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Tag: history

  • How ’ll history remember Jega?

    How ’ll history remember Jega?

    INNOCENT DURU examines the contributions of the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof. Attahiru Jega, to the sustenance of electoral democracy.

    PROFESSOR Attaihiru Jega, Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), proved he was an incorruptible umpire with his sterling performance during the  general elections. He combined tact, political sagacity and sincerity of purpose to give the country an election that was adjudged to be  free and fair locally and internationally. By this feat, he saved the country from the political conflagration that was waiting to consume it had the elections gone awry.

    The successful conduct of the elections against all odds, justified the confidence reposed in him by Nigerians when he was appointed in 2010 by President Goodluck  Jonathan.

    His resilience and avowed commitment to making sure that the elections were free and fair, sharply contrasted with the performance of his predecessor, Prof Maurice Iwu, whose tenure was characterised by overt electoral fraud that totally diverted the country from the path of political glory and made it a laughing stock among the comity of nations. Iwu simply did the bidding of his pay masters instead of carrying out the demands of  his office.

     

    Awiding Iwu’s mistakes

     

    Prince Tony Momoh, the former Chairman of the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), had this to say about him during his tenure: “ Maurice Iwu will go down in history as the most controversial INEC chairman Nigeria ever had and may ever have.  If Nigeria has an Iwu again, that is an embodiment of the negative part of the Iwu phenomenon, there is little doubt that his tenure would be the sharp knife that would cut that tenuous chord that had held Nigeria together over the years, come rain or shine.

    “ Iwu  so personalised the office of  the Independent National Electoral Commission chairman  that his name will remain, in its negative connotation, a synonym for electoral malpractices.For five years now when Iwu took office at INEC, he has done a great deal to grow the institution, but he has done much more, in the opinion of many, to bring shame to Nigeria as a country that cannot meet the simple requirement of conducting elections by ensuring that people vote, that the votes are counted, and that their votes count in the choice of those who govern.

    “The world, and Nigerians, minus Iwu and his collaborators, knew there were no elections in 2007.  An election in which ballot papers were printed and delivered after the swearing in of those who are supposed to have won the election, cannot be said to be an election, nor to describe it as free and fair.

    “An election in which compilation of results took place before the day of elections, on the day of the elections, and even after the day of the elections, without regard and respect for the people who were lined up to cast their votes and waited in vain to do so, cannot be said to be an election, nor can it be described as free and fair. We need someone who can look people in the face, however powerful they are or claim to be, and tell them what the law says and his responsibility to apply its provisions.

    Jega turned out to be the person that Prince Momoh and Nigerians were looking forward to, to take over the commission and sanitise the electoral process in the land.

     

    Jega’s profile

     

    Born on the 11th of January, 1957 he attended Sabon-Gari/Town Primary School, Jega, where he obtained his Primary School Leaving Certificate from 1963 to 1969 ; and the West African School Certificate (WASC) and the General Certificate of Education (GCE) O’ Level in 1974 at the Government Secondary School, Birnin-Kebbi. On leaving secondary school, he was admitted into Bayero University College, Kano (ABU, Zaria) for his Advanced Level Certificate studies; after which he proceeded for his undergraduate studies. He graduated in 1978 with a Bachelor of Science Degree (Hon) in Political Science.

    In 1979, after the mandatory National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) scheme in the then Cross River State, he took up appointment with Bayero University, Kano (BUK).  He thereafter proceeded to Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois, USA, where he obtained his Masters (1981) and Doctorate (1985) degrees in Political Science – specializing in Political Economy. While at Northwestern, he also obtained a Certificate in African Studies.

    Professor Jega’s rich academic career saw him serve at various times as Visiting Research Fellow, University of Stockholm, Sweden (Swedish Institute Fellowship), 1994; Visiting Research Fellow, St. Peter’s College, University of Oxford, 1996; Deputy Vice-Chancellor (Academic), Bayero University, Kano, 1995-1996; Acting Director, Centre for Research and Documentation (CRD), Kano,1998; and Director, Centre for Democratic Research and Training, Mambayya House, BUK, 2000-2004. He attained the pinnacle on September 6th, 2004, with his appointment as Vice-Chancellor, Bayero University, Kano – a position he occupied until his appointment as the Chairman, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in June 2010.

    His appointment as the INEC boss was widely applauded by various political parties, professional bodies and individuals.

    The PDP, in a statement by its National Publicity Secretary , Prof. Rufai Alkali, hailed Jega’s appointment believing  that he would bring his wealth of experience as a professor of political science to bear in the performance of his new assignment.  He did so.

    Also congratulating him, the ANPP called on Jega to create a “re-branded INEC by flushing out all bad eggs” in the commission as soon as the Senate ratified his appointment. He wasted no in doing that.

    The speaker of the Nigerian Youth Parliament, Hon. Onofiok Luke  said the academic’s antecedents as ASUU chairman foretells a great era in the nation’s electoral system, adding that Jega’s  sheer commitment to public interest, his uprightness and consistency as ASUU chairman all justified his choice.

    The then president of Nigerian Bar Association, Mr. Rotimi Akeredolu (SAN), described him as a man of a high pedigree that Nigerians were looking up to, to deliver credible elections in 2011. He lived up to this expectation.

    He did not only deliver credible elections in 2011, he also went ahead to successfully conduct elections in Anambra, Ekiti and Osun states before faithfully conducting the just concluded elections.

     

    Sanctity of ballot box

     

    The journey towards conducting the 2015 elections was, however, not a roller coaster drive for the INEC boss. For him, it could be best described as a torturous assignment as he was vilified, insulted, hounded and pushed to the point of  giving up the job by the disgruntled forces that were bent on discrediting the exercise. Instead of  pandering to their whims and caprices,  he remained resolute to the cause of saving the country from the electoral ditch his predecessor had plunged the country into.

    The PDP, which had earlier hailed his appointment, turned his arch enemy, ruthlessly attacking him at every given opportunity.

    The party unleashed its anger on  Jega over his insistence that the commission would use the Permanent Voter Cards for the election and plotted to remove him.

    The plot to remove him thickened when the PDP Presidential Campaign Council (PDPPCO) alleged that he was working with the All Progressives Congress (APC) ahead of the elections.

    The Director of Media of the PDPPCO, Femi Fani-Kayode, who made the allegation however, declined to provide evidence, noting that he was aware that the allegations were weighty and would expect Jega to react.

    This was followed by despicable protests and call for the sack of Jega by members of  the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra, (MASSOB), in Ebonyi State, and the Gani Adams-led Oodua Peoples Congress, in Ebonyi and Lagos States.

     

    Failed bid to sack Jega

     

    After failing in its bid to sack  him before the presidential and National Assembly elections, the PDP saw the collation centre of the election results as their its opportunity to throw the blow that would break the camel’s back. Apparently acting the party’s script, a former Minister of Niger Delta, and representative of the party, Elder Peter Godsday Orubebe, hijacked the floor, provoking Jega by calling him all sorts of names without giving him the chance to respond to his allegation. Instead of losing his temper as expected by Orubebe and the directors of his script, Jega remained calm and absorbed all the insults thereby saving the country the crisis that would have followed the anxiety generated by the public show of shame displayed by the disappointed Elder.

    Chief Ladi Williams, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), said  the INEC boss did excellently well  in the manner he conducted the elections, noting that he displayed maturity and political sagacity in the way he handled Elder Orubebe’s invective  during the collation of the results. He suggested that Czar of the electoral body should be given a national honour.

    “Jega did brilliantly well and the nation should be grateful to him. The likes of Orubebe belong to the Dark Age and should be confined to the dust bin of history. We were lucky it was Jega who was in the steering wheel, if not; the nation would have been set on fire. Today, Nigeria can sit in the comity of nations and hold its head high.

    “I will suggest that the Federal Government should give him national honour  on October 1. With due respect, it would be degrading to compare him with Prof. Maurice Iwu. The only person that comes close to him is Prof Humphrey Nwosu. If we have 10 people like Jega in the leadership of the country, the nation would be better for it.”

    He did not however support any idea to retain Jega for the job, saying: “ He has played his role and did his best. He should be allowed to go at the end of his tenure so that another person can take over from him. Instead of retaining him, the government should fund a programme in the university where he lectures to groom the younger ones.”

    Prof Itse Sagay, a prominent lawyer, had mixed feelings about Jega’s performance.  He said: “He is a highly principled person. He demonstrated a fair degree of integrity conducting the election. His conduct of the elections were better than what we had under Iwu  and Goubadia. He did well in other parts of the country but failed in the South-south and the South-east. There was no election in these two areas, yet Jega accepted it.  There was no presidential election in these areas and Jega allowed it to go. He really failed in these two regions.”

     

    Triumph of technology

     

    TECHNOLOGY played a crucial role in the success of the elections, which produced the officials taking over today; it rekindled the hope of the electorate in the electoral process in the country.

    It birthed the Permanent Voter Card (PVC) and Smart Card Reader (SCR) that became an albatross for the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). The deployment of the devices checkmated the culture of monumental rigging that characterised previous elections in the country and gave the people a fresh hope that their votes, which previously did not count, would begin to count.

    The SCR, an electronic accreditation system which verified the biometrics of voters replaced the manual accreditation of voters while the PVC that carried biometric data for each voter, replaced the Temporary Voter Card (TVC) that encouraged all forms of manipulations and electoral fraud in the past.

    In the course of rolling out its plans for the elections, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC)  said its decision to deploy the SCR for the election was to verify the PVCs presented by voters at polling units and ensure that they were the genuine ones issued by it. The second objective, according to the commission, was to biometrically authenticate those who presented PVCs at polling units and ensure that they were the legitimate holders of the cards.

    Thirdly, the body also aimed to, through the instrumentality of the device, provide a disaggregated data of accredited voters in male/female and elderly/youth categories for local and national research and planning purposes.

    Lastly, it said, the technological device was deployed for the purpose of sending the data of all accredited voters to its central server, thereby, equipping the commission to be able to audit figures subsequently filed from the polling units by electoral officials and determine if fraudulent alterations had been made.

    In spite of these laudable reasons for which the body announced that the devices were to be deployed for the elections, some of the political parties, spare-headed by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), became suspiciously critical of the plan,apparently fearing that it was going to spell doom for them.

    Sensing the calamity that the deployment of the SCR could bring to its existence as a party, the PDP at various times launched hydra-headed attacks against the INEC and its chairman, Prof Attaihiru Jega on the one hand and the All Progressives Party (APC) and its leaders, on the other hand.

    In its desperation to make sure that the SCR was not used for the elections, the party went beyond public condemnation of the device. It proceeded to the courts and filed plethora of suits against the INEC. The party did not do so in isolation; it also mobilized and sponsored other parties and groups to do the same with the ultimate aim of frustrating the elections.

    At a point, the presidential campaign organisation of the PDP, through the Director of Media and Publicity, Chief Femi Fani-Kayode, alleged that INEC had colluded with the opposition, the All Progressives Congress (APC) to compromise the card readers.

    According to him, the contract for the production of card readers was awarded to companies owned by a friend and supporter of the presidential candidate of the APC, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari.

    He alleged that: “Our concerns stem from the fact that the moving spirit and a major shareholder and board member of the company that supplied the card reader system and machines to INEC is not only a friend of but also an ardent and keen supporter of General Muhammadu Buhari and the APC.That man’s name is Sani Musa and he is indeed the main force behind the company. The company’s name is Act Technologies Ltd. and the Chairman of the company is one Engineer SK Danladi.

    “How and why INEC would give the contract to supply the card readers to a fanatical APC supporter and to a man whose other company was officially blacklisted by the INEC a couple of years ago for sharp practices, needs to be explained. Sani Musa has expressed his undying support for the APC and General Buhari and his hatred and virulent opposition to the PDP and President Goodluck Jonathan openly and publicly on his Facebook wall.

    Reacting, the APC campaign team said the PDP’s rejection revealed a sinister plot by the ruling party to manipulate the electoral process.

     

    Success story

     

    In a statement signed by its Director of Media and Publicity, Malam Garba Shehu, the APC noted that, the INEC’s decision to use the card readers was borne out of the need to ensure the transparency and integrity of the elections.

    He said: “Aside the huge financial investment involved in the procurement of the card readers, the PDP’s desire to hoodwink Nigerians on this anti-rigging device is not just subterranean but an affront on the independence of the electoral body.”

    Thereafter, a former national Vice President, National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS), Comrade George Turnah and five others dragged INEC to court, seeking an order to compel the commission not to conduct the 2015 general elections using the  PVC and the SCR devices. They sought an order of interlocutory injunction to restrain the respondents from conducting the general elections with the use of the PVC and the SCR as the only medium for voting pending the determination of the substantive suit.

    On another occasion, four other political parties; Alliance for Democracy, United Democratic Party, Allied Congress Party of Nigeria and Action Alliance, believed to have been sponsored by the PDP, also sought to use the court to restrain the INEC from using the devices for the general elections but a Federal High Court in Abuja, struck out their application.

     

    Failed litigations

     

    In the build up to the elections, a chieftain of the party, Waliu Taiwo, feverishly ran to the Federal High Court in Lagos to file a suit seeking to stop the use of electronic devices.

    Unwilling to embrace the change which incidentally is the slogan of the APC, the plaintiff said: “This is the first time anywhere in the world where a device such as the Card Reader as proposed to be used by INEC would be used to the effect that it supersedes the content of the register of voters properly compiled by the electoral body.”

    Another attempt at frustrating the use of the technological devices by the party, was to get its members in the House of Representatives to endorse the rejection of the use of the SCR and PVC.

    No fewer than 100 members of the ruling party in the lower chamber of the National Assembly, who were summoned to a nocturnal meeting in Abuja by the House Leader, Mulikat Akande and her deputy, Leo Ogor, stood their grounds that they would not lend their support to any move that could truncate the nation’s democracy.

    The devices, rejected by the PDP, became what  the international communities  treasured and upheld their use during the elections.  In the heat of the reinforced antagonism against  the devices by the PDP led government, the United States government saw the value and importance of the devices and threw its weight behind the INEC  to use them in the March 28 and April 11 elections.

    The American government through its Vice President, Joe Biden, in a statement issued by the US Embassy expressed its support for the INEC and “its work to deliver free, fair, and credible elections, in part through its essential efforts to distribute PVC and help ensure that electronic voter card readers are in place and fully operational.”

    Even after the elections were held, the Ambassador of the United States to Nigeria, Mr. James Entwistle, applauded the decision of the INEC to use the technology in the general elections.

    He said the PVC involved superior technology which his state of Virginia in the U.S. needed to copy.

    ”I am very impressed by the decision of INEC to use technology in this election. The Permanent Voter Cards are very high-tech. They are more high tech than my voter card from the state of Virginia in the US.

    “My voter card does not have biometric. It does not have my fingerprint. The high-tech gives the process more integrity.I congratulate INEC on taking the part of high-tech. I think we need to come and study it so that we can use it in my country,” he said.

     

    Hiccups

     

    In spite of  huge success that greeted the deployment of the devices, they were not without some hiccups. The SCR malfunctioned in different parts of the country during the presidential election. The machines for instance, could not read the finger prints of President Goodluck Jonathan, the candidate of the PDP and his wife, Patience.

    Jonathan was issued with Incident Form for accreditation after five SCRs failed to read his thumbprint. The First Lady was also accredited with the Incident Form.

    Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekweremadu, among others also faced similar challenge.

    The distribution of the PVCs also recorded some drawbacks as a number of the people who had the TVC could not get their PVCs before the elections and, as a result, could not vote.

    Commissioner of Police, Alhaji Abubarkar Tsav said the hitches were expected because it was the first time such technology was used in the country.

    ”It was normal that such hitches would come up because that was the first time such technology was used in our elections. I believe that INEC would make it work perfectly in future elections.

    ”Aside from the hitches, the deployment of  the devices was wonderful. It helped to check rigging. It was good that INEC insisted on using them because they made it impossible for anybody to manipulate the process. The idea of sitting down in one place to cook up figures was avoided with the use of the devices.”

     

     

     

    For Prof. Itse Sagay, the devices are the way forward for the country.

    “The PVC and the  SCR are very important in checking electoral fraud. A lot of this will be exposed at the tribunal especially in some states where figures were cooked up to favour some candidates.”

  • Jonathan and verdict of history

    SIR: But for the agony wrought on hapless Nigerians since the electoral defeat of President Goodluck Jonathan on March 28, history would have been kinder to the former president. As a matter of fact, he had endeared himself to Nigerians for providing an enabling environment for a free and fair election and the fact that his concession of defeat had come before all the votes had been counted won him accolade worldwide. The above won him sympathy of Nigerians in spite of the inadequacies of his government.

    However, since the April 11 election, there has been palpable evidence of absence of governance, a pointer to the fact that the concession of victory to President Muhammadu Buhari was a mere show. If  Jonathan  truly  conceded defeat  in the true spirit of statesmanship,  he  would have provided  effective leadership  until the last day  of his  administration. The reverse was the case.

    In the last one month or so, the lives of the ordinary Nigerians, including millions who voted Jonathan became miserable. The former President abandoned governance and gave some shylocks, including independent oil marketers, free rein to fleece Nigerians to the marrow. Price of petroleum products skyrocketed which in turn affected the cost of production and transportation of goods. These in addition to the woes brought on the nation by endemic power failure. The irony is that downtrodden masses were most affected and living became nightmarish in most villages and towns. Security of lives and property could not be guaranteed because of the activities of insurgents, kidnappers and armed robbers. This is apart from the agony faced by civil servants who were owed arrears of salaries.

    Would it not be right then to conclude that the former President and his party inflicted pains on Nigerians because of their loss at the election? It is unfortunate that they turned their backs on history. If President Jonathan had played his leadership role to the end, he would have continually enjoyed the goodwill of Nigerians in future. But with the way his government ended, how does he think history would remember him?

     

    • Adewuyi Adegbite

    Apake, Ogbomoso.

  • History beckons as Buhari takes power

    History beckons as Buhari takes power

    …Katsina: Twice lucky

    The inauguration of President Muhammadu Buhari today means that Katsina State has produced an elected president for the second time. MUSA ODOSHIMOKHE examines the factors that worked in Buhari’s favour.

    Since independence in 1960, no state has been fortunate to produce the number one citizen twice under the democratic dispensation. With the inauguration of President Muhammadu Buhari, today Katsina State will make history as the only state that has achieved the feat. Even when the military era is taken into account, only few other states have produced the Head of State twice or more. The other states are: Ogun, Kano and Niger states.

    Kano and Niger states produced the Head of State twice during the military era. Ogun and Katsina produced the Head of State twice in both military and civilian dispensation. An indigene of Ogun State, Chief Ernest Shonekan, occupied the seat of power in interim capacity before the late General Sani Abacha shoved him aside. Between 1999 and 2007, another indigene of the state, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, served two terms of office as a civilian leader. He had earlier occupied the number one position between 1976 and 1979 as a military leader.

    However, Katsina State did not come to occupy the lofty position by accident. It has been in the vanguard for the quest for power. The state has produced notable politicians and military officers. Some of the indigenes, who have served at the federal level, had come to terms with the dynamics of power, using the opportunity to tilt the balance of power in the state’s favour.

    It has struggled for power right from the colonial days; this is well documented in the political evolution of the country. They have come to terms with politics, ensuring that each time Nigeria embraces democracy, they participated at the highest level. Some of the notable indigenes of the state are former Inspector-General of Police Ibrahim Coomassie, former Chief Justice Mohammed Bello, the late General Hassan Katsina, Mallam Lawal Kaita, Mohammed Tukur Liman, Mallam Sani Daura, the late General Musa Yar’Adua, the late President Umaru Yar’Adua and others.

    The late General Yar’Adua, for instance, was a force to be reckoned with. He served as the next in command to General Obasanjo when he was, Head of State. Yar’Adua’s meteoric rise in his military career was unparalleled; the death of General Murtala Muhammed paved the way for the ascendance of the military officers under him like Yar’Adua. Muhammed was murdered in a coup on February 13, 1976. To fill the gap created in the power structure, Yar’Adua was elevated to the next in command as a compensation for the Northwest that had lost its prominent son, Murtala, in the coup.

    His political relevance manifested in the formation of the Peoples Democratic Movement (PDM), a structure which former Vice President Atiku Abubakar used for political relevance.

    Katisna made headlines during the Sheu Yar’Adua’s presidential ambition, making inroads in almost all the states. He was later charged for treason under the Abacha government and sentenced to death over a phantom coup.

    His younger brother, Umaru Yar’Adua, who later became the President was not raised in the mould of his senior brother’s political sagacity. But, through consistency, he railed his way to the highest office of the land.

    During the long transition programme of General Babangida, who kept on shifting the hand over date until the events surrounding the annulment of the June 12, 1993 election compelled him to leave power in a hurry, Umaru Yar’Adua was a politician of note. The younger Yar’Adua later became a founding member of the Peoples Front, a political association led by his elder brother.

    In 1991, Yar’Adua contested for the governors of Katsina State under the platform of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), but lost. Seven years later, he took part in the formation of the K34 political association, which later merged with the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and ran for the governor of the state, which he won in 1999. He was re-elected in 2003.

    Katsina State served as the Mecca to politicians during the build up to the emergence of the late Yar Adua when his name was mentioned as the likely successor to President Obasanjo. Yar’Adua gained public acceptance as his lifestyle and activities were chronicled from wide perspective.

    But, he died in office, leaving bookmakers and Nigerians to mourn one of the best leaders whose public conduct was premised on good example.

    Like Ogun, where the influence of Obasanjo made headlines for the state, Katsina will come under scrutiny and public watch in the next four years as President Buhari mounts the saddle. The 72-year old General has served in various capacities before he became the Head of State in 1983.

    He was enlisted into the army in 1963 and attended various military trainings; both in Nigeria and outside the shores of the country. He was Director of Supply and Training, Nigeria Army Corps Headquarters. Buhari became Military Governor of North Eastern State in 1975 and later served as Minister for Petroleum and Natural Resources in 1976.

    He served as Military Secretary and in 1983 to 1985, he was Commander –in-Chief of the Nigerian Armed Forces and was later, Executive Chairman of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTDF).

    Having retired from the military the soldier-turned politician sought a new platform to serve his fatherland. He joined the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) in 2003 and was defeated by President Obasanjo. In 2007 he contested against the late Yar’Adua also from Katsina State; Buhari secured 18 per cent of the total votes cast, while Yar’Adua got 70 per cent. Buhari rejected the result and headed for the courts. Yar’Adua later admitted that the election that brought him to power was flawed. He later left the ANPP and established the defunct the Congress for Progressives Change (CPC); the platform where he contested against Jonathan in 2011.

    About two years ago, the oppositions realised that it would be impossible to defeat the PDP at the centre, if it failed to form a united front. This motivated the Action Congress of Nigeria led by Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, the CPC, the ANPP led by the former Governor of Kano State Ibrahim Shekarau and a faction of All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) led by Imo State Governor Rochas Okorocha, to team up.

    The result of that merger produced the APC, the platform on which the Katsina-born politician rode to power. Buhari has become a household name in Nigeria today. During the APC primaries, his kinsmen from Katsina State, who stormed the Teslim Balogun Stadium, Surulere, Lagos, left no one in doubt that they were serious to produce the President.

    In the election that brought Buhari to power, the Katsina State delivered over 90 per cent of its vote to the APC. Unlike Obasanjo, whose electoral successes at home have not been overwhelming, Buhari case is a different kettle of fish.

    Nigeria’s democratic train derailed after six years of independence. Following independence in 1960, Alhaji Tafawa Balawa from Bauchi State was elected to lead the country, but the administration was brought to an end shortly after, paving the way for the late General J.T.U. Aguiyi-Ironsi who hailed from Abia State to lead the country briefly in 1966. He spent six months in office before he was removed in a coup d’etat that claimed his life.

    General Yakubu Gowon from Plateau State came on board and was there till 1975 when General Murtala Mohammed from Kano State came to power. His regime was succeeded by General Obasanjo, who later handed over to Alhaji Shehu Shagari from Sokoto State as civilian leader in 1979. The administration came to an abrupt end when it was sacked by a military junta led by Major-General Buhari in 1983.

    In 1985, Buhari was toppled by General Ibrahim Babangida in another coup.  That was when Shonekan was brought in to head the interim government that took over from Abacha, who later died in office.

    General Abdulsalami Abubakar from Niger State took over in 1998 and handed over to Obasanjo, who was elected on the platform of the PDP. In the first civilian-to-civilian transition, Obasanjo handed over to the Umaru Yar’Adua from Katsina State. Yar’Adua was in charge between 2007 and 2010.

    Yar’Adua’s death created the opportunity for President Goodluck Jonathan to step in as the new leader. Jonathan secured a pan-Nigeria mandate in 2011 to lead the country, but failed in his re-election bid in the last general elections.

  • History still matters

    When De Klerk took the decision to abolish minority rule in South Africa, even his wife divorced him…”

    President Goodluck Jonathan made this and other remarks during a thanksgiving and farewell service organised in his honour at the Cathedral Church of the Advent, Life Camp, Abuja. The president intended the remark to make an impact that doing the right thing as De Klerk did, and as he himself had done when he conceded defeat in the presidential election, often carries a heavy price. But he got it wrong as the remark was an erroneous statement of history. Isn’t it time we revisit the study of the subject in its entirety in our schools?

    To set the records straight, Marike de Klerk did not divorce De Klerk because of Apartheid but because he was having an affair. In 1994, De Klerk began an affair with Elita Georgiades, the wife of Tony Georgiades, a Greek shipping tycoon who had allegedly given de Klerk and the National Party (the ruling party before the end of Apartheid) financial support.

    As a result of the romantic affair, FW and Marike’s marriage ended in 1998 with FW announcing on Valentine’s Day that he intended to divorce his wife of 38 years. Marike was opposed to the divorce and reportedly told her ex-husband: “If you change your mind, I’ll forgive everything – up to 70 times seven.” However FW was quoted in his reply as saying: “I’m certain about my decision. Stop hoping.”  He followed up his decision by marrying Georgiades a week after his divorce to Marike was official. She was however murdered in her Cape Town home in 2001.

    Born to an upper-middle class Afrikaans family in Pretoria, Marike was a racist to the core. In 1983 she came under fire over comments she made about the “coloured” community. “You know,” she said, “they are a negative group … a non-person. They are the people that were left after the nations were sorted out. They are the rest.”

    In 1991, she forced her adopted son, Willem to end an 18-month-long relationship with a “coloured” woman, Erica Adams. He married a “pure” white woman the following year.

    The need for historical consciousness was again mooted last week by Dr. Kingsley Moghalu, a former deputy governor of Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). Writing in Thisday newspaper last week under the title: Buhari’s Imperative: Leadership and Economic Transformation he stated: “When citizens understand and agree with the national vision and the economic philosophy, it becomes easier to mobilise and organise their productive energy in a purposeful uniform direction. But it requires skilled management, effective strategic communication (call it propaganda if you will) and a thoroughly revamped educational curriculum that emphasises history (which has been dropped from the curriculum of most Nigerian secondary schools)…”

    The last time I checked, Dr. Moghalu still remains a banker and scholar (he is a professor of Practice in International Business and Public Policy at Tufts University’s Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, USA); but he  emphasised the need for the return of the study of history.

    I have written more than four articles in the past two years on the relevance of history to our society. The president’s “slip” last week necessitates another which I think the incoming government should seriously to look into.

    For those old enough to remember, isn’t it strange that what we are experiencing today is strikingly similar to what we experienced in the run up to events of 1983? Prior to that year, our system was practically run aground until one Major-Gen. Muhammadu Buhari and his group toppled the civilian regime of Alhaji Shehu Shagari. Thereafter, we started hearing stories fit only for the imagination of fiction writers on the profligacy of power.

    So when I look at today, I ask myself if history is repeating itself. We apparently have nothing to show for the years of high oil prices which raked in billions of dollars. But the challenge won’t be in the crisis but on how Nigerians would react. Again, it is one Major Gen. Buhari that has this time been voted in democratically to come help clear the mess. But as some Nigerians are aware, this mess will not just evaporate in one fell swoop. So what is the best way to start tackling it?

    Moghalu again put it more succinctly: “Regarding the longer term requirements for economic and socio-political transformation, Nigeria must execute three paradigm shifts. The first paradigm shift is not purely economic but social, political and psychological, and that is the need to manufacture the consent of Nigerians about their nationhood, a worldview for the Nigerian nation and the value system that will underpin it as well as the country’s economic philosophy. Critical to achieving this is the positioning of men and women who will craft and drive Nigeria’s worldview. This requires strong, purposeful leadership, for the manufacture of consent is what creates fertile ground for economic transformation.”

    Rewind to 1983-85. Buhari tried his best to instill discipline and probity in government, but revisionists stepped in and truncated the plans before it budded. This was what Moghalu was referring to in the quote above. We are at the same crossroads again.

    Fast-forward to 1999 when our democratic dispensation started. The first two years of former President Obasanjo’s first term were marred by increase in militancy and ethnic nationalism by the component parts that made up Nigeria. In their quest to understand this “sudden upsurge”, Emeritus professor of history and former Vice Chancellor of University of Ibadan, late Prof. J.F Ade Ajayi told the government point blank that it emanated from a flawed or failed sense of history. He proffered solutions which led to a presidential directive on the need to rework the school curriculum. As with most things Nigerian, it died a premature death on the policy and implementation slab.

    And now that we are at a crossroads as a nation with most Nigerians lacking the understanding of what being a Nigerian is supposed to be, we may have to ask ourselves why study history, and what does history have to do with all that is happening now? The answer is because we virtually must, to gain access to the “laboratory” of human experience. When we study it reasonably well, and so acquire some usable habits of mind, as well as some basic data about the forces that affect our own lives, we emerge with relevant skills and an enhanced capacity for informed citizenship, critical thinking, and simple awareness. We need to study it to make progress, even though this progress may take years in materialising.

    In a society that quite correctly expects education to serve “useful” purposes, the functions of history can seem more difficult to ‘define’ than other disciplines. But as advanced societies know, history is very useful, actually indispensable, even though the products of historical study are less tangible, sometimes less immediate, than those that stem from some other disciplines.

    History should be studied because it is essential to individuals and to society as it helps us to understand people and societies. In the first place, it offers a storehouse of information about how people and societies behave.

    One salient feature of advanced countries is their ability to see the importance of nearly every discipline in the development process. Where we see the study of history in Nigeria as “irrelevant”, advanced countries tap into the mind of the historian and use his analytic mindset for progress.

    In the United States, Britain and France, there are historians that undertake historical research for businesses or public agencies, or participate in the growing number of historical consultancies. These categories are important to keep the basic enterprise of history going. So understanding the linkages between past and present is absolutely basic for a good understanding of the condition of being human. That, in a nutshell, is why History matters. It is not just ‘useful,’ it is essential.

  • Gana: PDP made history in 16 years

    Gana: PDP made history in 16 years

    Chairman of the Governing Council, University of Lagos (UNILAG) and member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Board of Trustees (BoT), Prof Jerry Gana has condemned criticisms that the PDP did nothing in its 16 years of leadership.

    Gana spoke yesterday at the university’s Convocation lecture at the main auditorium.

    He listed milestones the party achieved, including Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s restoration of the nation to its democratic state.

    Prof Gana said the Jonathan administration should be credited for listening to the voice of Nigerians by conceding defeat.

    “Some people, even close friends, said we did nothing in the last 16 years. I will remind them. Do they remember the confused situation Nigeria was in 1997/1998, how we restored democracy? Do they remember that we gave inference to the existing authority and purified the electoral system?

    “I am glad today because someone still remembers. One person has remembered that it is always good to appreciate something that your predecessor did. So I am going to convey to President (Goodluck Jonathan) that Prof Oke Bukola has advised the incoming President to say ‘look Jonathan, you are to be appreciated because if nothing else, you handed over power over to an elected president’,” Gana said.

     

     

  • Pillars can make history–Galadima

    Pillars can make history–Galadima

    Ibrahim Galadima, vice chairman of Kano Pillars’ Continental Committee, has declared that the team will turn things around in the second round, second leg of the CAF Champions League in Kano.

    The reigning Nigeria Professional Football League champions suffered a heavy 4-0 defeat against Moghreb Tetuoan in the  first leg, second round encounter played in Morocco on March 21.

    Thereafter, the Nigerian representatives who returned from Morocco via Cairo to the northern city last Thursday resumed camping for the return leg just 24 hours later. Ahead of their dicey reverse fixture scheduled for Saturday in Kano, Galadima insists Pillars are psychologically prepared and morally motivated to summount the challenge ahead of them.

    “I don’t think it is possible to share with you details of the plans we have and nobody can tell you how we are going to play. The best I can tell you is that we are playing our match on Saturday,” Galadima told Goal.

    “We are getting ready and doing the best we can to face the opposition in Kano. The team has been in closed camp since Friday and we are doing everything as a team.

    “The boys are psyched up to face the task which is not impossible for them to cancel the 4-0 we lost in Morocco. We are doing everything possible in the circumstances we’ve found ourselves.

    “We are very optimistic. In football, anything can happen – it also happened to the Morrocco side who went to Mali and were 2-0 down but advanced winning 3-0 at home. Losing 4-0 in the first leg doesn’t mean we can’t beat them 4-0 here,” he said.

    Despite admitting an uphill task, the former president of the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) insists the team is not down but focused and strategising on making history.

    “It is not the first time it has happened to any club side. So therefore,we are not pessimistic about it. We are looking forward to the match. The mistakes in Morocco have been identified and then everything is being done to over-write what went wrong going to the first leg.

    “I pray we (Warri Wolves, Kano Pillars and Enyimba) win the remaining teams in the continental competitions, we continue to fly the flag of the country high. Nigerians too should rally round the teams,” he said.

    Faced with a mountainous task, Okey Emordi’s men must score at least four unreplied goals to have a sense of reaching the next stage of the 2015 CAFChampions League.

  • Oshoala makes history in England

    Oshoala makes history in England

    Liverpool striker Asisat Oshoala etched her name into African football folklore by becoming the first player from the continent to feature in the FA Women’s Super League.

    The Nigeria international entered the history books on Wednesday night when she stepped out on to the Select Security Stadium pitch as back-to-back champions Liverpool tackled Sunderland.

    One of England’s UEFA Women’s Champions League representatives, The Reds, slipped to a shock 2 – 1 loss at the hands of The Lady Black Cats.

    In the first half, with the scoreboard reading 1 – 0 in favour of Sunderland, Oshoala had a golden opportunity to make it 1 – 1, but her shot missed the target.

    On a personal note, the Falcons star has admitted that she was sad to lose on her Women’s Super League bow, and her inability to open her Liverpool goal scoring account, albeit in an official match.

    ”I am disappointed that we lost and I failed to score,” Asisat Oshoala said briefly to SL10.ng.

    With 17 minutes remaining, Asisat Oshoala made way for England youth international Lucy Staniforth.

    The current African Women’s Footballer of the Year is contractually bound to Liverpool until the end of next season.

  • As the Yoruba reflect on this moment in history

    As the Yoruba reflect on this moment in history

    Despite the age-old tradition that Obas should conduct themselves as supra-partisan leaders, the ruling party brazenly made some Obas to act in a partisan manner

    It is an understatement to say that the Yoruba are already thinking about this period in the country’s history. The present moment is in many ways similar to what obtained in 1965 in the Yoruba region when Hubert Ogunde, the father of the Opera Mode in Nigeria, composed Yoruba Ronu. The use of ‘reflect’ in the title in today’s piece is the closest English translation of Ogunde’s use of Ronu. For Ogunde then, the Yoruba were at a crossroads in their region’s history and development and needed to do self-assessment and critique; audit the region’s political culture; and dream a-new about its future.

    In his most evocative imagery, Ogunde then described the Yoruba society as a pace-setter and model for others, suddenly transformed into a football that everybody on the street kicks around for fun, all on the strength of the control of means of signification by a few Yoruba politicians in power or with access to power want to control the political destiny of the Yoruba .Ogunde was then preoccupied with the extent of political crisis and decline in the Yoruba region. Today, the decline in the region is more than political; it is also looking cultural and moral, given the character of participation of some Yoruba sons and daughters in the new campaign culture in the country.

    What Ogunde warned against in his Yoruba Ronu, a song that had been used generously by opposing parties in the current campaign, was a political leadership that appropriated the public means of mass communication to tell only the story of the ruling party and in doing so, insult citizens directly or indirectly. As we observed in this column last week, the dominant political culture of that period was summarised by the sentence: “We do not have the time to campaign about programmes; whether you vote for us or you don’t our party has won the forthcoming election.”

    The intention of today’s column is not to query individuals or groups for exercising their freedom of association and expression. This freedom had been part of Yoruba culture for centuries and long before the advent of colonial political culture. In most Yoruba communities, there was the tradition of self-expression that allowed citizens to critique or even lampoon their leaders at the times set apart for rituals of rebellion and castigation of those with power over citizens, be they monarchs or chiefs or the economically powerful in the society, just as everybody was free to canvass for support for his or her candidates for office in the precolonial Yoruba polity. But the exercise of such rights in the traditional context, as it is in the modern context in other modern societies, also had rules of engagement. Deception or humiliation of citizens, particularly vertical figures in the society, was frowned upon.

    The events in the last three weeks are reminiscent of what happened in 1965 when the ruling party in the region humiliated some of our Obas. Despite the age-old tradition that Obas should conduct themselves as supra-partisan leaders, the ruling party brazenly made some Obas to act in a partisan manner. Fortunately then, as it seems to be now, there were also many Yoruba Obas who chose to act in compliance with tradition: avoiding to identify with any of the political parties contesting the election. At the end, it was the citizens that voted. Not one Oba out of those generously suborned and those that were left as black legs and fanatics of the opposition party, was seen at any of the polling stations. But all the same, 1965 started the abuse and humiliation of Yoruba traditional rulers, even at a time when cultural and moral decline was not this self-evident.

    Of course, the decline was accelerated and deepened by military dictators. During the many years of military rule, traditional rulers across the country were wooed and cultivated by dictators at the federal and state levels with the consequence that the institution became politicised more and more. Some Obas were encouraged to become contractors of the government and thus pushed into a situation where they could not resist supporting the government in power, regardless of the deleterious effect of its programmes. But generally, military dictators on the surface showed some respect to the Obas until the annulment of 1993 and in the years of Abacha’s rule of terror.

    The last sixteen years of post-military rule appeared to have given traditional rulers the space they needed (and still need) to conduct themselves as statesmen and not as rapacious hustlers that some of them were deemed to be during military rule. But the event of a few weeks ago in many parts of Yorubaland brought the humiliation of Yoruba traditional rulers to an embarrassing level. Those who organised the campaign of President Jonathan in the north acted in a way to show respect for northern monarchs. President Jonathan visited individual Emirs in their palaces to announce his presidential candidacy and to repeat the accomplishments of his administration. In most cases, he asked northern Emirs to pray for him, instead of asking them to vote for him.

    In contrast, Yoruba Obas were treated as government employees by those who coordinated the presidential campaign in the Southwest. Several Yoruba monarchs were herded and assembled to receive the president, not in palaces of individual monarchs as it was in north. Like school kids on excursion, Yoruba Obas were assembled outside their palaces to listen to the president’s campaign, especially his promise to de-marginalise the Yoruba region, if elected for another four years.

    It is one thing to have or know monarchs that are rapacious enough to want to take any risk with their crowns. But it is another thing to treat many monarchs as if they are Warrant Chiefs who were created to facilitate colonial governance and thus owed their livelihood to the goodwill of colonial administrators. Whoever organised the presidential campaign in the Southwest was not fair to Yoruba monarchs for failing to encourage President Jonathan to visit the traditional rulers in their palaces individually, the way he did in the north. Summoning Yoruba monarchs from their palaces to a central place to listen to the president’s campaign is wrong and can be counterproductive. Many voters who still have respect for the institution of monarchy in the region may see the levity with which Yoruba monarchs were herded as a sign of continued Yoruba marginalisation, more so as this is already a dominant theme in the campaign of Yoruba Council of Elders and other groups.

    Of all the elections I have observed in the country, I cannot remember seeing any Oba cast a vote. The electoral value of the Yoruba monarchs may not be as high as to deserve summoning them to a central place to listen to political campaigns of the ruling party or of the opposition party. Yoruba Obas themselves know this. No self-respecting Oba can come out openly to campaign for any political party or candidate. A few of them that may have the temerity to persuade their subjects in secret also know the consequence: loss of respect among their subjects.

    It is churlish that the coordinators of the PDP campaign in the Southwest treated the Obas the same way they treated their subjects: ordinary voters that needed to be brought together to hear the candidate campaign. It is even worse that many monarchs left their palaces to listen to political campaigns. What tradition requires of Yoruba monarchs is for them to wait in their palaces for political leaders to visit them and bring to them whatever messages they have. Tradition also requires that the monarchs talk diplomatically to such candidates without making any overt commitment one or way or the other. Whatever may be the problems of individual monarchs and whatever specific politicians may know of individual Obas, traditional rulership in Yorubaland is an institution that still requires, like its counterpart in the north, respect from politicians.

  • A date with history

    A date with history

    Human thinking has shown that intelligence can reach evolutionary dead end. Most people do not know that in every action taken collectively, we remain responsible individually for its outcome – whether good or bad. For such action taken together, we accept the responsibility collectively because its outcome would affect all.

    As I grow older, I pay less attention to the uncomplimentary things most Nigerians say. I watch actions being done to either destroy or make the country great; I always want to know why people do such. There is a law about life; it is so cruel and just. It states: one must grow wiser or pay more for stagnancy. Nigeria has grown to the extent that both leaders and followers climb the ladder of success wrongly. Nigeria, the so-called giant of Africa, has been said to be a country still marching to nationhood. Some described it as a tragic state whose people are in perpetual suffering in the midst of abundance in human and material resources. The nation’s progress has been impeded by bad leadership which has built a vicious cycle of poverty and want.

    It is significant to note that Nigeria is among countries endowed in incalculable resources that are capable of improving socio-economic life and living standards of the citizens. But the reverse has been the case. In view of this ugly trend, one begins to wonder the kind of “giant” Nigeria is proving to be when it could not provide basic amenities to its people.

    God created the country so perfectly and make it is among the blessed nations, but its internal contradiction has made its journey to nationhood tortuous. Rather than playing the big brother role to other war-torn countries, we have been the nation receiving help from powerful countries. The help they offer is not without condition. Many countries offer to help because of what they would tap from our wealth. God destined this country to be great, but its fabrics are being torn apart by ethno-religious strife.

    Through our bad actions, our country has become the focus of international community as crisis-prone and corruption-riddled. As I write this, it is shocking that petroleum subsidy questions are yet to be answered. Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) is being sold at exorbitant price of N87 per litre. Power sector went from bad to worse after the celebrated privatisation.

    Insecurity is fast becoming part of life, deaths on our roads increasing, unemployment and attendant man-made disasters surging and corruption in high places stinks to high heaven (apologies Gani Fawehinmi).

    The only property this generation of leaders is handing over to the next generation is a failed leadership. Our peers in the BRICS (Britain, Russia, India, China and South Africa) countries have shown what can be achieved with the right leadership at the helms. The youth here, if handed leadership mantle, will have to spend time and resources on re-orientation of citizens in values.

    Although progress is not without challenge, taking Nigeria back is an option for some people because of personal gains. So disheartening is the fact that our choices towards governance has taken us back in development at a time countries, such as Indonesia, Malaysia and Venezuela are making progress in geometric sequence.

    The bad choice we made did not just start. After over three decades of military rule, from 1966-1999 (with the exception of 1979-1983 and 82 days of the Interim National Government in 1993) Nigeria transited to democratic regime on May, 29, 1999. Since restoration of democratic rule, Nigeria is nowhere close to achieving good governance. Well, it is a product of our choice. We chose our leaders, our leaders did not choose us.

    Prof Charles Soludo puts it right when he said: “What Nigeria is going through now is a consequence of our deliberate wrong choices.” Political power and elections in Nigeria are not about love for country or service to the motherland. They are about selfish interest. Leaders pursue nepotism; they give privileges and undue advantage to their family members and cronies.

    This has given rise to ethnic contest of sort, because people who feel aggrieved about the sharing of resources or political power see it as a necessity to rely on their ethnic groups on their behalf against dominant ethnic groups.

    Darkness cannot drive out darkness; only light can do that. Hate cannot drive out hate, only love can do that. It is time for us to rewrite our wrong choices by making the right one on February 14. The ultimate agenda right is how to redeem the country from the brink, to re-negotiate its terms of existence. It is a task genuine patriots, irrespective of affiliation, must pursue with all sense of seriousness and responsibility, considering the danger.

    It should be a choice that will rid the country of religious and tribal conflict; one that will ensure corruption is reduced to minimum if not totally removed. It is time for our common sense revolution to support a cause that will reclaim our destiny and enthrone of good governance. We need brilliant mind with the spirit of a performer and the humble heart to lead us at this time of our need.

    We must make our destiny of greatness come to reality by chosing the best people for the job regardless of his religious affiliation. For those, who will vote on March 28, my advice is, let us wait and see how event would play out. By voting for the status quo, then we may have given their tacit endorsement of underperforming government. If we vote against the ruling party’s opponent, a long and arduous task of reclaiming this country would have been in progress. Don’t we believe in change?

     

    •Habeeb is a Corps member, NYSC Abuja

     

  • Honour for history-making sisters

    Honour for history-making sisters

    The Lagos State government has held a reception for Justice Ayotunde Phillips, the immediate past Chief Judge, and her sister, Justice Funmilayo Atilade, who succeeded her. It was a gathering of eminent personalities in the judiciary, reports JOSEPH JIBUEZE 

    It is rare for two siblings to succeed each other as the Chief Judge of a state. But it happened in Lagos when Justice Olufunmilayo Atilade succeeded her elder sister Justice Ayotunde Phillips as chief judge.

    Justice Atilade was sworn in as the fifth Chief Judge of the state on August 20.

    The state has had three successive women chief judges in the past five years, starting with Justice Inumidun Akande, followed by Justice Phillips and now Justice Atilade.

    To honour the history making sisters, the state held a reception for them at the prestigious City Hall on Catholic Mission Street on Lagos Island.

    The massive hall was decorated in sparkling golden colours.

    Gorgeously dressed men and women in  suits, bow ties, dinner gowns and other formal attires graced the occasion.

    There was enough to eat and drink. Before the event began, there was a cocktail, featuring assorted wines and spirits. Guests clinked classes in celebration.

    Justice Phillips is the first Chief Judge to use a laptop at her own expense to do her job, according to the Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, Mr Ade Ipaye.

    She became a judge after a stint in the Ministry of Justice and was sworn in as the 14th Chief Judge on June 15, 2012. She retired on July 26.

    Governor Babatunde Fashola (SAN) described the gathering as exciting, adding that the rivalry between the sisters is “healthy”.

    “We couldn’t have been more fortunate in Lagos. We take pride in celebrating those who excel, who serve us with all their heart.

    “We’ll continue to send out messages that all is not lost in Nigeria,” Fashola said.

    Fashola believes Lagos has a judiciary that is not corrupt.

    “We’re also sending out a statement that our integrity is more valuable to us than all our personal assets,” he added.

    The governor drew a parallel between excellence in judicial administration and party politics.

    Referring to the All Progressives Congress (APC) primaries, Fashola said: “We’ve sent a strong message about the kind of politics we also want to play. A candidate has emerged and we’re moving on. No candidate has complained.

    “The presidential primary was a model for the whole of Africa. We have shown that we can take care of our own affairs. Those are the things that make me happy to celebrate,” he said.

    Fashola said Justice Phillips and Justice Atilade assumed leadership of the judiciary by merit.

    “In the race to excellence, there is no finish line,” he added.

    Supreme Court Justice Bode Rhodes-Vivour, who worked with Justice Phillips in the Ministry of Justice, recalled her passion for music.

    Justice Phillips, he said, was a leading member and vocalist in the Soul Assembly Band in the 60s.

    “She was a tomboy all over Lagos. I was following her at her back,” he said jovially, adding: “I think I should stop there.”

    He wished her good health in retirement, and expressed confidence in her sister-successor.

    “Justice Atilade will be a great success. I have no doubt she will excel,” he said.

    Justice Rhodes-Vivour gave an anecdote on which is the oldest profession in the world among medicine, law and engineering.

    According to him, while the surgeons claim God made woman from man’s rib in the first act of surgery, the engineers claim God made the world in six days with engineering precision.

    However, it is on record that God rested afterwards because of some kind of “chaos” in the world. “Who do you think created the chaos?” he asked, in reference to law, generating laughter in the full hall.

    To Ipaye, it takes someone interested in the delivery of quality service to introduce something that had been lacking: judicial information system, which includes electronic filing of cases.

    For the first time in the Lagos judiciary, there is an electronic search and archiving system, thanks to Justice Phillips.

    During her tenure, the high court’s fast-track procedure was revamped, while several new courts were commissioned.

    The court’s civil procedure rules also made Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) track compulsory.

    “Justice Phillips is known today as the Chief Judge that heard the cries of detainees. We hope she will continue to serve as an inspiration to others,” he said.

    Justice Raliatu Adebiyi recalled that Justice Phillips ran an open door policy.

    “We congratulate you. We’ll miss your infectious smiles, the judges’ meeting where we share cake and tea, and those dance steps,” she said.

    The judge, who along with Justice Phillips attended Queens College, recited the school’s anthem. Other old girls present joined in the hearty rendition, to a loud applause.

    Justice Atilade,  who was called to the Bar in 1976, started  as a Senior Magistrate Grade II and rose to a judge.

    Ipaye believes the new Chief Judge will succeed because she “has a burning desire” to surpass her sister’s achievements by, first, ensuring that cases are disposed speedily.

    So far, she has superintended the appointment and swearing-in of four new judges, with three to follow soon, Ipaye said.

    “I can’t think of any other Chief Judge who has brought in two batches of judges within a short time. That is why Lagos State judiciary remains a shining light,” he said.

    Chief Magistrate, Eniola Fabanwo identified qualities which stand the sisters out: being down to earth, and their impeccable manners.

    She said while Justice Phillips is an extrovert, Justice Atilade is a bit more reserved yet fun-loving, with a steely character.

    She expressed confidence that the lot of magistrates would improve, with Justice Atilade at the helm.

    “She’s one of us and is not unfamiliar with our challenges.

    We pray the good Lord to give her more energy as we look forward to working with her,” she said.

    Chairman, Lagos Branch of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) Mr Alex Muoka, said lawyers had excellent relations with Justice Phillips.

    “For the first time, a sister has succeeded a sister as CJ of Lagos. Most of us may not see that history repeated,” he said.

    He expressed hope that the Bar would work harmoniously with Justice Atilade.

    “We wish her a successful tenure,” he said.

    A friend of Justice Phillips, Mrs Bolaji Aboderin, said being with the celebrator was always a pleasure.

    “There were no gossips…we just talked about ourselves. At her house she had piles of files, but she likes to enjoy herself. She loves to cook. She had time for her children,” she said.

    Justice Phillips shared fond memories of how her band entertained Lagosians during her youth.

    “We painted this town red. In secondary school, I painted the whole of the Western region red.

    “If I had continued, maybe by now I’d be a senior, senior, senior Don Jazzy.

    “I’m still a bit of a rascal. My red hair shows a bit of my rascality,” she joked.

    The retired CJ attributed her success to the support of all in the judiciary.

    “Everyone seemed to be in sync with what we were doing in the judiciary. I pray my sister will do whatever I have done 10 times better,” she added.

    For Justice Atilade, it is reassuring to be recognised.

    “I’m not unaware of the enormous responsibility entrusted on me by this appointment. It is even more demanding as the 2015 electoral process approaches,” she said.

    Her focus, she said, would be on human capital development, improving the facilities and working conditions, decongesting the prisons and ensuring quick determination of cases.

    “We shall continue to work harmoniously with the executive and the legislature to achieve a society where good governance is guaranteed,” she added.

    Also at the event were former Chief Judge of Lagos, Justice Ade Alabi; Justice John Tsoho of the Federal High Court; doyen of accountancy, Chief Akintola Williams; Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun of the Supreme Court; Chief Emeka Ngige (SAN), Lagos State Solicitor-General and Permanent Secretary Ministry of Justice Mr Lawal Pedro (SAN) and Dr Sola Labinjo, among others.