Tag: Dogara

  • Rep hails Dogara

    The lawmaker representing Ojo Federal Constituency, Mr Tajudeen Obasa, has hailed Speaker Yakubu Dogara for his role in settling the House of Representative’s crisis.

    In a statement yesterday, the lawmaker urged him not to depart from his noble ways that ensured his constituents voted for him as speaker of the eight assembly.

    “For progress and development, there must be peace. It takes the grace for a leader to be magnanimous in victory. Shifting ground doesn’t mean a person is weak, it simply means collectively we can achieve the task of nation building by ensuring smiles are put on the faces of Nigerians irrespective of creed, cradle or calling.

    “Politics is a game of interest, it must not be played from the angle of do- or-die approach; no matter the crisis, there is always a political solution to curtail it,” he said.

    Obasa urged his colleagues to support the leadership of the House in building a formidable legislature that would be focused on the yearning of Nigerians.

     

  • No more faction in the House, say Dogara, Gbajabiamila

    No more faction in the House, say Dogara, Gbajabiamila

    House of Representatives Speaker Yakubu Dogara has said the Eighth House is set to work for Nigerians.

    He said lawmakers in the lower chamber knew that Nigerians were tired of the prolonged face – off over leadership in the House.

    Dogara spoke yesterday at the conclusion of a meeting of the All Progressives Congress (APC) caucus on Wednesday night. The meeting ended about 12.15am yesterday.

    He said: “There are no more factions in the House. What we have today is a group of lawmakers loyal to the House leadership and our great party.

    “It is only in unity that we can positively contribute to the change we all worked for and move Nigeria forward towards our desired dream of a greater nation”.

    He also said the Southeast geo-political zone, which was not represented in the new leadership because it has first-time lawmakers would be taken care of.

    “We are working on that to see how the zone will be compensated,” he added.

    Majority Leader Femi Gbajabiamila said the division in the House was over.

    He assured that those perceived to have lost out, especially the Southeast, would be compensated.

    “There are no longer factions in the House; whatever happened earlier is now behind us and we are ready to serve Nigerians to the best of our ability. It is not right to play the ethnicity or regional card for now but they will be compensated.”

    Abiodun Faleke (Lagos) said:  “We are no longer fighting as you can see; we are now ready to work with other legislators and move our country forward.”

    Abdulmunin Jibrin (Kano) said: “This meeting has healed all wounds. There is nobody here that is nursing any anger or ill-feelings any longer.”

  • Dogara rues non-listing of  telecom, oil firms on NSE

    Dogara rues non-listing of telecom, oil firms on NSE

    [dropcap]T[/dropcap]he Nigerian Stock Exchange (NSE) would have been more vibrant if multinational oil and gas and telecommunication companies were listed, the Speaker, Yakubu Dogara has said.

    Dogara who spoke yesterday while receiving members of the Nigeria-United Kingdom Capital Market Project in his office applauded the Memoranda of Understanding (MoU) between the stock exchanges of both Nigeria and the United Kingdom.

    The Speaker while lamenting the refusal of the multinational oil and gas and telecoms companies to list on the stock exchange, said there was no justification for such.

    According to him,  big companies in these two major sectors must have to list on the capital market to make capital available for investors, create employment and deepen the market.

    He said the House may consider passing a law that will compel multinationals in oil, gas and telecommunication sectors to list certain percentage of their value on the stock exchange.

    His said: “Apart from capital inflow sought, the market needs to be deepened, as most of the big international companies in Nigeria are not participating in the NSE. This is sad because these companies account for a huge percentage of revenues in oil, communication and energy.”

    Dogara assured that all areas of value-added partnership aimed at wealth increase and redistribution, as well as the creation of employment and economic diversification, will have legislative interventions.

    [news_box style=”2″ display=”tag” link_target=”_blank” tag=”Dogara, Saraki” orderby=”popular” count=”6″ show_more=”on” header_background=”#000000″ header_text_color=”#969696″]

  • Court rules today on suit against Dogara

    A Federal High Court in Abuja will, today, rule on whether or not to restrain the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Yakubu Dogara, and three others from appointing members as principal officers other than those suggested by the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    Yesterday, Justice Gabriel Kolawole,  after listening to applicants’ lawyer Seni Adio moved his client’s motion ex-parte for interim injunctions, fixed ruling for today.

    The applicants, who are members of the House – Abubakar Lado Abdullahi and Olajide Abdul Jimoh – are plaintiffs in a substantive suit  marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/625/2015.

    Listed as defendants are the Speaker, his deputy, the Clerk of the National Assembly and the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF).

    The applicants, by their motion ex-parte, sought an order of interim injunction restraining the Speaker, the Deputy Speaker and Clerk of the National Assembly (listed as 1st, 2nd and 3rd respondents) and their agents “from presenting and or announcing” other members of the House for the positions of Majority Leader, Deputy Majority Leader, Majority Chief Whip and Majority Deputy Chief Whip except those nominated by the APC in its chairman’s letter of June 23, 2015.

    The applicants also sought a similar order restraining the 1st, 2nd, 3rd respondents and their agents from preventing the announcement of the members of the House named in the letter by the party’s Chairman, John Odigie-Oyegun, for the five listed principal offices.

    The party, in the June 23 letter, entitled: “Party position on principal officers,” sent to Dogara, listed Femi Gbajabiamila for the Office of Majority Leader, Alhassan Ado Doguwa (Deputy Majority Leader); M.T. Monguno (Chief Whip) and Pally Iriase (Deputy Chief Whip).

    Adio told the court that the essence of the reliefs in the ex-parte motion, which he prayed the court to grant, was to preserve the res (subject of dispute) and prevent the respondents from foisting a fait accompli on the court.

    He added that it was equally important that the court grants the applicants’ prayers to prevent the defendants from foisting a state of helplessness on the plaintiffs and others interested in the suit.

    The applicants, in a supporting affidavit deposed to by Sope Omisore, stated that the Speaker openly declared his refusal to implement the APC’s directive on the appointment of principal officers as contained in the June 23 letter.

    They added that, as against the Speaker’s claim, the names sent to him by the party showed that the federal character principle was considered, with Gbajabiamila (from Southwest), Doguwa (Northwest), Monfuno (Northeast) and Iriase (Southsouth).

    The applicants stated that their resort to court was informed by the disagreement between them and the Speaker and his deputy on “whether federal character is required by law to be considered with respect to the appointment of principal officers of the APC, who are to occupy the position of principal officers in the House of Representatives’’.

    Abdullahi and Jimoh are, in the substantive suit, contesting, among others, the legitimacy of the defendants to ignore the party in the appointment of the principal officers.

  • NASS imbroglio: Beyond Saraki and Dogara

    No matter the shape and shade of a development or an experience, be it negative or positive, there is always one or two lessons to learn. It is in this context that I situate the scenes and scenarios that have been playing out at the Eighth National Assembly in Abuja, since the controversial inauguration of the august body on Tuesday, June 9.

    What brought us to this junction of confusion? The answer, which I believe many sincere and objective minds would share, is simply, the resolve of Senator Bukola Saraki, on one hand, and Honourable Yakubu Dogara, on the other, to defy the decision/directive of their political party – the All Progressives Congress (APC) – on whose platform they contested and won the National Assembly Election held on Saturday, March 28.

    The resolve of the two, to disobey the party, and consequently, the mode and manner of the election of foremost principal officers of the National Assembly – Senate President, Deputy Senate President, Speaker and Deputy Speaker House of Representatives, have thus brought us to the threshold of another constitutional crisis – party supremacy in conflict with independence of the legislature, the plank on which the duo and their supporters rests the rebellious stance against their party.

    A peep into the archives revealed that party supremacy was the main theme of the address of Chief Obafemi Awolowo to the Oyo State Conference of the defunct Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) on Saturday, November 8, 1980.  The sage, among others stated that: “…. our constitution clearly makes a registered political party the cornerstone of the activities of all the members of that party, including those of them in the legislature and the executive, as well as those of them operating outside these two organs of government. Indeed, the registered political party is the sole source from which candidates for election, and elected members of the legislature and executive, derive their lifeblood for acceptability, public status, and legitimacy…. In other words, by express provision, as well as necessary implications in the constitution, the registered political party is supreme and absolutely decisive in the conduct of our public affairs.

    “If the party is supreme, then it is simple logic that in the matter of dispute, conflict, or antithesis between the legislature and the executive, the party in power should have the last say whenever a consensus cannot be reached between them.”

    If I have my way, instead of brooding over the least expected potent elements of national dislocation and destabilization of the polity, brewing in the National Assembly, I would advocate that the development be seen as a veritable opportunity to resolve lingering interwoven issues that had bedevilled the growth and development of true and sustainable democratic culture and principles, in this land, towards firming up the loopholes often exploited by politicians for crass opportunism.

    Some of the salient issues and questions begging for answer and clarification, as well as constitutional provisions for which judicial interpretations are required to put the politicians in check and stabilize the polity, are still flying in the air.

    First, should the Clerk of the National Assembly have gone ahead with the inauguration of the Senate with half of the number of expected elected senators in attendance? Should the 10a.m indicated by the President in his letter for the Proclamation of the National Assembly be iron cast? Could it not have been taken that the event should not hold earlier than 10a.m? Would it have been unconstitutional for the clerk to exercise a measure of discretion to give some minutes of grace for the other members to come on board? If the President were to be present in person for the proclamation – like some governors did in the state – what would have happened if, for one reason or the other, he was not able to arrive at the venue at 10a.m? What would have happened if the clerk, owing to an unforeseen circumstance, was unable to arrive for the exercise at 10am?

    Should the one-third quorum Clause (Section 54. 1, of the Constitution) for decision making while the senate is in session, be validly applicable, at inauguration (when the Senate/House is not in session yet) for election of the Senate President? If as stated in Section 50 (2c) of the constitution, as amended, it would require votes of not less than two-thirds majority of the members of the House to remove the Senate President, should he have been elected by a lesser fraction of members?

    It is instructive to note that for the President to be elected, he is required, according to the constitution, to win majority of votes and not less than one-quarter of votes cast in each of at least two-thirds of all the states in the federation and the FCT (Section 134). In the same vein, as provided in Section 144 (1a) of the constitution, a resolution passed by at least, two-thirds majority of members of the Executive Council of the Federation would be required to affirm incapability of the President, and same two-thirds majority to endorse the resolution to remove the President from office – Section 143 (9) of the Constitution (as amended). Notably, in all these instances, – not less than two-thirds majority is constant and consistent. 

    The main contentious issue in the National Assembly crisis, on which so much revolves, is party supremacy. One of the requirements stated in the 1999 Constitution (as amended) for qualification for election as a member of the Senate/House of Representatives is that, the candidate shall be a member of a political party, and is sponsored by that party – Section 65 (2b). Also, as explicitly stated in Section 221 of the Constitution, “no association, other than a political party shall canvass for any candidate at any election…..” Furthermore, such political party can neither be so recognized nor function unless “a copy of its constitution is registered in the principal office of the independent national electoral commission …. “ – Section 222(c).

    In this wise, should the party constitution and its provisions not be respected by party members? Should sanctions prescribed therein for disobedience to the party constitution not be visited defiant members? In all honesty, there is the need to put the Constitution to test, to untie ambiguous knotty ends, tighten exploitable lacunas and settle issues that were not envisaged by the constitution, as was the case in the issue of tenure of governors involved in re-run elections, resolved by the Supreme Court and consequent birth of Sections 135 (2A) and 178 (2A) of the Constitution (As Amended).

    It is logical to assume that APC has been cautious in its handling of the Saraki and Co.’s matter, exercising restraint in the imposition of sanctions, as prescribed in the party constitution, for fear of the unknown. One can safely assume that Senator Saraki, Honourable Dogara and members of their group have been so emboldened, to be so brazenly defiant to the position of their party because the likely Plan B could, characteristically, be to defect to the PDP. The implications are better imagined.

    ‘’I would advocate that the development be seen as a veritable opportunity to resolve lingering interwoven issues that had bedevilled the growth and development of true and sustainable democratic culture and principles, in this land, towards firming up the loopholes often exploited by politicians for crass opportunism’

    Defection or cross-carpeting (in the language of old) has been the stock in trade of our politicians, in the present political dispensation. This immoral act of political prostitution is ventilated by the loose end provided by the questionable bile of a caveat to Section 68 (1) (g) of the constitution, that has been the bane of the stability of the polity. For the growth of the much desired truly democratic culture, there must be an end to the adventure of nectar seeking butterfly politicians, moving from flower to flower.

    • Akinyemi writes via akinyemiayo@yahoo.com
  • Dogara planning to lock us out, APC loyal lawmakers allege

    Dogara planning to lock us out, APC loyal lawmakers allege

    House of Representatives members loyal to Femi Gbajabiamila yesterday alleged that Speaker Yakubu Dogara was planning to lock them out of the lower legislative chamber when the National Assembly reconvenes tomorrow.

    They claimed the Speaker has concluded plans to use the sergeant-at-arms to shut them out of the chamber.

    Addressing a news conference in Abuja, the group claimed that Dogara was planning to resort to “the extraordinary measure as a punishment for the group’s rejection of his distribution of the remaining four principal offices.

    Their spokesman Nasiru Sani Zangon Daura claimed  that other members have dissociated themselves from Dogara’s “Trojan” offer of principal officer positions to some members of the group.

    He added that the speaker’s offer was an attempt to woo some of their number to his camp at the expense of the party’s position. The spokesman claimed that the alliance between Speaker Dogara and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) was formed to sabotage President Muhammadu Buhari’s agenda for change in the country.

    Restating their members’ commitment to the APC’s manifesto, Daura declared that his group would resist any attempt to infringe on their legislative privileges and rights.

    He stated that to have a genuine agreement that is not tainted by the PDP, the Dogara group must first cut off ties between them and the PDP, “and secondly, engage in serious reconciliatory discussions with the group through our approved members under the leadership of Femi Gbajabiamila.”

      “We know that this unholy agreement between the disloyal Dogara group and the PDP entails the deployment of PDP members and the disloyal APC group in strategic positions in the structures and committees of the House,” he said.

    The Loyalists Group said there was no division within its rank and it was ready for election of principal officers of the House.

    The group said it has accepted the apologies of Mohammad Monguno, who accepted the proposal of Speaker Yakubu Dogara at a briefing on Saturday.

    It said Monguno was misled.

    At the Saturday briefing, Monguno expressed support for the selection of Alhassan Doguwa and Pally Iriase as House Leader and Chief Whip.

    Monguno, who was not at yesterday’s briefing was said to be bereaved and out of Abuja.

    He was represented at the meeting by Asabe Bashir, who is representing Dambia/Gwoza/Chibok Federal constituency of Borno State.

    She said: “He has sent in his unreserved apology for his inability to attend this press conference.

    “He is bereaved; he lost a brother yesterday in Borno and he had to travel to attend the funeral. The idea of this press conference came up after he already left. So, he called the leadership of the Loyalist Group and apologised for his inability to attend this press conference. And to buttress his point, he called me here to represent him.”

    Efforts to contact him and the Spokesman for Consolidation Group, Abdulmumin Jibrin, on phone failed.

    The Loyalists Group, however, stated that its stance on the crisis was meant to prevent the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) from taking over the National Assembly and subverting the anti-corruption fight of President Muhammadu Buhari.

    Spokesman of the group  Nasiru Sani Zangon Daura said the connivance and unholy alliance of disloyal 39 APC and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) members was capable of derailing the anti-corruption fight of President Muhammadu Buhari.

    “We hereby sincerely accept the apology made by Hon. MT Monguno for being misled into attending the press conference organised by Speaker Dogara’s group yesterday (Saturday).

    “We are also cognisant that in politics, there are always the subversive activities and antics of fifth columnist in any political movement to content with.

    “We are also aware that this unholy alliance is a bid to truncate President Buhari’s agenda, which include his anti-corruption stance by using the National Assembly to, at the very minimum, slow it down, if they cannot stop this presidential initiative dead cold.

    “We know that this unholy agreement between the disloyal Dogara group and the PDP entail the deployment of PDP members and the disloyal APC group in strategic positions in the structures and committees of the House.

    “The purpose of this strategic deployment is to enable the PDP to indirectly dictate the pace and activities of the National Assembly to the detriment of our party’s goals and objectives.

    “President Buhari has stated severally and just recently at the party’s NEC meeting that party decisions are supreme. We stand by him.

    “We also note the APC National Executive Committee (NEC) position concurring with the above statement of the president. We stand by our party.

    “We also need to state that the APC Governors Forum appointed mediation and reconciliation committee under the leadership of Governor Aminu Waziri Tambuwal held meeting in the Sokoto State Governor’s Lodge in Asokoro and at the conclusion of that meeting with the APC Loyalist group, it was resolved together with the governor that he will meet us again for a second meeting after he would have met with the Speaker Dogara group.

    “This second meeting between Governor Tambuwal and our group is yet to take place. “

  • Saraki, Dogara: Victory as sour

    Saraki, Dogara: Victory as sour

    Sweet moments have always been but a chanced rarity in the land. Laughter is a scarce asset that dwells mostly in the mien of its seeming monopolist owners. These are but few gurus of cash and power. Power they deploy as their majesties deem fit to command and suppress the thoughts and destiny of a sprawling but less privileged majority.

    Not even the periodic sequence of post-1999 charades either masqueraded as political parties’ primary elections or general polls craftily staged to outwardly legitimize the intrinsically illegitimate – candidate anointment, imposition and selection in flagrant disregard to the extant regulations on internal democracy or national electoral laws – were least able to restore the hope of a better tomorrow to a beleaguered people until the miraculous event of December 10, 2014.

    The inaugural edition of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Presidential Primary Election, as imperfect as it might have seemed, was indeed a fortune-changer for the Nigerian citizenry. On this day, all things answereth not to the commands of dollars amongst Nigerians politicians who, for the first time ever, voted for their conscience by offering the party’ ticket to an aspirant widely reputed for his financial incapacitation. To find Nigerian politicians being bought over by the widely-acknowledged Muhamadu Buhari’s virtues of discipline, integrity and patriotism, instead of flying filthy lucre, was indeed awesome to the average citizen in whom the long-lost hope for socio-economic and political recovery of a bed-ridden nation was instantly reincarnated.

    To the naive, it was the ‘Change’ mantra of the APC that eventually endeared the party and its candidate to the electorate on March 28. Truth be told, Nigerians have long been so wizened by innumerable past broken promises of change which predated October 1, 1960 that the most conceivably beautiful rhetoric of mankind can hardly inspire them to such a gargantuan risk. The risk of defying the globally respected and efficacious wit of the Yoruba elders which admonishes thus – a Satan that enjoys long-term acquaintance is more preferable than an unknown angel. If anything, the English, being another globally respected race of witty sayings acquiesces with this West African ethnic nation in a bird in hand is worth more than a thousand in the air.

    On that epochal day at the Teslim Balogun Stadium, the open dramatization of the ‘Change’ being promised through the transparency of an open-field contest conferred irresistible admiration, affection and, ultimately, acceptance on the eventual candidate, Muhammadu Buhari, even amongst the rank and file of the then ruling party, the PDP. Yet, that APC-like risk cultivated within the PDP fold by elements disgruntled, generally, by the intra-PDP pre-election realities that were unlike the APC’s.

    Rainfall is indeed a respecter of none. Days leading to the hitherto destined February 14, therefore, turned a season of summer torrents that tormented every Nigerian soul outside the sailing Ark of Change. For the first time ever, the PDP had a cause to shiver and shudder in trepidation. Realising that every tick of the clock was an additional suppression of its own suppressive machinery by which it had always and still intended to repress the people’s wish, it stylishly caved in, forcibly snatching a sick leave to surreptitiously reinforce its tricks.

    Little did this retreating power cult know that the six-week postponement, contrived on a warped logic, would, ironically, expose it as a fallible weakling before the very crowd that, for 16 years, had dreaded it as an invincible behemoth. Regained, thus, was the long-lost sweet of the citizens which they hoped to savour from the May 29 ascension of a new order till eternity.

    Certainly, the sweetness of March 28 that begot the sugariness of May 29 was not merely the victory and ascension unto power of an opposition party but the transparency and all-inclusiveness that characterized the Presidential Election, traits that were not only reminiscent of the APC’s shadow poll, they were indeed the obvious necessities of the post-poll concession offered by the then incumbent President to the delight of all and sundry.

    But, alas! Just some few days after, specifically on June 9, some symptoms of the supposedly exiled politricks reappeared on the floor of our ‘hallowed’ chambers to once again, sour my people’s sweet, probably indelibly.

    Let no one engage in self-delusion that the Nigerian masses perceive the new Senate President, Senator Bukola Saraki, and House of Representatives, Hon, Yakubu Dogara, as products of the much-beloved democracy. Rather, to many a Nigerian, the twosome is but offspring of loathed democrazy, who crafted treachery to score off-side goals.

    Truly, what aches the masses is far from what pains the politicians. That Saraki and Dogara defied their party ranks low in the people’s scale of concern. After all, it’s no new reality under the Nigerian sun, going by the anti-party emergence of Tambuwal which actually delighted and, ultimately, benefitted the masses.

    Salient, here, is the line between the Tambuwal episode and the Saraki-Dogara drama. Critically viewed from the perspectives of the masses on whose behalf political actions or inactions are supposed to be contrived and implemented, the former is never a justifying antecedent for the latter.

    Tambuwal’s emergence was never divisive or conspiratorial, as it was engineered by an unprecedented breaking of barrier of partisanship by lawmakers, across party lines, who spoke with one voice to elect their leader. Since Tambuwal never spited his party, the PDP, with negotiated reliance on the then relatively huge strength of the opposition APC, he has entered the Guinness Book of Records as the first Nigerian Fourth Republic Speaker with an uninterrupted tenure.

    Worse-still, Saraki and Dogara with their staunch promoters within and outside the APC have, so far, failed to realise that growing popular resentment and venom against prolonged misrule by the former ruling party was the secret beneath the masses’ delight that greeted every misadventure or misfortune of the PDP, as illustrated in the Tambuwal 2011 rebellion. They also missed it, as they failed to recognize the invaluably facilitative role played by such popular anti-PDP sentiments in the eventual defeat of the erstwhile indefatigable.

    And, what is, perhaps, most unpleasant and, probably, unforgivable to the masses is that Saraki and Dogara’s victories have come with a back-door restoration of power to the cult which the long oppressed and suppressed people had not only perceived as the source of their woes but which they had prayed, fasted and deployed their constitutional sovereignty to crush in the last polls.

    As it stands, Nigerians are not unaware that, with the present configuration in our bicameral parliament, the legislative capacity of the PDP to launch a vengeful and anti-people war to reclaim their lost asset, rather than voting to aid the change that Nigerians expect from the new administration, has just been boosted. Boosted not by the twosome’s victories but by their messy manner, since posterity was already waiting close-by to exalt, particularly, Saraki, if, at that crucial moment he had opted for heroism by pushing for a considerable delay of proceedings or rejecting the nomination in honour of his absent APC colleagues. At least, we were all living witnesses to frequent delays in general elections, which were nevertheless held sacrosanct by our Temple of Justice.

    Soiling the mood of the citizenry at a rare moment of great and sweet expectations; reversing the positive background setting of those who would make laws for Nigerians in the next four years, who have been thus polarised into warring camps by the resultant discord; and, returning Nigeria’s global perception to the low and infamous level which it was just about exiting. In these and listless other sour points lies the disservice that Saraki and Dogara’s selfish victories have done to themselves and the nation, at large.  

    • Olokode, a media consultant, writes from Ikeja, Lagos
  • Buhari, APC Reps to meet on Monday

    Buhari, APC Reps to meet on Monday

    President Muhammadu Buhari will meet members of the House of Representatives elected under the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC) at the Presidential Villa, Abuja on Monday.

    The meeting was confirmed to State House correspondents on Sunday by the Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity, Garba Shehu.

    The meeting, he said, would hold at the new Banquet Hall by 5pm.

  • Re: Saraki, Dogara – What should APC do?

    The extensive coverage and outstanding reportage of the National Assembly leadership crisis in The Nation on Sunday (June 28, 2015) is commendable. Please permit me to attempt to provide an answer to the question posed about what should APC do?  What a knotty question, as it were, considering how Dr Bukola Saraki and Mr Yakubu Dogara emerged as Senate President and House of Representative (HoR) Speaker, respectively, and their anti-party postures and activities since they assumed office!

     Let me situate the messy crisis in contextual perspective; after the last general elections which brought APC as the majority party countrywide, you did not need any prediction to suggest Sen. Saraki as the President of the Senate. He seemed to have everything – new Peoples Democratic Party (nPDP), geo-political zone, political savvy, human network, charisma and the wherewithal – in his favour. Public opinion was also not against him, as far as I knew.

    The only factor I considered against him was if APC stuck to the global parliamentary convention of fielding the Senate Minority Leader as the Senate President. In management, this is called succession planning. Surely Dogara’s candidacy for the Speaker came out of the blues! It was a strategic Plan B by some powerful tendency to wrest control of the government from a particular political personage. And his eventual election as Speaker was dramatic. But how justifiable is having the President, Senate President and the Speaker from the north? Is it not an outright violation of the provision of Section 14 (3) of the Constitution?

    The APC leadership seemed to have been in a complete daze since winning the presidential election on March 28 and appeared so lost after the president’s inauguration on May 29 or else two months were enough to nip the avoidable crisis in the bud before it snowballed into back-bench rebellion against the party. The party leadership made grave, glaring errors and President Muhammudu Buhari committed strategic error of judgment in the build-up to the NASS elections.

    First, it was a monumental error to recommend and “elect” Dr Ahmed Lawan for Senate President and Sen. George Akume for the deputy since both of them are from the north. Second, since APC did not present Sen. George Akume, the Minority Leader of the immediate past Senate, it was pertinently expedient to replace Mr. Femi Gbajabiamila, the Minority Leader of the immediate past HoR, as the party’s candidate Speaker, moreover, that he and the vice president, Prof Yemi Osinbajo, are both Lagosians from South West.

    Having the VP and Speaker from the same state or the same geo-political zone is against the spirit of the country’s federal character. Third, APC should not have dragged itself down to an abysmal point of conducting those “nursery” elections that produced Sen. Lawal and Gbajabiamila as APC’s candidates for Senate President and Speaker. At the point of going for that mock election, it was incumbent on PMB to intervene personally, maintain neutrality, calm nerves, say a few homes truths, allay suspicions, appeal for sacrifice and call into play the sheer power and authority of his personality and office.

    Unfortunately, the president chose not to be proactive in this particular matter. Fourth, how on earth will APC be relying on party supremacy which, practically, does not exist in a presidential government that is modelled on the American system? This is self-deception which may lead to self-destruction if the top echelons of the party remain none the wiser any farther! I have no much misgiving about the elections of Sen. Saraki and Dogara. But I have serious qualms about their official conducts and actions since they were elected.

    Their styles leave a lot to be desired. They ought to have embraced the party’s olive branch magnanimously and move on to real legislative business of the eight NASS. Two wrongs don’t make a right. And multiple errors won’t make sense. Just as the Senate President stated, “It is not fair to put the blame on one side because it is a combination of errors and miscalculations.” To play blame game at this juncture is to multiply the errors! But what will it take the political actors in the impasse to realise the error in their ways?

    I can think of nothing but Mr. President’s intervention. I am not the original proponent of this presidential solution. Really, it is about the wisest option for APC. As it is now, the onus is on PMB to arbitrate fair and square. The truth is that the masses of Nigerians who voted for the APC across the board in the last elections actually voted for PMB. If you take the personality of PMB away from the APC, there is little to choose between the party and the PDP.

    So, what should APC do about Saraki and Dogara? My answer is that the party should submit to the wise counsel of PMB.  This is premised on the fact that the duo of Sen. Saraki and Dogara as well as their loyalists in the APC within and outside the NASS are still wholeheartedly in the party.

    May God grant PMB the creative intelligence and innovative wisdom to deliver the goods.

    By Yomi Akinola, Ibadan.

  • Reps head for court as Dogara okays Doguwa as House Leader

    Reps head for court as Dogara okays Doguwa as House Leader

    There seems to be no end in sight in the battle for the post of principal officers in the House of Representatives, as members of the  Dogara Group, under the Consolidation Group,  yesterday named their choices for principal officers.

    The announcement coincided with the revelation that two members of the House have filed a suit against Speaker Yakubu Dogara.

    The members, Hon Abubakar Lado Abdullahi (APC, Niger) and Hon. Olajide Abdul Jimoh (APC, Lagos),  filed the suit at the Federal High Court, Abuja.

    They prayed the court to grant an order retraining the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Yakubu Dogara; Deputy Speaker, Lasun Yusuf; Clerk of the House, Sani Muhammed Omolori from preventing the announcement of the list of principal officers forwarded by the APC to the Speaker as representatives of the party on the Body of Principal Officers of the House.

    The Nation learnt that all the defendants have been served a copy of the originating summons as at Thursday last week.

    The APC lawmakers in the Originating Summon asked the court to determine whether Section 14 of the Nigerian constitution (as amended) on federal character applies to the internal workings of the National Assembly and, in particular, the House of Representatives, particularly with respect to the appointment of principal officers and especially the positions of Majority Leader, Deputy Majority Leader, Majority Chief Whip, and Majority Deputy Chief Whip.

    The Dogare group, in a statement  yesterday, adopted Alhassan Ado Doguwa from the Northwest as House Leader, Buba Jibrin from the Northcentral as Deputy House Leader, Pally Iriase from the Southsouth as Chief Whip and Chika Okafor, from the Southeast, as Deputy Chief Whip.

    The group, in the statement signed by Abdulmumin Jibrin, said:  “Heavens will not fall if Gbajabiamila is not made House Leader.

    “Consequently, we, the Consolidation Group, have adopted Alhassan Ado Doguwa from Northwest as House Leader, Buba Jibrin from Northcentral as Deputy House Leader, Pally Iriase from Southsouth as Chief Whip and Chika Okafor from Southeast as Deputy Chief Whip.

    “ We, therefore, call on our supporters to intensify lobbying at the zonal caucuses to ensure that these members emerge to assume the positions. Kindly note that Alhassan Doguwa is head of the Gbajabiamila’s Group while Pally Iriase was in the race for Speaker but stepped down for Gbajabiamila and assumed an prominent role in the Gbajabiamila’s Group.

    The group called on the party to disregard the letter purportedly written by the Gbajabiamila Group, “which we know contemptuously emanated from the duo of Gbajabiamila and ]Falake without consultation with the APC caucus in the House, many of whom are support Dogara, his peace efforts and proposal for distribution of principal officers.”