Tag: Dele Giwa

  • Reps to IGP: reopen Dele Giwa, Ige, Rewane, other killings

    Reps to IGP: reopen Dele Giwa, Ige, Rewane, other killings

    House of Representatives yesterday directed the Inspector-General of Police (IGP) Mr. Solomon Arase to reopen investigations into unresolved cases of high profile political and extra-judicial killings in the country.

    The purpose of the reopening, according to the House, was to bring the culprits of the unresolved killings to justice.

    The resolution of the House was sequel to the adoption of the prayers of a motion by a member, Kingsley ChindaIn, entitled: “Need to Undertake Further Investigations into Cases of Extra-Judicial Killings and Other High Profile Murders”.

    When the Speaker, Yakubu Dogara, called for a vote, the motion which was overwhelmingly supported by members and consequently adopted by the House, was referred to the committees on Police Affairs, Public Safety and National Security (when constituted).

    The committees are to monitor the investigations of the cases and present an interim report to the House within four weeks.

    Chinda, while presenting the motion, noted that the extrajudicial killings were allegedly being carried out by men of the police and personnel of some other security agencies as well as unknown gunmen.

    The lawmaker urged the police to be more alive to their responsibilities in the prevention of crimes and proper investigation.

    Chinda expressed concern that the efforts of successive governments in tackling the problem of extrajudicial and other high-profile killings had largely been ineffectual and short of the expectations of Nigerians.

    According to him, people now live in fear and despair because the trend had continued unabated.

    Chinda said the several cases of extra-judicial and unsolved killings in the country included the killings of Dele Giwa, Alfred Rewane, Bola Ige and Funso Williams as well as some traders at Apo (popularly known as Apo Six), invasion by mobile policemen and armed soldiers of Ogoni land and Odi community in Bayelsa and others.

  • ‘Insurgency started with Dele Giwa’s bombing’

    The Chairman, National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), Prof. Chidi Anselem Odinka, has said the violence carried out by Boko Haram started in 1986 when top journalist, Dele Giwa, was killed with a parcel bomb.

    He spoke in Kaduna yesterday when giving a keynote address at the inauguration of Moluma Yakubu Loma Centre for Medical Law, and the MIVE Legals Matrimonial Centre, Kaduna.

    Odinka lamented what he regarded as democratisation of violence since the return to civil rule in 1999.

    The Professor of Law accused former Borno State Governor Senator Ali Modu Sherif of impoverishing the state by under-educating the citizens, among other things.

    He said: “Contrary to what people think, the phenomenon, which has now become Boko Haram, actually started at an Ikeja street on October 18, 1986. That day, the first Improvised Explosive Device (IED) was used to blow up Dele Giwa. Everyone knew that it was a state-sponsored murder. “That was the first time that an IED went off on Nigeria soil. Series of events would later lead to Boko Haram today. At that time, the late Gani Fawehinmi had the courage to challenge the state on that murder. But he was persecuted until his death.

    “The police officer, who  investigated the murder, was also killed in un-explained circumstances in Mokwa, Niger State. He was the younger brother of the celebrated writer and critic of government, Tunji Dare.

    “When a state sponsored the murder of its citizens, it lost its legitimacy as a government. So, today’s terrorism started as a state sponsored. In its 2013 report, the Kabiru Turaki Report laid out starkly footprints of the extent to which the claim of the Nigerian state to a monopoly of violence was challenged.

    “The democratised violence is the symptom, which now defines most Nigeria’s underlying ailment. Many things can kill you in Nigeria, to the extent that our life expectancy is now 47 for male and 51 for female and is still dropping. This is compared to 61 in Rwanda, which had a life expectancy of 41 before the genocide, which claimed 10 per cent of its population in 1994. Life expectancy there is still rising.

    “Of about 320,000 policemen we have in Nigeria, about 100,000 are acting as personal guards to VIPs. The rest of 160 million will have to do with about 200,000 policemen. Our 60,000 soldiers are deployed to perform police duties in 32 states, stretching them thin to the extent that we are attacked by external forces.

    “Politicians must be blamed for today’s violence. They buy arms for thugs and force their way to power, just to find out that they can not retrieve these arms.

    “Some deliberately impoverished their people to keep them ignorant. For example, in Borno State, on or about December 14, 2006, the then Governor of the state, Ali Modu Sherif, in a response to widespread criticism of his record or lack of it as a governor, said: ‘A lot of falsehood has been published over the years in newspapers about my government. I have never lost sleep over them because less than five per cent of Borno people can read what is written in newspapers.’”

    The professor hailed the initiative of the founder of the two centres, Gloria Ballasom, saying they were the first of their kinds in the country.

  • A book of intrigues

    A book of intrigues

    By the time I was done with the book, I said to myself, wao! This is a book of extraordinary revelation. Yet Honour For Sale, an insider account of the murder of Dele Giwa, by Major Debo Bashorun, ret., is for me a great book not because of the narratives of the murder of Dele Giwa alone. If I were the author, I would give a title covering a wider canvas. The title of the book, in spite of its tease and grand promise, delivers less on the riddle of Dele Giwa’s murder than its periscope of the grandiose mediocrity of an era, of a single man and his nest of dedicated felons, who wanted to ossify the definition of Nigeria as an army with a state rather than a state with an army.

    It is a narrative of megalomania, vanity, intrigue, fear and trembling. It is also the story of a roiling civil society more at peace with its impotence than the importance of subverting tyranny. The army becomes the metaphor of this active surrender to a destiny carved by a few, anointed with guns, spiced by intrigues, gutted by sycophants, buoyed by brigands, protected by bigots, financed by thieves and consecrated with sacrifices.

    Yet when you begin the book, you are not introduced early to the heart of lion and the cunning of the tortoise that is Major Bashorun. He loses his father early, enters the city of Lagos almost a destitute, has to cut away from an exploitative uncle and never contemplates a career in the army until a swashbuckler of a soldier snatches his girl friend when he celebrates a new job.

    We also note that he disdains the life of inaction during the Nigerian civil war and leaves his battalion to the furnace of battle. We also note that this man, in spite bloodstained face and arms, bullet in the legs, a half a mile walk to safety, his escape while others die in the hands of Biafran soldiers is a precursor to a life with nine lives.

    We cannot also escape his sometimes volcanic rage at the fact that the Hausa Fulani language becomes the lingua franca of the army and his fellow southerners are ready to sacrifice each other in order to please their entitled superiors in the vortex of power.

    The reader waits while his personal odyssey develops to be introduced to the principal of his narrative, Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, whom he meets as principal staff officer to the chief of army staff, general Wushishi. IBB is Bashorun’s rescuer, and that is the beginning of irony in the engrossing narrative. This is an atmosphere where as a press officer of the chief of army staff he does not have an office, is ordered out of the office of Aliyu Muhammadu Gusau because he cannot speak Hausa and the present National security adviser Sambo Dasuki would not have him around.

    IBB spots his value because IBB does not see loyalty to tribe as the ultimate. But he is going to let us know that IBB who is his salvation also promises to be his damnation. He is his heaven and also his hell.

    The IBB story covers every dimension of evil. According to Bashorun, the aspects are Treachery, intrigue, drugs and murder. For treachery, examine the coup that ousts Wushishi. IBB is told in confidence by Wushishi how he plans to crush the coup that ushers in Muhammadu Buhari as head of state. But how come IBB, a fellow kinsman, and confidant turns out to be the lynch pin of that overthrow?

    For drugs, can you recall when he overthrows Buhari and the seedy cells of Buhari’s gulag become a source of public outrage? Especially when the pictures darken the pages of the newspapers? We also learn in those days that some of the tenants of the jail are drug traffickers. Bashorun says he is one of three panelists appointed to look at the cases. But an order comes from above that some of the men be released without investigations. Alas, notes an astounded Bashorun, some of them are recognizable faces because he is ordered to personally usher them into the country through the airport when IBB is chief of army staff. He wonders if they are discovered, how could he have exonerated himself?

    We also hear of the story of the Bank of Credit and Commerce International, where the principal of this narrative is believed to have a special relationship as a major investor and of course his wife, Maryam Babangida. We learn that when the BCCI is exposed and closed down from all countries in the world as a conduit for money laundering, IBB would rather change its name to something else and retain its activities.

    Apart from his own intrigues, don’t we read about the story of why poet Mamman Vatsa is posted away from a powerful and lucrative position of quartermaster-general to the false grandeur and sinecure office of the minister of the Federal Capital Territory, and how the author believes that he is implicated in the coup because of a personal rivalry with boyhood friend IBB?

    You will read also how the southerners are targets of ethnic politics. The premier position is for the northern muslim. As for the southerners, the muslim southerners come before the Christians. Yet we note that many southern soldiers, especially in the east convert to Islam in a cynical pilgrimage to belong to the circle of favour.

    Who would not hold his breath about IBB’s dalliance with marabouts from Mali, their prayers, fasts, animal sacrifices? One ram is also buried alive in the state house.

    Don’t we also read about some powerful personalities in the book? The most striking is Haliru Akilu whose frail frame is a decoy from his sinister power play as the upholder of the wickedness of office and the clannishness of the army. He once instructs the author that loyalty to the army supersedes loyalty to country, and that is how he defines loyalty to the president, IBB. He bawls, curses, smirks. He is the ruthless macho man, the regime’s Rottweiler.

    The other personality is Sambo Dasuki, a scion of the caliphate who is portrayed as a man with not only a patrician entitlement but one without patience in dealing with non-hausa Fulani, especially southerners. We also encounter Muhammadu Gasau who is in cahoots with IBB in everything, a stealthy, ruthless man who visits Lawyer Alao Aka-Bashorun at night to order him to quit defending Bashorun over the latter’s battle with the junta over the Dele Giwa saga. Aka Bashorun ignores him.

    Then we encounter Maryam Babangida, the peacock and emblem of vanity and privately a scourge to everyone else. She is the she who must be obeyed, even by the husband, the head of state. Her appetites for attention, genuflection, money, jewelry, sartorial fashion, are so adroitly presented and I wonder if I ever encounter this elaborate manifestation of flamboyance since the familiar Imelda Marcus obsession with shoes. If generals bowed to her and a man like Dasuki, in all his royal bona fides, could quit because of her, then the extent of her power leaves little to the imagination.

    But the story of the murder of Dele Giwa provides a heart-stopping narrative, and it can imbue any reader with wonder. How does a message to whitewash the image of a regime turn the messenger into a plotter to overthrow a regime? That is the question that the reader will have to ask. Ray Ekpu is bound for New York with other editors to receive an award as international editor of the year. Bashorun is asked to meet a certain PR consultant to help launder the regime’s image and show its innocence in the murder of Dele Giwa.

    But Bashorun is uncomfortable and does not carry out the mission because what he sees is not what he anticipates as he gets to the city. He returns to Nigeria and tells his bosses he cannot accomplish the task. So he is arrested, and that begins a story of first contempt, then alienation, then persecution, then attempts on his life.

    The story of his relationship with IBB and his regime, especially Akilu, reads like a thriller. Word after word overwhelms with its promise. I do not however see in its 345 pages any smoking gun on who murders Dele Giwa. Yet the book is smoking. It is smoking with institutional guilt? Are they after Bashorun because the army and the government murder Dele Giwa or because Bashorun does not do a Pr job. Again is Bashorun paranoid over the task? IBB himself tells Bashorun that the government does not murder the Journalist. The reader can be the judge. But we get through the story of his escape through the now famous NADECO route and his manoeuvre from a check-point to checkpoint until he boards a flight from Ouagadougou to the United States where he has to escape three attempts on his life.

    This is a book that evinces deep personal knowledge of the working of an important era of Nigeria, the tale of government of intriguers and cesspit of corruption. He paints an atmosphere of despots and narrow-minded felons unaware of a larger society beyond their kens of greed and larceny.

    IBB comes across as a calculating impresario, cunning, deceptive and ruthless. Yet, Bashorun also quietly believes that he is held hostage by forces sometimes larger than him and he bows because of his thirst for power. He is the ultimate contradiction as tyrant, kind now, brutal now. His belief that money can buy everything is a constant motif of IBB’s power theory. I cannot but believe that, in spite of the villainy of IBB in the book, he comes across as a failed messiah, a man who could have done good but whose love of life and power could not but compromise such high ideals.

    Professor Wole Soyinka once asserted that, “event in literature is experienced according to the level of treatment.” This book is well treated and has the ability to relocate the reader in time and space and even generate empathy, if, sometimes, sympathy.

    Yet the book leaves some holes. One, we do not see the relationship between IBB and Buhari throughout the book. When Buhari is head of state, we do not see any characterization of their meetings, his views about him and vice versa, as well as Brigadier Idiagbon. We learn later that IBB coup might have failed if Idiagbon is in the country.

    In spite of Bashorun’s heroics he comes across as too clean considering he is cosy with and a partisan of the regime. He also is close aide of Mrs. Babangida and all her lurid stories of vanity and corruption. Even when he collects bribe sent to him in the hey deys of his persecution, he couches his acceptance as a man of honour who must survive.

    All through his travails, we are deprived of any substantial insights into the private storms of his family. We don’t get any sense of his wife’s panic, vulnerabilities or aplomb.

    Wole Soyinka fielded a question on this subject over his You Must Set Forth At Dawn, he replied that such curiosities and fantasies are Western. But our society’s increasing individualism and urbanization have torn open our communal seals.

    Again, he reports his Civil war soldiery as an adventure. We learn nothing about his news of the circumstances of their fratricidal chapter, the pogrom, the military politics. He rarely mentions Biafra, and we hardly encounter the names of Gowon or Ojukwu.

    For all his umbrage over knowledge of Hausa Ianguage as ticket, he never tells us if he ever attempted to learn the Ianguage.

    Apart from a few typos and rhetorical stumbles, this is a well-written work and adds to the unfolding saga of the murder of Dele Giwa. As Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka writes in the preface, “the theories that attach to Dele Giwa’s murder are yet to be laid to rest in a cast-iron, impregnable casket.”

    But Bashorun has made the case for guilt without evidence and guilt works on conscience. And as Charles Dickens writes in The Great Expectation, “conscience is a terrible thing if it accuses man or boy.” If the IBB regime pursued Bashorun because of guilt, then it must have the Dickensian conscience, and if that is true, it is, if ever, the only redeeming quality in a brutal era. But what did it do with that conscience? That is the intriguing part of this book of intrigues.

     

  • IBB’s former aide weeps at ‘Dele Giwa’s murder  book’

    IBB’s former aide weeps at ‘Dele Giwa’s murder book’

    Seventy-year-old Debo Basorun, the estranged former aide to ex-military President Ibrahim Babangida, yesterday took stock of his participation in the military rule in the country and said it was a regrettable venture.

    Basorun, who served as Babangida’s Press Secretary, was particularly pained by the 1986 murder by a parcel bomb of the frontline journalist, Mr.Dele Giwa.

    His murder remains unresolved.

    Basorun broke down in tears as he recalled the murder during the launch in Lagos of the book, Honour for Sale: An Inside Account of the Murder of Dele Giwa, written by him.

    “I have an insight into some of the things that the public do not know. That is what I have compiled in the book and is being revealed to them.

    “The book actually puts end to all speculations about the murder of Dele Giwa.

    “What I want the public to do is to start asking questions; we should be able to ask our leaders questions.All these years people have not asked questions. Nigerians should not be taken for a ride. We should now put our feet down and ask questions,” he said.

    He said in the course of writing the book, his life was threatened, even when he was in exile abroad.

    He had fallen out of favour with his boss prompting him to flee abroad.

    He returned home only after the exit of the military from power.

    Senior Advocate of Nigeria and chairman of the occasion, Professor Itse Sagay, said the failure of the state to find Giwa’s killers was a testimony of state’s impunity.

    He said government has consistently failed to protect Nigerians.

    “People like Suliat Adedeji, Funso Williams, Bola Ige, the Igwes and others were killed. Their murders have not been comprehensively investigated and their killers made to face the law,” he said.

    Another Senior Advocate, Mr. Femi Falana, lashed out at the police and other law enforcement agencies for acting with impunity and infringing on “the rights of the people by preventing them from exercising their rights.”

    He alleged the involvement of the police and the State Security Service (SSS) in the confinement of the wife of the Enugu State governor, Clara Chime,for “four months” in the Government House ,Enugu.

    “I have discovered that the police and SSS helped the governor in confining his wife in a room for four months incommunicado..

    “The desperate move to turn Nigeria into a police state must be resisted by all,” he said.

    Wife of the late activist, Mrs. Ganiat Fawehinmi, said the book contains the revelations that Nigerians have been looking for over the years. She said her husband’s attempt to write a book on the murder of Mr. Giwa was frustrated by agents of the Babangida administration.

    The book reviewer, Mr. Sam Omatseye, said the book is of extraordinary revelations.

  • Will their killers ever be found?

    Will their killers ever be found?

    They brave death, jail and more to bring news . They face intimidation, threats and violence from the government, organisations, hoodlums and other forces that wish to censor or silence them. Journalists have become targets of attacks everywhere. Last week, the 20th World Press Freedom Day was celebrated. But how free is the press? The world is still battling with crimes against freedom of expression and safety of journalists, reports Evelyn Osagie.

    The day began like any other for the Giwas. It was a Sunday, but little did they know that it would be the last they would share together with their patriarch.

    That morning, their patriarch and founding Editor-in-Chief of Newswatch magazine, Dele Giwa, was killed by a parcel bomb at his Ikeja, Lagos home. More than two decades after, his killers are still at large.

    That October 19, 1986, killing set the future killing of other journalists in similar manner.

    Years after, securing the safety of journalists is still a major challenge in the country. In recent times, like Giwa’s, the killing of some journalists – Godwin Agbroko, ThisDay (December 22, 2006), Paul Abayomi Ogundeji, ThisDay (August 16, 2008), Bayo Ohu,The Guardian (September 20, 2009), Edo Sule Ugbagwu, The Nation (April 24, 2010), Zakariya Isa of the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) (2011); Enenche Akogwu, Channels TV, (January 20, 2012) has remained unsolved.

    Assessing the trend, the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), Abuja chapter chairman, Chuks Ehirim, observed during the celebration of World Press Freedom Day (WPFD) last year: “Journalists are still being killed unnecessarily in Nigeria… Although we are happy that, today, the world will be celebrating Press Freedom Day…because there is nothing to celebrate here.”

    Statistics showed that more journalists were killed last year than in 2011. Still, nothing has changed. Last year’s attack on Thisday office in Abuja, showed that even media organisations are not spared.

    Last January 12, a reporter with Anambra News, Ikechukwu Udendu was killed in Anambra State. These killings and more have put Nigeria on the list of nations where violence against the press is tolerated. According to experts, impunity against journalists, media workers, and social media producers remains high not only in Nigeria but across the world. This, they say, is threatening “Freedom of Expression”, which is a fundamental human rights enshrined in Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Such violence, they observed, is beginning to impact on coverage of crucial issues, thereby, posing a threat to democracy.

    With the theme: Safe to speak: Securing freedom of expression in all media, this year’s celebration remembered fallen media heroes and highlighted safety of journalists.

    Condemning the acts of impunity against journalists, the United Nations (UN) Secretary General, Ban Ki-Moon noted that “so many of the perpetrators escape any form of punishment”.More, he said, should be done to ensure the safety of journalists, adding that the role of the media in ensuring sustainable development, and lasting peace and security is crucial.

    “Over the past decade, more than 600 journalists have been killed – at least 120 in the past year alone. Hundreds more have been detained. The dangers are not only physical from cyber-attacks to bullying; the powerful are deploying numerous tools to try to stop the media from shedding light on misrule and misdeeds.

    “The United Nations has established a Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity. The plan aims to raise awareness and to support practical steps to create a free and safe working environment for journalists. As we mark WPFD, let us pledge to do our utmost to enable all journalists in all media to do their jobs. When it is safe to speak, the whole world benefits,” he said.

    There is a convergence between the work of journalists and security agencies, hence, critics have urged both parties to form partnerships that work. Such alliance, Campaign Director of Media Rights Agenda (MRA), Tive Denedo said would ensure that the safety and rights of journalists are protected. He made the submission at a seminar on the WPFD’s theme to commemorate the day organised by the United Nations Information Centre (UNIC) in collaboration with MRA.

    “There is nothing in the history of journalism that can demand more of our collective efforts than providing a safe and secured environment for the practice of journalism. Our past experiences insist on it, our present realities demand it and our future requires it,” he said.

    To the President of Nigerian Guild of Editors (NGE), Mr Femi Adesina, the safety of journalists may not be 100 per cent guaranteed as long as the world exists. He, however, said their protection can be enhanced. He added that security agencies should bring to book the culprits involved in the killing of journalists, saying it would foster trust and sustainable partnerships.

    The quest to suppress truth is what often leads to such attacks, according to Adesina. Hence, he urged that while carrying out their duties journalists should “be security conscious”.

    He said: “You need to be alive to publish the information you gather. Still, the onus is on the security agencies to ensure that those who kill journalists do not get away with it. The media parades professionals who are passionate and committed to the growth and development of the country on all fronts, and they do not deserve to be hounded or harassed in any form.

    “When Bayo Ohu was killed, I remember that the then IG vowed that within a few days, they would bring in the killers, and at a point, even told us they had arrested some people; but it turned out to be a hoot. When security agencies do their work, they are the ones to unravel such mysterious deaths. And when they crack such cases, it is going to engender better confidence from journalists in our security agencies. Since the media and security agencies seek to build a better Nigeria, they need to build trust and partnerships that are mutually beneficial in order to ensure that journalists properly secured.

    Nigeria Police, Force Public Relations Officer, CSP Frank Mba, who spoke on the Role of the Nigeria Police in ensuring the safety of journalists, observed that although the police’s role, among others, is to provide a safe and conducive environment for the practice of journalism through effective crime fighting, he urged journalists to take conscious steps to reduce their predisposition to risks. He advised that they should shun all forms of unprofessionalism that predispose them to risks, such as blackmail, falsehood, etc.

    He said:“We are here to show solidarity and appreciation to the media for everything they are doing for the country and the noble role they are playing to put Nigeria in the right footing. And beyond that is an expression of our willingness to strengthen our relationship with the media and to urge them to stay on the path of truth, righteousness and patriotism. The police authority, especially under the administration of the present IGP, Mohammed Abubakar, is making conscious efforts to reconnect, not just to the generality of Nigerians, but with the media who are essentially one of our key audience.”

    While seeking measures to ensure the physical safety, the Executive Director, Paradigm Initiative Nigeria (PIN), Mr Gbenga Sesan said journalists should make provision for online protection also. This, he said, can be done by encrypting their mails, practicing safe backup habits that would secure their works, among others.

    “There is a very thin line between the online attacks and the physical attacks on journalists. One group we look up to in Nigeria, aside from the judiciary, is the media. We do not want you to fall prey to digital attacks. Secure your works,”he said.

  • Dele Giwa: Kayode Soyinka replies ex-Police boss:‘I didn’t run to the toilet when the bomb exploded’

    Dele Giwa: Kayode Soyinka replies ex-Police boss:‘I didn’t run to the toilet when the bomb exploded’

    On December 15 last year, veteran journalist and publisher of Africa Today magazine, Mr. Kayode Soyinka, clocked 55 years. It was a milestone he almost did not live to witness let alone celebrate. This is considering the fact that he could have died 27 years ago if he had not survived the parcel bomb incident of October 19, 1986, which sadly claimed the life of Dele Giwa, the founding editor-in-chief of Newswatch with whom he was having breakfast when the letter bomb was delivered. With the announcement of Dele Giwa’s mother’s death a few days ago, we caught up with the famous international journalist and publisher, who incidentally had contested on three consecutive occasions to be governor of Ogun State but failed to get the ticket. In this interview with NNEKA NWANERI, the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) stalwart speaks on a wide-range of national issues from the parcel bomb incident and the merger talks among opposition parties to the controversial sale of Newswatch last year, among other issues.

     

    What would you say about the mother of your former boss Dele Giwa, who died early this month?

    Yes, the Dele Giwa issue has become part of my life; it’s like a cross I carry because of my involvement with the parcel bomb incident of almost 27 years ago. Remember, I only survived it by the grace of God. You are asking me this question again because of the death of Dele’s mother just announced. I got a telephone call very early that morning when she died. It was Mr. Soji Akinrinade that called me from London to break the news to me – barely an hour after she died. She was a strong willed woman and I had known her over the years. Sometimes, in those days, when we were still at Concord newspapers, long before the advent of Newswatch, and I was visiting Nigeria and staying with Dele at his house in Ikeja (not where the bomb took place), it was either I would meet his mother there at home with him, or she had just left back to the village a day or so before my arrival.

    Dele was very close to his mother. He did not joke with her at all. It was an honour for me to have met her. The last time I saw her was at Dele’s burial in their village near Auchi, in Edo State. I was there live with my wife contrary to the erroneous story of Babangida’s government’s mischief makers who tried to deceive the Nigerian people in order to exonerate the government from the assassination of Dele Giwa, saying that I had fled the country. They deliberately spread all kinds of falsehood, ignoring even newspaper reports and pictures of myself and my wife in attendance at the burial. And mind you, how could I have fled the country? My wife and children were not in Nigeria with me when the bomb exploded, they had to take the next available flight to Nigeria to join me. Yet, Babangida’s men said I fled the country. And my family and I remained in the country throughout the whole period of the controversy and burial arrangement. We returned to London together through the former British Caledonian Airways, through Muritala Mohammed Airport.

    There was no way we could have left quietly. We were accompanied to and seen off at the airport by friends, including the Newswatch editors, and family. The airline people recognised us. Our two children were still small then. The air hostesses took them from us, played with them, and they were asking me if I was feeling better – knowing the trauma one must have been through in the past weeks, and took us straight and right inside the aircraft, even before checking in other passengers. Yet the Babangida men kept saying, even till today, that I fled the country. Can you imagine?

    So how did the parcel bomb explode?

    Save me the agony of going through all this again. I don’t like narrating the story. I have said enough about it over the years. But there is somebody I must use this opportunity to respond to. I have been deliberately keeping quiet all these years that he has been writing about me, accusing me of being a suspect and even insinuated that I was the one who brought the bomb. That was the former Deputy Inspector-General of Police, Christopher Omeben, who investigated the horrific incident, and who I understand is now a pastor. He did not believe that I could survive the bomb. He was unfair to me severally in the book that he wrote on Dele Giwa, and in an interview he granted The Sun Newspaper last year or so. He said in that interview that I ran to the toilet when the parcel bomb was delivered. That is not true. It’s a blatant lie. He got wrong information.

    This man, who was not there when the bomb exploded. Whatever information he collected after the explosion was from some third, fourth or even tenth party, but he would stop at nothing trying to rope me in. But every time he tried to do that, he always failed because no one is listening to him and such accusations can never stick. My survival was simply God’s miracle. And I will forever be grateful to Him while I pray that He continues to bless Dele’s soul. But the Pastor Omeben does not believe that such miracles can happen. He has never heard about a plane crash where hundreds of passengers have perished but small children, babies, survived. Isn’t that a miracle? Our Pastor Omeben has never heard about an earthquake that has brought down many buildings, turning a whole community into rubble and still over a month or so after, when all rescuers have left, abandoning the search for survivors, people are still being dragged out alive from the rubble.

    Yet Pastor Omeben still keeps wondering how I could have survived such a dreadful bombing without a scratch on my body. He forgot the terrible damage done to my eardrums and the continuous noise or echo in my both ears I had to carry everyday for about five years after the incident before they were healed. And even then, till today, I hear better from my right ear, while the left one which was nearer to the blast is weaker. Well, my answer to him is that he should keep asking. Those who sent the bomb to us are still here and walking about the streets freely. But Dele is not here and his mother has now gone to join him without getting justice. I am here only by the grace of the Almighty God. Definitely, God will deliver the ultimate judgment. If not here, at the great beyond when we all meet at His feet.

    Do you sometimes feel threatened?

    Why should I feel threatened when I don’t have an excuse to be here anymore? I should have gone that day 27 years ago. That was death I came face to face with. It was like I had died and I came back. May be you don’t know that I held the letter bomb in my hand before I gave it back to Dele. If I had decided to open it when Dele gave it to me, it would have been a totally different story. It wasn’t my time to go! It’s been traumatic living with that experience for many years. I have lived with the psychological trauma of it so much so that one gets used to it, and as I said earlier, it is now part of my life and I have moved on since. Even up till now, when I make appearances, especially in Nigeria and I am introduced and people hear the name, Kayode Soyinka, you will naturally hear the comments, “the parcel bomb survivor”.

    I went through a lot in those days, most especially the pressure from the Nigerian security service. They placed my name into their computer system at all the points of entry to and departure from Nigeria. That made me look like a wanted person. So I could not come back to Nigeria while Babangida was still in power. You won’t believe it, they chased me all the way to London because they never thought anyone could survive the parcel bomb and be able to tell the story of how it happened. They were so amateurish, they didn’t even know how to disguise. The SSS operatives, through the Nigeria High Commission, would come to our house in London. They would park their cars right in front of our house and be watching my movement. What they did not know was that even the UK authorities knew what happened to me in Nigeria and had already placed their own surveillances over the Nigerian SSS. I was under the protection of Her Majesty’s government throughout the time because they knew what I went through in Nigeria.

    So why should I feel threatened? I am just an ordinary mortal and I’m doing the only job I am known for, and have done all my life, and like doing best; the job that I have passion for, and has given me everything that I have today both nationally and internationally, which is journalism – being a newspaper man. Nothing will threaten me because I have lived a fulfilled life. I have my family; my two children are now both grown up. I have been privileged to send them to some of the best educational institutions in the world. My son for example was educated at Harrow. I am sure you know what that means. They finished their university education with two degrees each four/five years ago and are working in London. So I am done. I am more or less in retirement as a newspaper man. So when I see young journalists and reporters like you, I see a bit of myself in you because that was how I started, did so well in this Nigeria everyone is talking so badly about now.

    I was posted out by Daily Sketch in 1978 as London Correspondent , a key position in the newspaper industry, and I made a career out of being a foreign correspondent and out of journalism as a whole. That is my pride and joy as a Nigerian journalist. I’m only now trying to spend more time back home in Nigeria having spent over 30 years doing my work abroad, and it is not easy. I have spent 37 years in the newsroom doing my work. So if I die tomorrow, you cannot know me for any other thing but journalism, and they should just simply put on my tombstone: Kayode Soyinka – Newspaper reporter. I hope I live a long life like my father and see my grandchildren and great grandchildren.

    But in case I suddenly die, it does not matter anymore. I am not afraid of death having had a close shave with one already; everyone will die one day and go six feet under the ground. No matter what wealth one may have accumulated, things like that don’t bother me anymore. And by the way, we can’t take them to the grave. I have seen a lot and been in important places and related with influential people around the world – and still do. But I like and enjoy living an ordinary life. I hate attention. I am usually public shy despite being a media person.

    Have we learnt anything in Nigeria from the Dele Giwa episode?

    Certainly not from the letter-bombing of Dele Giwa. There are so many criminals in Nigeria today and people have become too fraudulent, the corruption is mind-boggling and life means nothing in Nigeria. It is so sad. Everyone seems so desperate for money and power! It’s a real shame. People who are really nobody feel very important, pompous and arrogant. I stear clear of such people. When the parcel bomb was delivered, I was saying at that time that it was very important for the authorities to get those who did it because if they didn’t, it would encourage similar occurrences in future. Now, see what has happened since Dele Giwa was killed by letter bomb. See the number of unresolved murders and assassinations we have had in Nigeria. In fact, things have gone even worse. Look at Chief Bola Ige. A whole Attorney-General and Minister of Justice of Nigeria was assassinated and up till now, the killers have not been found. Ditto Baba Rewane, Funso Williams, and so on and so forth. So many of those who have been killed without a trace of who did it have encouraged others to do the same because they were not brought to book. Now high level kidnapping is taking place – a totally new dimension – and so are the Boko Haram bombings. It’s gone out of control. So I don’t believe Nigeria has improved since the Dele Giwa assassination.

    Is that what motivated you to go into politics?

    No, not necessarily. Genuinely, I wanted to serve having had personal fulfillment in my career. As a political journalist, I have always interacted with people in politics both locally and internationally. I have reached a stage in my life and career when I thought I should put something back to the community that made me. I didn’t want to do it nationally at first but chose to go back home to the grassroots level. So I went to my state, Ogun State, where I put my name forward and campaigned in three general elections to be elected as governor. I do not know who has done it before me consecutively for three times. And I don’t know why they didn’t give me the ticket.

    What is your view on the merger talks going on by the opposition parties?

    I think it is a good thing. It is long overdue. But we have to be careful how we tread on this. I am obviously concerned about the interest of my own party, ACN, in the merger. We should be the senior partner in the merger because we are the party with control over the largest number of states. And it should be spelt out clearly for us and our people what we are getting: is it wholesale merger, or an alliance or a coalition? These are different things and it must be made clear to us what it is we are doing and getting. It will be good for Nigeria if the three largest opposition parties in the country can come together as one party. That will create a more viable option for the electorate who are fed up with of the bad, visionless and clueless government of the PDP. The good thing about this one is that the merger process started early before the 2015 election. So we will know soon if this one will work or not.

    How have you maintained your independence as a politician and a publisher?

    I have been in the journalism profession for 37 years. You cannot be a newspaperman of my pedigree and not be forthright when it comes to taking editorial decisions, especially on crucial issues. I am from the old school. When I was a reporter, I didn’t have political ambitions. I went into partisan politics after I had put in about 30 years continuously on the job. Today, I can gladly say my profession is newspaper reporting and not politics. Look at my track record, I have been a reporter here in Nigeria, I have been a foreign correspondent reporting from overseas for over 18 years – a record in Nigeria. I have been an editor and I have been a publisher of my own international news magazine, Africa Today, one of the most influential pan-African news magazines in the world, for another 18 years. That is the highest I can go in my profession. So my politics and publishing or journalism is like oil and water, they don’t mix. I am a politician with a reporter’s notebook in hand!

    What is your reaction to the transition of Newswatch?

    I am sad that Newswatch isn’t on the newsstands now and I gathered that it is the first time in 27 years, apart from when we were proscribed by the Babangida administration after the letter bomb incident. I want to commend the former Newswatch Executives, Dan Agbese, Ray Ekpu, Yakubu Mohammed and Soji Akinrinade who survived Dele Giwa. I commend them because the public will not understand the kind of difficulties they went through after surviving the death of their close colleague in such fatal manner. Remember, Dele Giwa’s death was so horrific; it could put iron into the soul. Then, the magazine was proscribed twice. There are not many newspapers or businesses anywhere in the world that could go through all that and survive. So they should be commended and our people should appreciate that.

    Secondly, they are working in the most difficult business environment. It is not a child’s play to run a newspaper in this country. The business environment is very difficult for a newspaper or newsmagazine like Newswatch that depends on advertising to survive. If the business environment is difficult, the advertising market will be the first to be affected instantly. They went through all that and had to look for other ways to sustainthe iconic magazine by getting investors. I had the opportunity in November last year, when the former Newswatch executives launched a book at the NIIA and I was invited. There I made my position very clear. I told them to take a firm position because they should not let Newswatch die. I reminded them that Newswatch is now part of Nigeria’s history because Dele Giwa lost his life for Newswatch. I also made it clear to them that the issue is no longer theirs alone. It is by far bigger than them (the executives) now because Nigerians themselves have now owned Newswatch. It is in the consciousness of the Nigerian people.

    You know this when you go to the social networks, like Facebook, you see how Nigerians are discussing the issue of Newswatch with so much passion. The magazine has become part and parcel of our daily life. It is now a bigger issue than the former executives. None should forget the supreme price Dele Giwa paid. I therefore appealed for some external intervention in the matter. Except we don’t want to have regard for history, we should know that Newswatch is now part of Nigerian history and it should not be allowed to die. I pray that it won’t be too long before it gets back on the newsstands.

    Are you planning to contest the governorship again in 2015?

    People keep telling me not to give up. Some would go on to remind me that Abraham Lincoln contested several times before he was elected president of the United States. I don’t want to be the Abraham Lincoln of Ogun State. But I am a staunch Baptist and deeply religious person. I therefore believe in God’s own plan for me in life. His grace and glory have already been manifested in me. I have seen them in my life. Or can’t you see them, or feel them, with all the stories I have been telling you? And I have contentment. His time is always the best.

     

     

  • Mama’s only sorrow was that justice wasn’t done on Dele Giwa’s death, say her children

    Siblings of the late Dele Giwa, pioneer Editor-in-Chief of Newswatch, whose mother, Mrs. Elekhia Ayisat Giwa, died yesterday at Haruna Ogun Hospital, Ikorodu, Lagos, have said their mother suffered the effect of the versatile journalist’s death until her last moment.

    Mrs. Giwa who died at 87, was said to have suffered a stroke on December 22 last year. She did not recover.

    She is survived by five children, Tunde Giwa, Abiodun Giwa, Mrs. Veronica Omomole, Mrs. Fatima David and Mrs Habibat Giwa-Aboaba. There are many grand children.

    Mama, we gathered, may be buried on February 9, even as her children said her remains will be transferred to the morgue in Military Hospital today from the General Hospital, Ikorodu where they were deposited.

    The octogenarian was said to have developed hypertension after Dele Giwa was killed through a letter bomb on October 15, 1986. Her children said her last wish was that the killers of her son be uncovered and brought to justice.

    At her daughter’s house, Mrs. Giwa-Aboaba’s house where the deceased lived since 1999 till her death, sympathisers trooped in to commiserate with the family. Some of them signed the condolence register.

    Giwa-Aboaba told The Nation that her mother’s only sorrow was that the killers of her first child, Dele Giwa, were not brought to book.

    She said: “Mama was a very tolerant person, very admirable and always happy. She was always concerned about her children. She wanted to have us around her.

    “But all her happiness vanished after the terrible way her first son was killed. Mama became hypertensive after the incident.

    “She was not happy and the fact that justice was not done with the way her son was killed worsened her condition. You know that it was a very bad incident and very traumatic for her. And the way it happened, a letter bomb, she did not get over it until her last days because she cried over her son’s death everyday, especially because the killers were not found. She nursed this unhappiness and most times, she was moody.

    “But days before she passed on, she said she had forgiven the killers of her son and that she had prayed for Nigeria. She said her only wish remained that the killers of her son were brought to justice.

    “She said she had handed everything over to God. We were happy she was gradually letting go and very hopeful she would recover from the illness, but that did not happen.

    “Mama was not ill. She was a very strong woman and always took her medications. But on December 22, she suffered a stroke. We took her to the General Hospital, Ikorodu and later to a private hospital. She died there this morning (Tuesday).

    “The only sorrow I know my mother carried all through her life was the death of my brother and the fact that justice was not done. We really did not see her death coming. We were all sleeping in the hospital and before we woke up in the morning, she had died.”

    Aboaba recalled how late legal icon, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, championed to bring the killers of Dele Giwa to book.

    “Gani took the battle personally. In fact , I will say he died as a result of the struggle because it was when they were throwing him in one prison or another that he contracted the disease that eventually killed him.

    “Just like my mother did, I have handed over the death of my brother, which eventually led to the death of my mother to God. He is a righteous judge and the only one who can bring justice out even when men are trying to cover up.

    “It may take time, sometime we may even think it is all over, but God will surely bring the killers of my brother to justice.

    “I just wished there was justice before my mother passed on. Probably the pain she felt would have reduced. Although she handed everything over, maybe knowing that the killers of her son have been exposed would have given her inner peace.

    One of the deceased’s grandsons, who spoke with The Nation, Sunday Tiamiyu, said he would miss mama’s care and special love for him.

    He said: “Mama brought me up from childhood and she trained me up to university. She would not do anything without me. Even if she’s in somebody’s house and I am around, she will ask that I should be called to come and if she is going to sleep in that house, she’ll make me sleep there too.

    “In fact mama lived a fulfilled life. But for the death of her son, I doubt if she had any other regrets. She was a great woman.”