Tag: hate

  • Fear and hate at the time of Lent

    SIR: The media helmsman of the Goodluck Jonathan\Sambo team, Femi Fani- Kayode has clearly defined his job in a way that will haunt our politics as well as the very concept of societal cohesion and indeed of social solidarity upon which as of necessity a republic should be constructed upon, for a very long time to come.

    The unhealthy template he has set bears a disconcerting, striking resemblance to the modus operandi of Hitler‘s propaganda minister the perfidious Franz Josef Goebells.Columnist Femi Aribisala has also joined in on the same band-wagon.

    We all know that electoral contests are by their very nature divisive. Nevertheless, an election should not be positioned in such a way as to destroy the very basis of democracy as well as by cynical manipulation whose end result will be to tear apart the fabric of society.  Elections ought to be conducted within the context of a preexisting national democratic arrangement.

    In the true manner of the template set by Goebells, all the fault lines are being ruthlessly exploited. Ethnicity, religion, regional differences, no holds are barred and there is obviously no intention to take prisoners. For a democracy though there is, has to be, a critical issue: What happens after the elections?

    Much of the big lie on offer is not just offensive to the sensibilities, it is meant to create a permanent rupture undermining the very sustainability of the democratic ethos and of constitutionalism. This way the republic is imperiled.

    The hate speeches coming during lent provides food for thought. The hate maestros do not just resemble Goebells which is bad enough, they also bear a sickening resemblance to the ultimate bogeyman Pontius Pilate. Through the ages, every Sunday school pupil has been taught to regard Pilate as a‘ bad man‘. Pilate was more than just your run of the mill ‘bad man‘, his place in eternal infamy was earned because of the way he abdicated his responsibility.

    Pilate was in actual fact a ‘chancer‘, his eyes firmly fixed on self-preservation. Fixated on his impending comfortable retirement and the prospect of a quick exit from a perennially problematic Roman colony\outpost in Judea he simply cut and run, washing his hands off the matter.

    His successors today demonstrate the same trait. Those who use hate speeches and divisive politics based on exploiting divisions based on religion and tribe follow in the footsteps of Pontius Pilate.

    As Bob Marley said ‘when the rain falls it won’t fall on one man`s house.`Like Pilate Femi Fani-Kayode obviously believes that his house will be exempted. This is not going to happen of course but the deluded always have this erroneous belief.

    Now that we are in lent, might we ask in all of this what is the light that surprises the Christian as he prays?It cannot be about enveloping the polity in the politics of hate.That is not withing the context, meaning as well as the interpretation of this seminal season.

    The light that should guide the Christian at this time is clearly foretold by St Francis of Assisi. The words of St Francis were recollected by Mrs Margret Thatcher on her first day in office as Prime Minister:

    ‘Where there is discord, may we bring harmony. Where there is error, may we bring truth. Where there is doubt, may we bring faith. And where there is despair, may we bring hope‘.

    It is obvious that those jumping from pulpit to pulpit while at the same time promoting hate have never really thought about the import of St Francis‘ prayer. Quite honestly they should.

     

    • Ayo Badmus,

     Osogbo

  • I hate Buhari and I love Jonathan!

    I hated General Muhammadu Buhari. Intensely.

    This feeling developed in 1984. First, his non-smiling visage including that of Tunde Idiagbon, his late deputy, evoked no warmth. The apocryphal story that they wear permanent scowls because there was nothing cheerful about Nigeria’s situation at a period when South West Nigeria, encompassing his official abode, made Alawada Baba Sala the highest rated comedy show was paradoxical to me then.

    I was especially livid athis War Against Indiscipline (WAI) dictum mandating Nigerians to queue for virtually everything in a country where lawlessness is deified as wisdom. I scoffed at his directive’s impracticality against the odious rat race in Nigeria, especially in Lagos. Personally, my timely arrival at all destinations is guaranteed with a good meal for balanced legs, firmly tucking my handbag under my armpits to escape Houdini-inspired pickpockets, energetically elbowing other jostling prospective bus passengers and hopping, banana jump-style onto a moving Molue bus.  And I’m good.

    But the orientation worked. Apart from queuing, archetypal stubborn Nigerians became excellent examples of WAI-themed orderliness and discipline in thought, behaviour and expectation through eschewing all forms of indiscipline.

    Thirty-one years ago, Buhari foresaw that leaders’ ability to effectively lead is always dependent on the quality of followership behind him which Indiscipline obstructs in Nigeria.

    Economically, I blamed his austerity measures for causing reduction in my pocket money despite my Economics tutor’s adulations of Buhari’s removal or reduction of national expenditure excesses, startof Nigeria’s first vicious anti-corruption war, reducing the balance of payment deficit by tightening importation and executing 15 percent cut from his predecessor President Shehu Shagari’s 1983 Budget.

    Consequently, total capital expenditure decreased by 16.08 percent, capital defence expenses by 80.9 percent, while agriculture, transport and communication, education and health spending decreased by 78.7 percent, 76.1 percent, 58.2 percent and 58.7 percent respectively.

    These austere policies alienated him from the elite.  Probably, the country’s international airports would overflow with the rich departing Nigeria immediately upon his announcement as the country’s new president.

    Again, I smirked at his tenure’s controversies. Many journalists and politicians bemoaned Decree No. 4. Human rights groups flayed him for his government’s decision to execute drug peddlers. These issues among others denigrate peoples’ fundamental human rights. My distaste grew. Recently, an American friend prodded me to soft-pedal on Buhari because interpretations of profound political events continually evolve. “Even Abraham Lincoln is still vilified in certain parts of USA today for abolishing the slave trade,” he said.

    Then, a revelation from Dora Akunyili, the indomitable former Director General of Nigerian Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC) and former Minister of Information thawed me. She returned the remainder of allotted funds to PTF’s coffers after returning from a company-sponsored foreign medical trip while working, on secondment from University of Nigeria, with Buhari, the chairman, at Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF). The overwhelming positive impression she made on him led to Buhari’s recommendation of her when former President Obasanjo approached him for help in appointing a cerebral, bold and incorruptible NAFDAC’s DG to rid the nation of counterfeit drugs. Akunyili was Igbo and a born-again Christian. Buhari is Fulani and a devout Muslim. To Buhari, what mattered was the content of her character; he is neither a religious extremist nor a tribalist.

    Still, I mocked his perennial ambition to rule Nigeria again. I wondered why him? I dismissed him as lacking today’s energy and dynamism in tackling the country’s myriad problems. However, as the nation experienced three civilian leaders since 1999 without a commensurate improvement in Nigeria, I had an epiphany. Why not him? He is very fearless, disciplined and passionate about changing Nigeria. At his age, embezzlement cannot be his political aim. And as rumours spread about his health, I noted his vigour and lucidity outshine that of some in my generation. Besides, I churlishly cherish the idea of burdening Buhari with the job since his ilk saddled us with them in the initial analysis.

    Now, I love President Goodluck Jonathan. His affable persona and Mosaic dove-like demeanour is endearing. His ascension to power, never through vaulting over-ambition, but by events proudly proclaimed by his loyalists as predestined via positive happenstances provoked a fervent envy at his lot. In typical Nigerian copy-cat syndrome, the name, Goodluck, quickly became a fad. His trajectory from “having no shoes”to gaining a doctorate degree and variously occupying the topmost offices at state and national level is a record yet unmatched on Nigeria’s political landscape.

    Jonathan’s unemployment panacea as contained in his Transformation Agenda especially fascinated me for the plan noted “unemployment surged from 11.9 percent in 2006 to 14.6 percent in 2007 and 21.1 percent by January 2010.” Noticing the plan’s solutions, I practically swooned.That admiration quickly faded. No decisive or profound happenings occurred to concretise the hero-worship. Granted, we cannot beckon on Utopia overnight, but after six years of Goodluck, many previously employed when he created the plan are now jobless. Reno Omokri, Jonathan’s former special assistant on social media, said over 250,000 Nigerian youths are employed. Certainly, not from the general population but probably within the rehabilitated and amnestied militants now buying warships or moving from point A to point B in luxury jets.  Even, those are hardly half of that statistic.

    Everythingis in shambles. Equally troubling is Obasanjo’s revelations that Jonathan squandered $25 billion left by his administration in the Excess Crude Account and depleted $45 billion foreign reserves, which increased to about $67billion under Yar’Adua, to $30 billion. The response, that the balance is now $34.4 billion, is laughable.

    Feeding expenses is skyrocketing yet the Central Bank of Nigeria says inflation is less galloping now because it is at 9.50 one-digit rate and food import bill reduced from N1.1 trillion in 2011, to N648 billion in 2012, “placing Nigeria firmly on the path to food self-sufficiency.” But that statement rings hollow on any shopping excursions at Lagos’Mile 2 commodities market.

    In the 1960s, Nigeria was ranked an emerging economy alongside Malaysia and Singapore. Under Peoples’ Democratic Party’s rulership within 16 years, Nigeria declined from being a low middle-income country and amongst the 50 richest countries worldwide to one of the 30 poorest. Today, Singapore has the third highest per-capita GDP globally and Malaysia’s, $14,800.

    Nowadays, our bedfellows are Somalia and Syria.

    Jonathan’s buck-passing is mind-boggling. He said his inheritance of Nigeria’s problems excuses his inability to provide quick solutions. But, Jonathan’s emergence and continuing candidacy is on PDP’s platform,the same party under which the nation’s woes worsened. This implicates him. It is Jonathan’s conditions of service to provide solutions to Nigeria’s problems. He willingly applied for the position. And with or without a lion-like heart, Jonathan ought to have delivered. He did not.

    Not surprisingly, I am no longer enamoured with Jonathan or his continued rule.

     

    • Ogunbayo writes from Lagos.

  • Some truth you might love to hate

    Some say Muhammadu Buhari is a sentiment; who isn’t? Perhaps Goodluck Jonathan, they would say. Let’s not be trivial and given to hogwash, President Goodluck Jonathan is an unjustifiable sentiment gone wrong.

    Shall we write-off Buhari, just because…stuck in the intricate webs of our internalised and yet collectivised perversions, we are desperate to make a Hobson’s choice? Shall we continue to compromise and seek the consolation of wonderfully wrought intellectualisations just because it is socio-politically correct to do so?

    If not Buhari, who? Goodluck Jonathan? Show me the candidate without a splodge to his name. Of all the charlatans we launder, show us the self-acclaimed Messiah without some murder, pillage or unsubstantiated and yet uncontested allegation of fraud or corruption to his name, save Buhari.

    And so may I in response to those who consider President Jonathan as Nigeria’s only hope, aver in Rand-speak that there can be no compromise between a property owner and an intruder; offering the intruder a single teaspoon of one’s silverware would not be a compromise, but a total surrender – the recognition of his right to one’s property.

    Simply put, there can be no compromise, however exquisitely couched, between us and the looters we tolerate; offering them a jolly ride to our corridors of power in the spirit of socio-political expediency would not be a compromise but a total and cowardly surrender – the recognition of their right of ownership and monopoly over what is essentially ours.

    Whether we like it or not, there can be no concession or wanton sophistry acceptable on basic principles and fundamental issues. There can be no compromise between truth and falsehood, reason and irrationality. Imagine a compromise between food and poison, isn’t it death that would win?

    Nothing corrupts, nothing disintegrates a culture or a man’s character as the principle of moral agnosticism; that is, the idea that one must be morally tolerant of anything and everything and that ingenuity consists in never distinguishing good from evil and taking sides. It is obvious who profits and loses by such a precept, isn’t it?

    Even as so many of us indulge in the propagation of political claptrap in the interests of Goodluck Jonathan, it wouldn’t hurt to heed the subtle warnings of our individualised and wholly subjective realities. It couldn’t hurt to heed the caveat of objective reality.

    Given that we put ourselves on trial every time we think a thought and speak it, it is only fair that we seek to institute, however difficult it seems, a measure of checkmating every propaganda and irrationality we so desperately project. It is only in our peculiar culture of amoral cynicism, subjectivism and hooliganism that we arrogate to ourselves the freedom to utter any sort of irrational judgement and expect to suffer no consequences like pitiful presidential court jesters, Femi Fani-Kayode, Doyin Okupe and company persistently do to our chagrin.

    In as much as we seek to impeach every other candidate but our preferred candidate on the basis of their antecedents in governance and outside it; in as much as we have chosen to play the biased judge and jury with such impunity that teaches the just to recant, so should we expect to be judged and impeached by every judgement we pronounce.

    You see, the things we condemn or extol actually exists in the objective reality that is open to the independent appraisal of others. The values we project become the essence of our socio-politics and being. Every utterance we make, as our mildest insinuations, presents the clarity or absurdity of our individual perceptions as well as the rationality and otherwise of every politic we choose to celebrate or repudiate.

    If we did not indulge in such abject perversions and pitiable evasions as the argument that some contemptible liar “means well” – that a mooching bum “can’t help it” – that an unrepentant murderer “needs understanding” or that a desperate, power-thirsty politician is driven by concern “for the public good,” the history of our past few decades would have been different. And even today would offer ceaseless practicalities to compose the best odes by.

    In the light of ceaseless hardships and evils foisted upon us by President Goodluck Jonathan and company,every man who struggles not to acknowledge that his administration is pernicious to Nigeria’s wellbeing will find it very much dangerous to identify goodness in whatever form. To such character, a person of virtue presents a threat capable of exposing and toppling all his perversions and evasions.

    Can we now identify and root for the candidate capable of resolving the conflicting characteristics of our tribal mentality? Can we identify the candidate who can validate and attain a worthy equilibrium between, say, the expediency of wiping off our slums vis-à-vis the desirability and affordability of beautifully planned cities and suburbs?

    Can we identify the candidate who can evaluate and project our given concretes by an abstract principle while exacting the most probable if not practicable outcomes in the throes of ruthlessly objective and rational processes of thought vis-à-vis his enfant terrible gut-feelings or hunches?

    Do we know the candidate capable of instituting such blueprint that would guarantee the provision and sustenance of good roads and electricity, standard and affordable health care, security, stable economy and quality education among others?

    I guess we know the candidate undeserving of our mandate right now; that candidate is Goodluck Jonathan. Let Fani-Kayode and his fellow harpies know that the cult of sophistry they project would never succeed by their sneaky and open rebellion against reason. Let them know that their negation of reason would never amount to some sort of superior reasoning nor would their most brutal rebellion stifle morality or metamorphose into a superior kind of virtue.

    The cult of sophistry they perpetuate approximates nothing but the ugliness of muted confessions and a plea for blanket forgiveness for Goodluck Jonathan – despite Boko Haram, the missing Chibok girls, declining economies, devalued naira, dying industries, unemployment, and thousands of innocent deaths by Boko Haram’s bomb blasts to mention a few.

    The depth or shallowness of each candidate and his political form is further accentuated in the following joke currently trending in Nigeria’s social media:

    1. APC: We will ensure power stability.

    1. PDP: Where is Mrs Buhari?

    2. APC: We are going to fight corruption

    2. PDP: APC tried to hack INEC computers

    3. APC: We are going to fight terrorism

    3. PDP: Some APC elder statesmen are garage touts

    4. APC: We will invest in agriculture

    4. PDP: S/South will collapse the economy if Jonathan loses

    5. APC: We are going to upgrade standard of education

    5. PDP: I will expose failures of our ex heads of state

    6. APC: We will curb degradation of environmental pollution

    6. PDP: Buhari doesn’t know his phone number.

    7. APC: Nigeria’s wealth must be enjoyed by all of us

    7. PDP: Buhari put Umaru Dikko inside a crate

    8. APC: We will encourage rural development

    8. PDP: Buhari cannot use a computer.

    Camp Jonathan no doubt epitomises philosophical default, the intellectual bankruptcy that teaches promising hearts to exist in a vacuum of sort, like a paradise of weaklings and the perverted in thought. Pity this truth will be ignored by some, come February 14.

  • Why Nigerians hate Igbos, by Chinua Achebe

    Why Nigerians hate Igbos, by Chinua Achebe

    The increase was so exponential in such a short time that within three short decades the Igbos had closed the gap and quickly moved ahead as the group with the highest literacy rate, the highest standard of living, and the greatest of citizens with postsecondary educ

    Nigeria’s foremost novelist Chinua Achebe has claimed that Nigerians,especially of the Hausa/Fulani and the Yoruba stocks, do not like his Igbo ethnic group because of the southeast’s cultural advantage.

    He made this claim in his new book, There was a Country, which has generated controversy for his onslaught on the role of Obafemi Awolowo as the federal commissioner of finance during the Nigeria civil war. He accused Awolowo of genocide and imposition of food blockade on Biafra, a claim that has drawn rebuttals and contradictions of emotional intensity from some southwest leaders and commentators.

    “I have written in my small book entitled The Trouble with Nigeria that Nigerians will probably achieve consensus on no other matter than their common resentment of the Igbo,” he wrote under the heading, A History of Ethnic Tension and Resentment. He traced the origin of “the national resentment of the Igbo” to its culture that “gave the Igbo man an unquestioned advantage over his compatriots in securing credentials for advancement in Nigerian colonial society.”

    He observed that the Igbo culture’s emphasis on change, individualism and competitiveness gave his ethnic group an edge over the Hausa/Fulani man who was hindered by a “wary religion” and the Yoruba man who was hampered by” traditional hierarchies.”

    He therefore described the Igbo, who are predominantly Catholic, as “fearing no god or man, was “custom-made to grasp the opportunities, such as they were, of the white man’s dispensations. And the Igbo did so with both hands.”

    He delved into history with his claim, asserting that the Igbo overcame the earlier Yoruba advantage within two decades earlier in the twentieth century.

    “Although the Yoruba had a huge historical and geographical head start, the Igbo wiped out their handicap in one fantastic burst of energy in the twenty years between 1930 and 1950.”

    He narrated the earlier advantage of Yoruba as contingent on their location on the coastline, but once the missionaries crossed the Niger, the Igbo took advantage of the opportunity and overtook the Yoruba.

    ‘The increase was so exponential in such a short time that within three short decades the Igbos had closed the gap and quickly moved ahead as the group with the highest literacy rate, the highest standard of living, and the greatest of citizens with postsecondary education in Nigeria,” he contended.

    He said Nigerian leadership should have taken advantage of the gbo talent and this failure was partly responsible for the failure of the Nigerian state, explaining further that competitive individualism and the adventurous spirit of the Igbo was a boon Nigerian leaders failed to recognize and harness for modernization.

    “Nigeria’s pathetic attempt to crush these idiosyncrasies rather than celebrate them is one of the fundamental reasons the country has not developed as it should and has emerged as a laughingstock,” he claimed.

    He noted that the ousting of prominent Igbos from top offices was a ploy to achieve a simple and crude goal. He said what the Nigerians wanted was to “get the achievers out and replace them with less qualified individuals from the desired ethnic background so as to gain access to the resources of the state.”

    Achebe, however, saved some criticisms for his kinsmen. He criticised them for what he described as “hubris, overweening pride and thoughtlessness, which invite envy and hatred or even worse that can obsess the mind with material success and dispose it to all kinds of crude showiness.”

    He added that “contemporary Igbo behavior(that) cab offend by its noisy exhibitionism and disregard for humility and quietness.

     

    ation in Nigeria