who are yet to appreciate the reality that change has come to Nigerians and that a new sheriff is in town. This people are daily working hard to ensure the reversal of the gains Nigerians recorded on March 28. Of particular interest is the effort to reincarnate issues hitherto considered dead and buried. These issues had to do with renewed agitation for state of Biafra and the agitation for reopening of Dele Giwa’s murder.

    The kind of media attention being given to these issues of late leaves much to be desired, leaving one to wonder at the motives behind bringing these issues now.

    Why is it that since after the civil war in 1970, the agitation for state of Biafra has not been so loud and clear until now when President Buhari took over? Some few months ago, it was in the news that they printed their currency, hoisted their flags and even launched their radio station.

    And in the case of Dele Giwa’s murder; why the renewed agitation for reopening of the case now? Certainly these forces are trying to distract President Buhari from pursuing his policies and programmes as well as distract his attention from pursuing his anti-corruption crusade. From the time Dele Giwa passed away to the taking over of President Buhari, we had almost six different heads of states and governments spanning across well over 24 years.

    We all know that those who are opposed to Buhari’s presidency would stop at nothing to cause destruction in the polity since they lost the election. It is therefore up to us not to allow them succeed. We must be vigilant so as to detect all those elements capable of retarding our progress in this country. Our efforts in bringing about change must not go in vain.

     

    • Rayyanu Bala,

    Lafia Nasarawa State

  • What happened to  Dele Giwa?

    What happened to Dele Giwa?

    October 19 marked the 29th anniversary the assassination of Dele Giwa, crusading journalist and founding chief executive of the magazine Newswatch, in what remains one of the most horrific acts of preternatural malevolence ever carried out in Nigeria.

    Because of the passage of time and the twists and turns on the political landscape, the anniversary generated less attention and fewer reminiscences than in previous years.  But      three weeks later, the circumstances of Giwa’s death leapt onto the front pages and headlines, propelled by a crack-brained theory resurrected by Chris Omeben, the since-retired deputy inspector- general of police who had supervised the investigations.

    But first, some background.

    Just two days before that heinous murder, a senior official of the Directorate of Military Intelligence had accused Giwa of illegally importing and stockpiling arms and ammunition for the purpose of staging a socialist revolution in Nigeria.

    The charge was preposterous. Giwa had nothing but contempt for socialism.  He was a shinning advertisement for capitalism and the market economy.  But he had, in a widely discussed column, warned that if the structural adjustment programme on which the government was pinning all its hopes for economic recovery failed, the authorities would be stoned in the streets.

    Alarmed at the charge, Giwa quickly briefed his attorney, the late and much lamented Gani Fawehinmi, and asked him to pursue the matter at law.

    The following day, military intelligence chief, Colonel Halilu Akilu, called to reassure Giwa that the accusation had resulted from a misunderstanding; that the matter had been cleared, and that Giwa should think nothing to it.  He asked for directions to Giwa’s home so he could, as a demonstration of his good faith, stop by on his way to Ikeja airport to board a flight to Kano.

    Akilu then went on to intimate that a parcel from the commander-in-chief, most likely an invitation to some official event, was on its way to Giwa’s home.

    Several hours later, an emissary showed up.  Giwas’s son, Billy, collected the parcel and handed it to his father who was seated at the dining table, in company of Kayode Soyinka, the London correspondent of Newswatch visiting from the UK.  The envelope, which bore the seal of the Presidency, was marked “To be opened by addressee only.”

    “This must be from the Presidency,” Giwa said as he collected the package from his son.

    Those were the last words he would speak in calm repose.

    He placed it on his laps, and as he opened it, the package exploded, pulverizing his pelvis, setting a section of the house on fire and reducing the cars in the garage to smouldering heaps of mangled metal.

    Giwa died as he was being rushed to a nearby hospital.  Miraculously, Soyinka survived, and  so did Giwa’s wife and baby daughter, who were at the time in another section of the house.

    If they had all been killed, the investigating authorities would have passed off the blast as an accident waiting to happen.  After all, they had publicly accused Giwa of illegally importing and stockpiling arms and ammunition; the ordinance had exploded, killing its procurer, they would have said.  There would have been no witnesses to suggest anything to the contrary, and a perfect murder would have been committed.

    Soyinka, the visiting Newswatch correspondent who had witnessed the incident, came to be named the suspect.  If he was not complicit in the crime, senior state security officials and the police hierarchy said, how come he had survived it when his host seated across from him had perished?

    It was to this infantile theory, unworthy of a village talebearer, that Omeben had recourse recently, the same threadbare and wildly implausible theory that Col. Ajibola Togun and his military intelligence colleagues had been peddling about the murder.

    My brother Herbert Tunde Dare, a senior police officer with the Special Branch, had been assigned to the investigation. Soon after he began work with his accustomed energy and commitment – failure was not in his dictionary — he was transferred from Lagos to Kaduna, but kept on the case.

    Concerning his work, he was as secretive as an oyster.  Taking advantage of the relaxed atmosphere of yuletide, I asked him in late December 1987 how the investigation was  shaping up.

    “Oba,” he replied, using the name we reserved for each other, “they are not serious.”  By “they,” he meant the authorities.  He went on to add that he was not even allowed to ask the basic questions on which a proper investigation must be grounded.

    Some two months later, he was summoned to Lagos to file a preliminary report on his investigations.  He had planned to return to Kaduna the same way he had travelled to Lagos:  by air.  But at the last minute, the police authorities came up with an assignment that warranted his returning by road.

    Somewhere between Jebba, in Kwara State, and Mokwa, in Niger State, in the dead of night,  he was killed in a curious accident.

    Announcing his death, the police said he had lost control of his car while trying to overtake another vehicle and crashed it. He had died instantly. The wreck of the car he was allegedly driving was never produced. The police said a driver and an aide assigned to him, both un-identified, were injured in the accident but had been treated at an unidentified hospital and discharged.

    The announcement, his one-time boss in the Special Branch told me, could only have been designed to pre-empt an inquiry into his death.

    In a panegyric marking military president Ibrahim Babangida’s 70th birthday, the columnist Mohammed Haruna cited Fawehinmi’s unsuccessful efforts to enter a private prosecution in the Giwa murder — unsuccessful because he was blockaded on every front – as proof that the fiery attorney was pursuing the wrong persons.

    Haruna went on to add that the murder might have resulted from marital conflict.  The guard at the Giwa residence, he claimed, had positively identified the driver of Giwas’s former wife,  Florence Ita, as the bearer of the parcel-bomb that killed Giwa.  And, by way of further insight, he added that a flour magnate whose shady business deals Newswatch had uncovered might also have had a hand in the murder.

    If these were viable or even plausible leads, why were they not pursued diligently?  Why were Omeben and Togun and company so fixated on Kayode Soyinka?

    Babangida for his part has consistently blamed everyone except his Administration for the failure to investigate Giwa’s murder forthrightly and bring the perpetrators to justice.

    Hear him in his own words, in this interview with Karl Maier, as reported by Maier in his book This House Has Fallen:  Midnight in Nigeria.

     “It was emotive.  There was a lot of passion.  I think one of the problems  was that the people, or more or less the media … up to now nobody seemed to say okay let’s look at these things   dispassionately.  But from the word go, the government did it.  That’s the first reaction. The media, his friends, and most important, the lawyers, the crusaders in this thing.  Then anybody who would want to say something different from the popularly held belief, you were seen as part of it.  So they succeeded in getting only one side of the story dished up.

    “But we carried out investigations,” Babangida continued.   “We had leads.  There were questions we asked but nobody went into this thing about the so-called questions that we asked. But the circumstantial aspect of it.  Akilu spoke to him twenty-four hours before.  But somebody had to talk to somebody.   That’s the harsh reality of life.  But unfortunately nobody wanted to listen. I suspect the media, whatever human rights groups, if they tried to look at this dispassionately, like normal intelligent people would, we may have gone (sic) somewhere.   But people have already made up their minds. That government is guilty, period.  The report, they are not interested.”

    This Joycean outpouring was Babangida’s answer to the question, “What happened to Dele Giwa?”

    These people who were so powerful that they could prevent a military government and the police from bringing to justice the perpetrators of one of the most dastardly murders of our time:   Who are they?  Why were they not prosecuted for interfering with the course of justice?

    And a final question:  Where is the “report” Babangida talked about?

    Portions of this article first appeared in the October 18, 2011, edition of The NATION.

     

     

     

  • Dele Giwa rolling in his grave

    When an investigator sounds like he needs to be investigated, it calls into question the integrity of his investigation.  Chris Omeben, a former Deputy Inspector-General of Police who investigated the murder of Dele Giwa, the founding Editor-in-Chief of Newswatch, sounded amateurish as he rationalised the failure of his investigation.

    It is 29 years since the colourful high-profile journalist died from injuries inflicted by a parcel bomb he received while having breakfast in his residence in Ikeja, Lagos, on October 19, 1986. He was 39. Omeben, on the eve of his 80th birthday on October 27, told the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) that his efforts to interrogate who he regarded as a “principal suspect” came to naught on account of interference from “high places”.

    According to Omeben who was in charge of the Research Department of the Police CID when Giwa was killed: “They said somebody brought a parcel and his son, Billy, received the parcel and took it to his father (Dele Giwa), who was having his breakfast that morning. On the breakfast table was a man called Kayode Soyinka, he was there; Dele was there and then the son, Billy, handed over the parcel. And as he did so, I heard Soyinka left the table and went to the adjacent room. It was while he was there that the parcel detonated. Dele was injured and eventually died. The metal partition separating the dining room and the kitchen was destroyed. Beyond that, everything in the kitchen was destroyed. If metal could be mangled this way by the bomb, what of human flesh, what happened to Soyinka? Nobody could give me an answer. My conclusion was that Soyinka knew what was coming and he left the room to hide behind the wall.”

    He continued: “I took note of all these, went back to conduct an identification parade. We had an identification parade and got people of different physical attributes to be identified by the day watch. Eventually, when one of those paraded was said to bear a resemblance to the person that delivered the bomb, in spite of my insistence to have the man quizzed, we could not because interference now came from high places to protect the man. The man was said to be related to the wife of a governor at that time and as a result of his connection, we came to a dead end on that lead.”

    At this point, Omeben’s narrative took a convenient turn that introduced a twist. Who was the military governor whose shadow is still powerful enough to prevent disclosure of his name?  Who was his wife? Who was the protected man? The failure of an investigator should not mean a failure of investigation.

    By Omeben’s account, the dead end did not lead to the death of investigation, but perhaps it led to a dearth of investigation.  He added that he focused on Soyinka, but didn’t get the cooperation of his bosses at the media company when he sought to question him. According to Omeben, he told them: “I have enough evidence to quiz Soyinka now. Please, Ray Ekpu can I have Soyinka now?”

    He went on: “They resisted till today. Till today, Soyinka never appeared before the police. They started to insinuate that the assassination was masterminded by Babangida, Akilu etc. They said Akilu ought to have been investigated. As a matter of fact, I had interrogated Akilu and he told me that, yes, they had invited Dele Giwa some few days before the assassination over a negative statement he made about Nigeria in a New York newspaper. He said they had to invite him to tell him that he was wrong for portraying the country in a bad light in the international press. Akilu insisted that the invitation was not enough to accuse the government of complicity in the assassination of Dele Giwa. He satisfied me with his explanation. Togun also absolved himself with his explanation. The parcel bomb was said to have the Federal Government logo on it, which to me was not enough evidence. It was more of a circumstantial evidence. I can prove it! But for me to satisfy myself, I said please gentlemen, can I have Soyinka? Nobody! Soyinka ran away to London; that was my principal suspect!”

    Soyinka’s response makes Omeben’s narrative suspect. A report quoted him as saying: “It is a lie that they have been peddling to protect Babangida, Akilu and Togun through the years. They started it from day one when that incident happened, they changed the story…I was the first person police interviewed on the spot on that day in Lagos. My survival was divine…I was the first person to be interviewed in the hospital where Dele’s body was next door to me. The second interview took place at Newswatch office on Oregun road. He said I ran away from Nigeria, I didn’t run away, I was in Nigeria till Dele was buried; I attended the burial with my wife…After the incident, it was about a month before Dele was buried and I was in the country throughout… So, I didn’t run away.”

    It is worth mentioning that there is a third narrative, which is relevant because of its revelatory quality.  A 360-page book entitled Honour for Sale, described by the author, Major Debo Bashorun (retd), as “An Insider Account of the Murder of Dele Giwa”, is thought-provoking. Basorun served in the General Ibrahim Babangida regime as Press and Public Affairs Officer (Military Press Secretary) to the Military President of Nigeria between 1985 and 1988.

    He dropped a bomb in the prologue to his autobiographical book launched in Lagos in November 2013. He said of the explosive volume:  ”It is a laborious attempt at documenting over twenty-one years of a kaleidoscopic but exciting career – a gaudy reminder of the sweet days at the pinnacle of power and how a miscalculation on the part of the powers-that-be led me to uncover the truth that, in concert with his Intelligence Chief, Colonel Haliru Akilu, Babangida has not come clean with the Nigerian people – nay the world – concerning the duo’s roles in the mindless assassination of a foremost Nigerian journalist of his time, Dele Giwa.”

    Basorun also said: “I am hopefully looking forward to the day when General Ibrahim Babangida, Colonel Haliru Akilu and myself would be brought before the people’s court to answer all we know pertaining to the cruel murder…” The question is: Will that day ever come?

    In 2001, Babangida rigidly refused to appear before the Human Rights Violations Commission, popularly known as the Oputa Panel, concerning the Giwa murder. He betrayed desperation for silence by going to court. With Col Akilu (retd) of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) in his regime and Lt. Col. A.K Togun (retd) who was the Deputy Director of the State Security Service (SSS), he obtained an order barring the commission from summoning them to appear before it.

    It is puzzling that the three men rejected what was a golden opportunity to prove their innocence.   An astounding travesty of justice followed with the reported comment by the commission’s chairman to the effect that while it had powers to issue arrest warrants for the trio, it decided against such a move “in the over-all interest of national reconciliation.”

    When the 30th anniversary of Dele Giwa’s murder makes the headlines in 2016, will there be a clarifying narrative?  Shouldn’t investigation of the murder be reopened?

  • Dele Giwa on our mind

    Dele Giwa on our mind

    It is just as well that Dele Giwa’s troubled ghost slipped back into our national consciousness just twelve months to  the thirtieth anniversary of his martyrdom. As evident by the contradictions of democratic change, the ethical sandstorm in the senate,  the swift blurring of line between political heroism and grandstanding villainy,  the strange feeling of unease in the land, it is clear that the system is still working off the harmful effects of prolonged military rule.

    Yet it would have been better to leave the ghost of Dele Giwa out of this painful and protracted process of national healing. Some wounds take much longer to heal and they react negatively to inflammation. Nigeria already has too many ghosts and their living survivors to contend with: from war orphans, coup widows, relics of assassinated politicians, poisoned patriots, state-executed exemplars, etc, etc.  If we are to resurrect all these people we have sacrificed at the shrine of the nation, what an endless cortege of misery and shame!

    But it is obvious that some people feel no misery or shame.  A people that have not acquired a culture of shame in the course of their long history are an endangered people.  After a long period of honourable silence over his questionable role in the official cover up of Dele Giwa’s murder, Chris Omeben, a retired Deputy Inspector General of police, has returned to the ring flagging his questionable red bull again.

    In a bizarre ritual of self –exculpation,  Omeben was reported to have told a press conference that his investigation into the death of Dele Giwa was impeded by  the denial of access to the principal suspect: Kayode Soyinka who was the London Correspondent of Newswatch at that point in time.  Soyinka was so close to his boss that he usually spent his official trips to Nigeria in Dele’s residence.

    Omeben’s story is an old wives’ tale which does not dignify anybody, not the least a man who could easily have become the nation’s top cop. Soyinka’s response was bristling with fury and contempt. According to him, it was Omeben who actually prevented the principal suspects from being investigated. Ray Ekpu, Soyinka’s former boss and the man who succeeded Dele Giwa, weighed in along the same line virtually accusing Omeben of perfidy and dishonesty. There seems to be too many living historic witnesses willing to prick and puncture Omeben’s balloon of lies.

    It is possible that in the twilight of his earthly sojourn, Omeben’s compromised conscience is finally pricking him. But repeating old lies is not the best way to go about restitution. Snooper can reveal to Omeben that he (columnist) spent the independence anniversary of October 1st 1986 in Dele Giwa’s house as his guest, that is two and a half weeks before his assassination. The conversation and the ambience remain as fresh as ever.

    Like a self-healing wound relying entirely on its own internally produced anti-toxic agents, this nation is going through a painful and slow process of recovery. The martyrdom of Dele Giwa may well be one of the prices to pay in the tortuous and tormenting journey to authentic nationhood. This is why this morning, we bring you a piece which puts the Dele Giwa and Newswatch saga in proper perspective. Written exactly ten years ago to celebrate the twentieth anniversary of the magazine, it has also turned out an unwitting obituary as the great magazine folded up shortly thereafter.

  • Ex-police chief: Dele Giwa’s murder probe marred by interferences from ‘high places’

    Ex-police chief: Dele Giwa’s murder probe marred by interferences from ‘high places’

    Chris Omeben, a retired police chief, who investigated the murder of renowned journalist, Dele Giwa, said yesterday that the high profile investigation was marred by interferences from “high places’’.

    Giwa, the founding Editor-in-Chief of Newswatch, was killed by a parcel bomb at his Ikeja, Lagos, residence, on October 19, 1986, 29 years ago.

    Omeben, a former deputy inspector-general of Police (DIG), who turns 80 today, told the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) yesterday that the unresolved assassination was the most frustrating case of his career.

    The ex-DIG explained that even when he had narrowed in on the principal suspect, who could have thrown more light on the riddle, the suspect was allowed to escape from Nigeria.

    The former police chief, who was in charge of the Research Department of the Police CID when Giwa was killed, said: “They said somebody brought a parcel and his son, Billy, received the parcel and took it to his father (Dele Giwa), who was having his breakfast that morning.

    “On the breakfast table was a man, called Kayode Soyinka, he was there; Dele was there and then the son, Billy, handed over the parcel.

    “And as he did so, I heard Soyinka left the table and went to the adjacent room.

    “It was while he was there that the parcel detonated. Dele was injured and eventually died. The metal partition separating the dining room and the kitchen was destroyed.

    “Beyond that, everything in the kitchen was destroyed. If metal could be mangled this way by the bomb, what of human flesh, what happened to Soyinka? Nobody could give me an answer.

    “My conclusion was that Soyinka knew what was coming and he left the room to hide behind the wall.

    “I took note of all these, went back to conduct an identification parade. We had an identification parade and got people of different physical attributes to be identified by the day watch.

    “Eventually, when one of those paraded was said to bear a resemblance to the person that delivered the bomb, in spite of my insistence to have the man quizzed, we could not because interference now came from high places to protect the man.

    “The man was said to be related to the wife of a governor at that time and as a result of his connection, we came to a dead end on that lead.’’

    Omeben added that the setback did not in any way deter him from using the evidence he had to follow the lead on Soyinka, and that he called on the Newswatch authorities to produce Soyinka.

    “I have enough evidence to quiz Soyinka now. Please, Ray Ekpu can I have Soyinka now?

    “They resisted till today. Till today, Soyinka never appeared before the police.

    “They started to insinuate that the assassination was masterminded by Babangida, Akilu etc.

    “They said Akilu ought to have been investigated.

    “As a matter of fact, I had interrogated Akilu and he told me that yes they had invited Dele Giwa some few days before the assassination over a negative statement he made about Nigeria in a New York newspaper.

    “He said they had to invite him to tell him that he was wrong for portraying the country in a bad light in the international press.

    “Akilu insisted that the invitation was not enough to accuse the government of complicity in the assassination of Dele Giwa.

    “He satisfied me with his explanation.

    “Togun also absolved himself with his explanation.

    “The parcel bomb was said to have the Federal Government logo on it, which to me was not enough evidence.

    “It was more of a circumstantial evidence. I can prove it!

    “But for me to satisfy myself, I said please gentlemen, can I have Soyinka?

    “Nobody! Soyinka ran away to London, that was my principal suspect!”

    Omeben, now an archbishop of the Jesus Families Ministries at Iyana Ipaja, near Lagos, added. He said Giwa was also careless in maintaining a relationship with his estranged wife.